The reference to ‘victoriati’ in Bloomberg Wax Tablet 31 has been interpreted as a request for 52 Roman quinarii. This paper argues that quinarii were not available in significant enough quantities to make such a payment and that a more credible alternative is to see these ‘victoriati’ as a reference to local, Celtic coinage, specifically the silver issues of Epaticcus or Cunobelin. This identification, supported by recent metallurgic studies, alongside data from hoards, excavations and the Portable Antiquities Scheme, suggests a more prolonged use of Celtic coinage in Roman London than has previously been appreciated. Supplementary material is available online and provides data supporting the assertions made.

A longstanding debate among ancient historians and students of Roman frontiers concerns the reality and effective reach of Roman imperial policy. Certainly when new military commitments were involved, the slowness of supply and information meant that major moves had to be planned well in advance. This paper focuses on the provincialisation of Britain and Thrace in a.d. 43 and c. 45. The dating evidence provided by tree rings, coins and milestones suggests that logistic preparation for the invasion of Britain started at least two years before the event. This pattern, of a newly installed Emperor immediately initiating a campaign on the northern frontiers, allowing two years for logistic preparation, is seen no fewer than seven times between Caligula and Caracalla.

In the Early Flavian Period over 30 military units were created or transferred for service in Britannia. Paul Holder maintained that these units arrived with Petillius Cerialis for Vespasian's expansionist plans and connected several new levies to the Batavian Revolt. Considering recent scholarship on Roman responses to revolts and Flavian geopolitics, however, this viewpoint requires revision. The author maintains that these units were transferred throughout the 70s c.e. as opportunities developed organically in Britannia. These newly levied units were not created in response to the Batavian Revolt, but due to the extraordinary and complex circumstances within Rome's northern frontiers after the post-Neronian civil wars. This article concludes with updated histories for the auxiliary units involved.

This paper presents the results of an excavation that uncovered c. 390 m of roadside plots within the ribbon development alongside the Fosse Way on the south-west periphery of the walled small town of Margidunum in Nottinghamshire. The roadside plots appear to have been used for a combination of domestic occupation and agricultural activity, and to the rear lay 54 inhumation burials in 52 graves (including two double burials) and a single urned cremation burial, whose skeletons bore evidence for the tough working lives of the individuals. These are interpreted as the remains of peasant farmers and as evidence for the agricultural focus of the settlement, and of ‘small towns’ more generally. A contrast is drawn between the apparent poverty of this community and the apparently more high-status occupation within the defended core of the town.

This paper investigates Roman writing habits through the evidence of metal styli. An assemblage of more than 400 styli from London constitutes the basis of the analysis, which explores their similarities with examples from other sites in Britain and continental Europe during the Imperial period. The geographical and social distribution of styli suggests that certain types were employed or made in specific locations by different social actors, and that the major political and military centres of the Empire shared a common material culture of writing. The analysis also suggests that styli types of the northern European regions possibly developed from ‘military styli’ brought by soldiers and bureaucrats during the conquest.

This study examined absorbed organic residues in pottery to assess differences in subsistence practices in Roman Britain. Through this approach, we investigated foodways at a major urban site and a range of small towns, villas and farmsteads within its hinterland. The study revealed that consumption at Cirencester differed remarkably to consumption at other sites in the surrounding hinterland, with a greater contribution from pigs and/or chickens. Dairy products were a key contributor to the diet at rural sites, including a high-status villa. We contend that both findings are the result of extensification of food production. Thus, we show how reconstructing broad culinary patterns can reveal possible responses of inhabitants to the challenges of feeding the increasing population of Roman Britain.

Estimating the numbers of residences, and thus the residential densities and populations, of ancient settlements remains a significant problem. This is true even for ‘greenfield’ sites due to the differential visibility of structures made of different materials in aerial and geophysical surveys. In this paper, we take advantage of statistical relationships among elements of the built environments of Roman cities in Britannia and more broadly across the Empire, to estimate the total number of buildings, total population and population density of Silchester. The results indicate that the current site plan dramatically under-represents these values. We also consider the implications of our results for broader discussions of urbanism in Britannia.

This paper addresses the archaeological contexts of the clay moulds used to produce copies of Roman coins in third-century Britain. Previous research has focused primarily upon the technology and chronology of the use of moulds to produce coins with the discarded remains of the used moulds considered as ‘waste’ items from an industrial process. This paper focuses attention on the deposition of the moulds. Using the best-recorded finds, it builds upon earlier suggestions that disused moulds were regularly discarded in boundary locations (settlement boundaries, field boundaries, drainage features, shafts/wells, coastal locations and disused structures). It proposes that the magical and ritual associations of production meant that the clay moulds, in addition to the coins that were produced, required careful handling.

Focusing on a period of social shift, from the Late Iron Age to the early Roman period (100 b.c.e.–c.e. 200), this paper examines how the value of juvenile (under 13-year-old) bodies changed. In exploring the fluctuation in burial numbers alongside the altering forms of juvenile graves, the paper details the ways in which children (1- to 12-year-olds) and infants (younger than 1 year in age) were identified in death, as well as the longevity of these identifications. It is argued that juveniles are less common than they should be in the funerary record. Given that this relative absence of juvenile burial was clearly socially mandated, the emphasis here is on better contextualising and interrogating the sporadic presence and deposition of such burials.

This paper presents a new approach to an old problem, the provincial reception of the image of Roman emperors. Applying 3D computer modelling, we captured the portrait features of Hadrian as represented on coinage minted for the British province, produced a 3D model from a coin and compared it with the bronze head of Hadrian found in London. The aim was to test the possibility, previously posited by other scholars, that the London portrait might have been produced by an artisan who used coin portraits of the emperor as his main – if not only – model. More generally, the paper examines the dependencies of coinage and sculpture on shared models and applies new technology to Roman portrait studies.

I propose that the usual role of the Notitia Dignitatum's ‘Saxon Shore’ forts was, on both sides of the Channel, to control chronic, ‘everyday’ piracy and to support imperial operations. An exception occurred under Carausius and Allectus when the British forts were augmented to face likely Roman invasion. There was never any integrated cross-Channel system against concerted barbarian seaborne attack, Saxon or otherwise. The ‘Saxon Shore’ was a late fourth-century political expedient, confined to Britain and with minor military significance.

The Secundinus stone, with its combination of carved phallus and text, was found in 2022 in excavations within the stone fort at Vindolanda. We consider comparanda for the imagery from Vindolanda, Britannia and further afield, and textual parallels particularly from Pompeii. We offer several possible interpretations of the object and prefer an analysis which takes the text, SECVNDINVS CACOR, as it is carved. This interpretation would add an otherwise unattested verbal form to the Latin scato-sexual vocabulary.

Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among the equipment prepared for use in Britain during the Claudian invasion of a.d. 43 is probably untrue, if one assumes that by ‘elephant’ he means the animal of that name. It is argued here that the best explanation of this apparent error is that Dio preserves a reference to a type of military machine, probably a siege-tower, rather than to the animal of this name.

In 2017, ancient DNA analysis of the Harper Road burial from Southwark (London) found that the individual had male chromosomes. Now analysis has discovered that the individual had female chromosomes, data which match the osteological estimation of sex and the interpretation of the grave-goods.