1 Introduction
The representation of Jamaican Creole (JC) in media has garnered increasing linguistic and cultural interest, particularly as JC has begun to be used by non-Jamaican performers worldwide to varying degrees. Most existing research has focused on the performances of JC in various music genres, whereas there are few studies focusing on its portrayal in other entertainment media, such as comedic contexts and advertisements (see, however, Small Reference Small and Wagg1998; Sebba Reference Sebba2003, Reference Sebba and Auer2007; Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017).
Jamaican Countdown (BBC Three 2020), produced for the British sketch show Famalam and released in 2020, parodies the British TV game show Countdown (Countdown 2024), which first aired in 1982. As one of the longest-running game shows in Britain, with over 7,000 episodes, Countdown features letters rounds in which contestants choose from nine randomly selected vowels and consonants to form the longest word possible. The original show is intellectual as it focuses on word puzzles and number challenges and requires mental agility and linguistic knowledge from the contestants. It is conducted in an orderly fashion and has a conservative appearance. The humor in Jamaican Countdown derives from its stark contrast to these attributes: the parody presents the game show as unprofessional and laid-back, and features the use of non-standard language.
Simultaneously, the sketch displays an inversion of linguistic hierarchy. While the British game show concentrates on overtly prestigious standard British English, especially pertaining to the distinct vocabulary of the educated class, Jamaican Countdown gives a stigmatized creole language, which carries covert prestige, center stage. Countdown is widely recognized and often parodied within British culture, making it a ripe target for satire. In Jamaican Countdown, the actors employ many features of JC and Jamaican English (JE), which has led to criticism for reinforcing stereotypes about Jamaicans, for instance in the comment section of the YouTube video or in online newspapers (Busby & Bakare Reference Busby and Bakare2020). Even Famalam’s Wikipedia entry mentions the sketch under the headline ‘Controversy’ (Famalam 2024), and Jamaican politicians have openly voiced their concerns (Turnnidge Reference Turnnidge2020).
This study aims to analyze the linguistic features used in Jamaican Countdown, focusing on the use of JC phonetic, morphosyntactic and lexical features and how these are embedded into stereotypical representations of Jamaicans. Furthermore, the interplay between linguistic and visual elements in the sketch is examined.
After providing background information on language, comedy and previous research on the use of JC in performances (sections 2 and 3), the research questions of this study are outlined. Next, the methods used for the linguistic and multimodal analysis of Jamaican Countdown are described (section 4.1). The results are subsequently presented (sections 4.2 and 4.3) before they are interpreted and discussed in light of prior research, particularly referencing the Volkswagen Super Bowl commercial (2013) analyzed by Lopez & Hinrichs (Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017), as this is the only comparable analysis to date (section 5). Finally, this study offers suggestions for future research on the portrayal of stigmatized language varieties in comedic contexts (section 6).
2 Language and comedy
Comedy sketches like Jamaican Countdown usually parody iconic pop-cultural memories (game shows, movie scenes, music videos) and well-known characters. The latter can be particular persons, for example a renowned politician, a famous singer, or a representative of a specific group, for example the stoner, ‘habitual cannabis user’, or chavs, British ‘poor white socially marginalised groups’ (Lockyer Reference Lockyer2010: 121). Parodies are humorous or satirical imitations (Ikegami Reference Ikegami1969: 14) based on stereotypes to deliver a recognizable performance. The goal and success of such an imitation is to be convincing and not necessarily entirely accurate (Bell & Gibson Reference Bell and Gibson2011: 565). It is crucial that the targeted character, in this case Jamaicans speaking JC, is recognizable to the audience. A certain degree of inaccuracy is sometimes even integrated strategically to de-authenticate the displayed persona; that is, to reveal that the performers are not Jamaican but that their speech is emulated for the sake of comedy. There is a continuum of accuracy for imitations ranging from sophisticated stylizations that ‘extend … beyond stereotyped variables’ (Bell & Gibson Reference Bell and Gibson2011: 569) to stylizations that use only a handful of stereotypical features (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 153).
Either way, well-known linguistic and non-linguistic features are included and often exaggerated to index a certain character. For instance, the parody of a rural southern Appalachian would most likely display a ‘backward, barefoot, poor white hillbilly’ (Campbell Reference Campbelln.d.: 1) and include typical vernacular features such as Appalachian Drawl, multiple negation and a-prefixing (Hazen & Fluharty Reference Hazen, Fluharty and Bender2004: 50–65; Montgomery Reference Montgomery, Kortmann and Schneider2004; Thomas Reference Thomas, Kortmann and Schneider2004). These features reflect stereotypes and are quickly graspable and easily recognizable, not least because they are frequently displayed in media representations (‘Appalachian stereotypes’ 2024).
Linguistically speaking, many parodies make use of only a very limited linguistic repertoire of the targeted variety or language. Mainly salient features are included, that is those that are distinct and noticeable. Such features have become highly enregistered or gained higher-order indexicality (Silverstein Reference Silverstein2003: 226f.). This means that they have not only gained social meaning and are recognized, but they are even used by outsiders to create specific personas. For instance, they can become resources used for comedic effect (Agha Reference Agha2003: 231f.). The co-occurrence of linguistic forms with such personas leads to the development of characterological figures. ‘Once formulated, [they] often acquire a social life of their own, trickling down into popular stereotypes through further patterns of recirculation’ (Agha Reference Agha2003: 266), such as in comedic performances.
Whether the targeted variety is imitated broadly and inaccurately or as a fully fledged language form, the fact that it is used in comedic performances and associated with characterological figures is a case of linguistic stereotyping. For example, if the language performance indexes certain personas (for instance, the hillbilly mentioned above), this leads to generalized and biased notions of language use and users. In turn, stereotypes are perpetuated. Some actors might not have the respective linguistic competence or ability to modify their speech accordingly (see Trudgill Reference Trudgill1983: 148f.). Others might have it, but they do not fully use their linguistic repertoire on purpose to achieve the desired effect, which is to quickly trigger associated stereotypes while remaining intelligible for the audience. However, if performers are willing and able to engage with the targeted language or variety to the extent that their imitation is overly accurate, this can lead to more positive receptions and evaluations of the imitation as it might be perceived as showing respect to said language or variety (see Gerfer Reference Gerferforthcoming).
For comedy, and sketches in particular, timing is an important issue. Comedic timing during the sketch is essential for a successful performance. Typically, there is only a short amount of time in which the personas involved are introduced and represented. Unlike in a TV series that stretches over several episodes or even seasons, there is no time for intricate character-building – the targeted persona must be recognized instantly. For this purpose, indexed social meanings are triggered on purpose using all modalities available. Stereotypes are generally well known due to several interrelated social, psychological and cultural factors and often perpetuated in the media. They are used to indicate enregistered characterological figures (Agha Reference Agha2003: 243).
Comedic sketches in particular show a high density of stereotypical tropes on various levels, for instance language use, content and context, as well as setting and costumes. Even if the viewers’ expectations are subverted and the displayed character acts ‘astereotypically’, well-entrenched stereotypes are active for this type of juxtaposition to be successful. Comedic performances are carefully constructed multimodal products planned to be put on display and aimed at entertaining the audience. This intentionality entails that the use of language and other modalities is deliberate and stylized, and in comedy oftentimes hyperperformed.
In general, previous research has found that pop-cultural mass media have the potential to reinforce sociolinguistic hierarchies and to reinvent, subvert and challenge them (see, for instance, Coupland Reference Coupland2007: 185). They can shape indexicalities and enregisterment processes by perpetuating already established associations or producing new ones. How Jamaican Countdown uses this potential is examined in this study.
3 Crossing into Jamaican Creole in performances
In Jamaica, basilectal JC and acrolectal JE exist on a creole continuum, with a range of mesolectal varieties in between. Speakers move along this continuum depending on factors such as the social context, the formality of the situation and their interlocutor. Speakers, for instance, mix features from different points on the continuum within a single conversation or even within a single sentence (DeCamp Reference DeCamp and Hymes1971: 350). JC has long been stigmatized and marginalized due to its association with the language of enslaved people and their Afro-Caribbean heritage. However, over the past few decades, JC has gained global significance (Mair Reference Mair2013; Devonish & Carpenter Reference Devonish and Carpenter2020). This rise is partly attributed to the migration of Jamaicans to Great Britain, the United States and Canada. Previous research on the use of JC in the diaspora (see, for instance, Sebba Reference Sebba1993; Hinrichs Reference Hinrichs2011) and on ‘crossing’ (Rampton Reference Rampton1995), which refers to ‘code-alternation by people who aren’t accepted members of the group associated with the second language they employ’ (Rampton Reference Rampton1995: 270), shows a preference for basilectal phonetic and morphosyntactic features over mesolectal and acrolectal ones. Sebba (Reference Sebba1993: 48) argues that basilectal features are the most salient because they are most distinct from acrolectal varieties, providing the greatest contrast to standard English (see also Hewitt Reference Hewitt1986; Leung Reference Leung2009; Moll Reference Moll2015).
The global spread of JC has also been accelerated by the worldwide dissemination of Jamaican pop music, especially reggae and dancehall. Today, features of JC are used by non-Jamaican singers, actors and comedians worldwide to varying degrees. While Gerfer’s (Reference Gerferforthcoming) study shows that some non-Jamaican reggae and dancehall artists are highly proficient in JC, using similar rates of JC phonetic and grammatical features as Jamaican artists, most research indicates that non-Jamaican performers use only a limited number of salient JC features. Phonetic features, individual lexical items, fixed phrases and specific discourse markers are particularly prominent, whereas the use of morphosyntactic features is limited in type and frequency (see Kuppens Reference Kuppens2009; Akande Reference Akande2012; Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017; Westphal Reference Westphal and Werner2018). This restricted use is likely due to a lack of proficiency as many language-crossers’ familiarity with JC is based on media consumption (Akande Reference Akande2012: 238; Gerfer Reference Gerfer2018: 678). Phonetic features and lexical items are more easily adopted than complex morphosyntactic structures (Lee Reference Lee2011: 19). Moreover, Bell & Gibson (Reference Bell and Gibson2011: 570) argue that phonetic features are the most obvious way for performers to index identity, so there is less need to acquire complex morphosyntactic constructions.
Other studies suggest that some performers deliberately reduce the use of features of the target variety or language to remain intelligible to a global audience. Although Rihanna cannot be considered crossing into JC, as she is part of the Caribbean speech community, she seems to be aware that her global audience might encounter difficulties understanding Caribbean English Creoles. In her single ‘Work’ (2016), Rihanna switches between Caribbean English Creoles and (Standard) American English features to express her Caribbeanness while remaining intelligible to a broader audience. Public reactions indicated that nasalized and under-articulated consonants as well as morphosyntactic features typical of Caribbean English Creoles led listeners unfamiliar with these language forms to ‘dismiss her singing as unintelligible and “gibberish”’ (Jansen & Westphal Reference Jansen and Westphal2017: 51). Similarly, Sicily-born reggae artist Alborosie, who has become highly competent in JC after migrating to Jamaica, limits his use of JC in interviews to be more intelligible to a global audience (Gerfer Reference Gerfer2018: 678). Kuppens’ (Reference Kuppens2009) study on language practices in Flemish niche media shows that while presenters incorporate some features of JC and African American Vernacular English for subcultural authenticity, they moderate their use to avoid ‘shocking’ (Kuppens Reference Kuppens2009: 51) viewers or being unintelligible.
Lopez & Hinrichs (Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017) analyzed the language use in the 2013 Super Bowl commercial by Volkswagen, in which Dave, a European American character, adopts JC. Their findings highlight that intelligibility was a key concern for the producers: although the actor’s proficiency in JC is higher than what was portrayed, the producers opted for a version closer to American English phonology to ensure that the American audience could understand the advertisement. The final version retains ‘selected stereotypes of JC, with sufficient numbers of the actor’s native American English features left unchanged’ (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 139). The actor employed only the most salient and stereotypical JC phonetic features, such as voiceless th-stopping in everything, monophthongized face vowels typical of JE in way [weː] and lake [leːk], and a low and front JC variant of trap in man [maːn]. Additionally, the producers incorporated well-known phrases like everything’s gonna be alright, popularized by Bob Marley, ensuring it resonates with American viewers through its familiarity and Jamaican-like phonology. The actor’s linguistic choices and non-verbal cues index the ‘happy-go-lucky’ (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 147) ‘dreadlock-wearing Jamaican Rastaman’ (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 140). Lopez & Hinrichs (Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 153) conclude that since the actor’s portrayal of Jamaicanness was based on a ‘superficially positive character stereotype’, the advertisement was less likely to be considered explicitly racist and offensive by European Americans.
As can be seen from this brief review, research on JC has primarily focused on its role in music performances, leaving a notable gap in understanding its use in comedic contexts or parodies. This study seeks to address this research gap by analyzing the parody Jamaican Countdown. This study aims to answer the following research questions:
-
i. How do the actors perform JC?
-
ii. What cultural stereotypes are depicted, and how are they conveyed?
4 Analyzing Jamaican Countdown
4.1 Method and data
Jamaican Countdown, which was released in 2020, is a parody of the British game show Countdown. It was produced for the British sketch show Famalam, starring Black British cast. The 2:13-minute-long sketch is plausibly set in Jamaica, where a Jamaican version of Countdown, namely Jamaican Countdown, is aired. The sketch includes six actors, one of whom only appears as a shadow and does not have any speaking lines (see figure 1). The game show host is played by Akemnji Ndifornyenm (Nigerian descent) and his assistant Carol is played by Gbemisola Ikumelo (Nigerian descent). The three contestants are Sean, performed by Samson Kayo (Nigerian descent), Shelly-Ann (henceforth Shelly), performed by Vivienne Acheampong (Ghanaian descent), and Roy, played by Tom Moutchi (Ivorian descent) (Famalam Episode #3.1 (TV Episode 2020)).
Figure 1. The personas in the sketch from left to right: Carol, game show host, countdown clock man, Sean, Shelly-Ann, Roy (Source: BBC Three 2020)
The contestants play the infamous letters round. While Sean chooses vowels and consonants, he starts to engage in a rhythmic singing pattern, and Shelly quickly joins him. It escalates into a brief dancehall performance. After Carol has managed to follow their instructions, the countdown starts and the contestants have to try to find the longest word possible. Sean’s word is bokkle (‘bottle’) and Shelly’s is pingwings (‘penguins’). Roy is too occupied grinding and smoking weed to participate. Thereafter, the host follows Roy’s relaxed attitude and ends the game show by initiating a dancehall party. The other contestants and Carol join in and dance.
The entire sketch is investigated for the characters’ use of JC features, that is, all speakers’ on- and off-camera language use (the latter refers to the song played during the countdown). In order to do so, in a first step, the sketch was orthographically transcribed (see Appendix). Since the performers use acrolectal JE as well as mesolectal and basilectal JC features, the transcription mainly followed pragmatic concerns. Only JC function words, such as the prepositions inna and pon (Patrick Reference Patrick and Schneider2008), along with lexical items, for instance bokkle and riddim, were transcribed to show deviations from standard English orthography and pronunciation.
The sketch was then analyzed in ELAN (ELAN 2021), a software program designed for manual annotation and transcription of audio and video recordings. ELAN’s tier-based data model supports multilevel annotation, allowing the researchers to create separate tiers for each persona in the sketch. These tiers included orthographic transcriptions by persona, phonological variables with their respective phonetic realizations, morphosyntactic variables with their respective variants and lexical items (see figure 2).
Figure 2. Screenshot of ELAN (ELAN 2021) annotations
To answer the first research question, a thorough qualitative linguistic analysis is conducted, investigating which phonetic, morphosyntactic and lexical features of JC occur. The sketch was analyzed by two independent coders. The investigation of the second research question encompasses a multimodal analysis, examining elements such as music, set, appearance, movements, camera and mimics/gestures, which was also supported by annotation tiers in ELAN.
4.2 Results of the phonetic and morphosyntactic analysis
The phonetic analysis finds that twelve vowel sounds (trap, lot, thought, north, strut, nurse, face, goat, mouth, choice, lett er and vowel in unstressed syllables) and six consonants (initial /h/, voiced th, voiceless th, syllabic lateral, velar and bilabial consonants, and consonant clusters) occur in the sketch. Table 1 provides an overview of these phonological variables, their realizations in JC and in the case of face and goat also JE (both based on Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008) as well as examples.
Table 1. Phonological variables, Jamaican Creole realizations and examples
The results reveal that in the sketch several stigmatized features of JC are used, namely voiceless th-stopping, for instance in thing [tɪŋ] in line 2, /h/-dropping, for instance in have [av] in line 27, low front vowels in lot, for instance in pon [pan] in line 21, as well as downgliding face and goat diphthongs, for instance in game [ɡɪəm] in line 1 and South Pole [saʊθpuol] in line 30 (see Irvine Reference Irvine2004: 63).
The sketch features particularly characteristic phonetic characteristics of JC. In line 31, Shelly pronounces film as [flɪm], exhibiting metathesis of /l/ (Cassidy & Le Page Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: lxiii; Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 52). Moreover, in lines 10 and 13, Sean uses hypercorrect emphatic /h/ in and [hand] (Cassidy & Le Page Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: lxii; Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 466), and in line 14, he pronounces stick as [tɪk] (Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 462). In line 34, the host pronounces brother as [ˈbɹɛda], which Cassidy & Le Page (Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: 68) describe as ‘an early established but irregular pronunc[iation] of brother’. They note that ‘the dial[ectal] pronunc[iation] that one would expect is /broda/ but this occurs far less often’, making the host’s realization of this lexeme accurate and convincing.
The sketch displays only a few instances of mis-realization (Bell & Gibson Reference Bell and Gibson2011: 568), for example, the host’s pronunciation of board (line 4) as [baːɹ], which diverges from its realization in both JC ([baːd], see Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 454) and JE ([bɔːɹd], see Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 460). Instances of overshoot (Bell & Gibson Reference Bell and Gibson2011: 568) are similarly rare. However, in the vowel and consonant song, an exaggerated and hyperarticulated vowel in unstressed syllables is repeatedly used: Sean pronounces vowel as [ˈvaʊˌɛːl]. In JC, this word would be pronounced [ˈvaʊal] (Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 454), and in JE as [ˈvaʊəːl] (Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 460).
The morphosyntactic analysis shows that, similar to the phonetic analysis, various JC features occur in the sketch. These include the use of pronouns (first-person singular subject and possessive pronouns, third-person plural subject pronouns, and demonstrative pronouns), absence of subject–verb concord, prepositions typical of JC such as inna and pon, definite articles, number marking (often realized through zero-marking in mesolectal varieties of JC), the progressive aspect (formed in JC by using the progressive marker a + bare infinitive), copula absence and past tenses. Table 2 provides an overview of the morphosyntactic variables, JC variants (based on Patrick Reference Patrick and Schneider2008) and examples.
Table 2. Morphosyntactic variables, Jamaican Creole realizations and examples
Overall, the performers make use of the entire creole continuum by realizing many different phonetic and morphosyntactic features of mesolectal varieties of JC as well as some basilectal and acrolectal variants, such as face and goat monophthongs as well as standard English pronouns, as in my word. Even though they might not use all features consistently and accurately, they use a broad set of JC features and not only a restricted pool of a few stereotyped variants. The performers’ language use therefore suggests that they are relatively proficient in JC.
4.3 Visual analysis and results
Other modalities, such as set, appearance, music, movements and gestures, complement the actors’ language performances and provide further semiotic resources to strengthen indexical meanings. While the setting of the game show and the appearance of the characters are static, meaning they do not change throughout the sketch, they are described briefly first. Music as well as movements and gestures are dynamic and are constantly utilized to create social meaning.
The setting apparently copies the set of the original British Countdown game show. Two important almost symbolic adoptions are the clock for the countdown and the board for the letters rounds. The background, however, is different in that it displays an island scenery, beaches and palm trees, which remind viewers of the Caribbean. The personas’ appearances present different African Caribbean hairstyles such as dreadlocks (game show host, Sean, Roy; see figure 3) or braids (Shelly; see figure 1). The sketch shows pan-African colors in Roy’s track suit top and Shelly’s braids. Carol wears a dress in an African Caribbean style.
Figure 3. Sean’s, the host’s, and Roy’s dreadlocks (source: BBC Three 2020)
The first stereotype that is portrayed by all members of the sketch is that Jamaicans are strongly and inevitably connected to Jamaican music and culture. In the sketch, they are shown to be inherently musical and ready to dance any time. Caribbean music in general and Jamaican music in particular is present throughout the sketch. It is noticeable that steel drums occur in the calypso-like intro and Countdown theme tune. The latter uses the same melody as the original game show but tries to give it a Caribbean twist. It is accompanied by lyrics celebrating the countdown, encouraging viewers to wind [their] waist, that is dancing erotically by moving one’s waist in circles (Allsopp Reference Allsopp2003: 606), do the thunder clap, a typical dancehall move, and shake a foot, a JC expression referring to ‘a lively or wild dance’ (Cassidy & LePage Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: 403), to behave like [being] at the carnival. Carnival in Jamaica is a significant cultural event that showcases among many other aspects, music, dance and performance.
Moreover, the song is introduced by the game show host acting like an MC (master of ceremony) at a dancehall party: Ebenezer, run di riddim, Rasta. The outro is accompanied by a popular Trinidadian soca song (Batson Reference Batson2020). Finally, the entire sketch centers around Sean and Shelly’s impromptu vowel-and-consonant dancehall song. Various dancehall moves like the thunder clap are performed by Sean and Roy as well as the booty slap move performed by Carol (figure 4). The Clock man imitates Usain Bolt’s globally known prominent victory pose, which has become a characterological move associated with this exceptional Jamaican athlete (Liang Reference Liang2022). Bolt explains that his pose is a variation of the typical Jamaican thunder clap dancehall move (DancehallMag 2022).
Figure 4. Carol performs the booty slap move and Sean the thunder clap (Source: BBC Three 2020)
Furthermore, the game show host and Carol start dancing, suggestively gyrating against each other doing the rub or rubbadub (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 109), which is another prominent dancehall type of dance. The audience gets the impression that all Jamaicans start to dance as soon as music is played, including relatively motionless Roy and the formally dressed host. The entire gameshow ultimately transforms into a dancehall party.
Another stereotype displayed in the sketch is that Jamaicans are overly sexual and lewd. This is connected to what Jamaicans refer to as slackness, that is ‘lewdness …; sexually explicit; rude, uncouth; loose vulgar or inappropriate behaviour; folly’ (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 117). It is expressed in Sean’s open and straightforward flirting with Carol. Right after briefly greeting her,Footnote 1 he compliments her by saying that he could put two babies into her belly (I can put two pickney inna your barrel). In his song, he continues and sings now take two vowel and stick in your pum pum, skin out! Pum pum is an informal expression for ‘vagina’ (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 101) and skin out refers to dancing ‘lewdly or with much acrobatics; to dress[ing] lasciviously’ (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 117). Both of these expressions are often featured in dancehall songs. Later in the sketch, the game show host starts rubbing up against Carol from behind, which implies a sexual act. Sean simply gyrates against the table since he does not have a dance partner. The audience learns that he seems to be charged with so much sexual energy that the table can substitute as a dance partner (figure 5).
Figure 5. Dancing and grinding (Source: BBC Three 2020)
Moreover, the Clock man’s shadow exposes an exaggerated penis (see figure 6), described as a hell of a cock in the Countdown jingle, that even stuns the game show host for a moment. This depiction plays into the stereotype that all Jamaican men have enhanced sexual prowess and are well-endowed (Salmon Reference Salmon2017).
Figure 6. The clock man’s penis (source: BBC Three 2020)
The spelling of words according to a JC pronunciation – <bokkle> and <pingwings> (figure 7) – is certainly incorporated as a source of amusement and ridicule. Although the game show parody is set in Jamaica and in turn a Jamaican version of Countdown can be expected, the words created from the letters board are supposed to trigger laughter.
Figure 7. Carol presents bokkle and pingwings (source: BBC Three 2020)
They are purposefully used in a sentence or explained in order to achieve intelligibility for viewers unfamiliar with Caribbean languages. My word is bokkle, like […] when you have a nice bokkle a Guinness, here Guinness serves as context to decode the word bokkle as ‘bottle’. And in like them something they a find a South Pole, are in a flim, ahm, what the flim name again, what the flim again ahm, Happy Feet!, Shelly explains where to find pingwings and that they starred in the popular movie Happy Feet to provide well-known context. In her description, she says [flɪm] instead of [fɪlm] three times, using the Jamaican metathesis of /l/. Together with all other Caribbean or Jamaican features analyzed in this article, the stereotype arises that Jamaicans do not speak (or spell) standard English.
Carol is a significant character in the sketch. She shares the same first name as the original co-host, Carol Vorderman, who was a key figure on British Countdown for twenty-six years (‘Carol Vorderman’ Reference Vorderman2024), yet she has no actual speaking lines. Carol reacts only twice, each time with the monosyllabic affirmative response eeh [ɛ̃ː]. This is in stark contrast to Carol Vorderman’s behavior, which can be described as very polite. For example, she consistently thanks candidates for their vowel and consonant choices. Carol, by contrast, represents the bad gyal, ‘a sensational woman; a female of the street; an unscrupulous or rude female’ (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 6) or rude gyal, ‘a carefree female, usu. affiliated with illicit activities’ (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 109), character. This is a characterological figure known to be facety. Carol is ‘unmannerly; bold and saucy; impertinent; feisty’ (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 48). She somewhat indifferently reacts to speech directed at her, eeh [ɛ̃ː], and she remains unconcerned as she drops several vowel cards while taking them out of the box. She continuously chews her gum loudly and openly or bites her fingernails while waiting (figure 8).
Figure 8. Carol bites her fingernails (source: BBC Three 2020)
Notably, in Jamaican and the broader Caribbean culture, being facety is closely connected to feminist notions and considered acting against traditional expectations of demure, submissive femininity.
Roy represents the apathetic marijuana lover. He barely participates in the countdown game; instead he grinds and smokes weed (figure 9). This highlights the prevalent stereotype that Jamaicans are enthusiastic marijuana users, contributing to a laid-back and carefree demeanor.
Figure 9. Roy smokes weed (source: BBC Three 2020)
The game show host on the other hand combines his carefree attitude with ‘the “happy black” stereotype’ (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 147) by turning a supposedly serious game show into a dancehall party.
5 Discussion
The first research question aimed to determine how the actors in Jamaican Countdown perform JC. The present study has shown that the actors prefer mesolectal phonetic and morphosyntactic features of JC, while selectively incorporating a few basilectal features to reinforce stereotypes. For instance, the host pronounces brother as [ˈbɹɛda] (Cassidy & LePage Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: 68), Shelly realizes film as [flɪm] (Cassidy & Le Page Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: lxiii; Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 52) and Sean uses hypercorrect emphatic /h/ in and [hand] (Cassidy & Le Page Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: lxii; Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 466) and pronounces stick as [tɪk] (Devonish & Harry Reference Devonish, Harry and Schneider2008: 462). These phonetic features index the characters’ connection to Jamaican culture, marking them as members of this linguistic community. However, these features can also activate stereotypes about Jamaican identity. For instance, the pronunciation of film as [flɪm] and the hypercorrect use of /h/ might lead listeners, particularly those outside the Jamaican community, to associate the speakers with stereotypes of lower social class or limited education, which are often linked to non-standard language use or would even be considered incorrect.
Moreover, numerous lexical items and expressions are used that are classified and highly enregistered as Jamaican, for instance, pum pum (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 101), skin out (Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 117) and shake a foot (Cassidy & LePage Reference Cassidy and Le Page2002: 403). These features require not only proficiency in JC but also an understanding of Jamaican culture, as they reflect the use of JC and specifically index Jamaican dancehall culture. Notably, expressions like skin out and pum pum, which frequently appear alongside references to dancing, highlight the explicit sexual connotations often present in dancehall parties. For viewers unfamiliar with Jamaican dancehall events, these expressions, dancehall references and sexually explicit dance moves may be surprising or even shocking, as they vividly encapsulate the intersection of dance and sexuality in this cultural context. More globally accessible lexemes that are indexical of Jamaican culture are Rasta (‘Rastafarian’, Allsopp Reference Allsopp2003: 266) and riddim (‘a term used to refer to the pattern and tempo of a melody’, Reynolds Reference Reynolds2006: 107).
Some characterological figures such as the Rastaman, the drug user and ‘the “happy black” stereotype’ (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 147) identified in the sketch are relatively well established and not too difficult to decode. However, the rude gyal type and the dancehall culture might be more difficult to recognize by viewers unfamiliar with Caribbean culture. The sketch therefore opens up a new space of indexical relationships and adds to the complexity of stylistic and semiotic resources of the representation of Jamaicans in pop culture.
In the Volkswagen commercial (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017), very few JC features are used, and those that do occur are most likely rather accessible to audiences unfamiliar with JC and Jamaican culture. In the case of this commercial, intelligibility was a key issue for the producers (Lopez & Hinrichs Reference Lopez and Hinrichs2017: 139). The actor’s language performance was the major index of Jamaicanness. Without the JC features, even if they are only few, the persona Dave would have appeared as just a cheerful Minnesotan office worker. In contrast, Jamaican Countdown used various visual modalities to mark the characters as Jamaican. A language performance such as Dave’s would probably have sufficed to signal Jamaicanness. However, the producers of Jamaican Countdown seemed much less concerned with intelligibility, as evidenced by the extensive use of JC features, some of which may be difficult for global audiences to understand. Although the language performance in Jamaican Countdown relies on stereotypes, its phonetic, morphosyntactic and lexical features more accurately represent JC compared to, for example, the Volkswagen commercial.
The second research question aimed to examine the cultural stereotypes depicted in the sketch and their portrayal. The linguistic representation of JC is inextricably linked with the other modalities clearly targeting cultural stereotypes about Jamaicans. That way the indexical relationships are solidified and further perpetuate already established stereotypes. Jamaicans are displayed as naturally gifted musicians and dancers, overly sexual(ized), laid-back, careless, unprofessional, smoking marijuana and not speaking standard English but JC. As mentioned in the introduction, one important component of the humor conveyed in the parody lies on the striking difference between the well-behaved, conventional and intellectual original British game show Countdown and the sexualized, passionate and unruly Jamaican version. All semiotic resources at the actors’ disposal are strategically used to create a parody of the British game show and expose cultural stereotypes.
Jamaican Countdown uses widespread stereotypes as a shorthand to quickly establish characters and situations. Jamaican stereotypes are seemingly thoughtlessly mixed with, for example, specifically Trinidadian expressions and music, lumping anything ‘Caribbean’ together. This oversimplification of Jamaican culture might offend many viewers. However, it might also be viewed as parodying stereotypes by exaggerating or subverting them. For instance, the exaggerated portrayal of Jamaicans’ short attention span in favor of music and dance, and the ridiculously well-endowed Clock man expose the absurdity of these stereotypes.
Additionally, the sketch gives JC a forum. On the one hand, it might contrast standard English with JC, but on the other hand, it acknowledges the latter as a codified language worthy of being implemented in a very traditional, overtly prestigious (British) game show. The spellings provided in the sketch follow the Jamaican Language Unit’s suggested standard writing system for JC (Jamaican Language Unit 2001). The fact that the participants of the show unquestionably agree on the spelling of the words might challenge the audience to question and reconsider their simplistic and often prejudicial views on Jamaicans’ language. It could be considered a form of social commentary, using humor to critique standard language ideologies and invert sociolinguistic hierarchies. A brief look at the comments posted below the video, which remains only anecdotal here, reveal mainly these two possible interpretations. On the one hand, Kay E. comments: ‘This just feeds into stereotypes negatively’ (Kay E. Reference Kay2021), on the other, J. K. Loans writes ‘Jamaican here, and I found it hilarious. The entire premise of the show is to play up on stereotypes; and, they did it very well’ (J. K. Loans Reference Loans2021). This analysis cannot determine whether the sketch is funny or offensive as this is a highly subjective issue. The comments show that one’s personal background, taste and definition of humor among others can trigger various perceptions and reactions.
6 Concluding remarks
This study has shown that the actors in Jamaican Countdown display a high proficiency in JC, reflected not only in their consistent use but also in their realization of typically Jamaican phonetic, morphosyntactic and lexical features, which require a nuanced understanding of Jamaican culture and language. The play with stereotypes is complemented by a conscious effort to display a convincing and maybe even accurate representation of JC.
It is important to keep in mind that the present study focused on a single sketch which may not represent all media portrayals of JC and Jamaicans in comedic contexts. Future research should expand to include multiple sketches from different shows as well as different kinds of performances to identify broader trends in the use of JC and the depiction of Jamaicans. Such research could shed light on whether less traditional stereotypes find their way into pop culture and how such portrayals create, reinvent, subvert or perpetuate indexical relationships of enregistered linguistic forms and associated values.
Of course, there are other parodies including various marginalized groups in the media, such as Saturday Night Live’s Black Jeopardy. Like Jamaican Countdown, the premise of the sketch is to provide a different version of a classic game show, in this case Jeopardy!, focusing on African American culture and perspectives. Future research could help gauge the impact of media representations on cultural perceptions and contribute to more nuanced understandings of stigmatized varieties in pop culture. Additionally, studying audience reception of these portrayals could provide valuable insights into how different audience members interpret and react to these performances. Further visual analysis could explore the interplay between visual and linguistic elements in greater detail, examining how these combined semiotic resources influence audience interpretation and cultural representation.
Open access
