No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Understanding the Good: Medieval Inquisitions and Modern Religion
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 October 2024
Abstract
This essay responds to scholarly arguments that “religion” arose in the particular circumstances of the modern West, distinct chronologically and conceptually from medieval religio. It argues that in the Middle Ages, Christian persecution helped to form that very notion of religion. It does so via the register of heresy inquisitions conducted by Bishop Jacques Fournier in Pamiers (1318–1325), which contains a curious and overlooked Occitan phrase: entendensa del be (“understanding of the good”). In three provocative ways, entendensa del be helps us to reconsider the origins of “religion.” First, one possibility is that the phrase represents an organic proto-religion among the heretics known as Good Christians. A second possibility is, conversely, that scribes presented an insignificant phrase as a technical term, helping to identify the group as heretical. This would highlight coercive inquisitorial agency in reinterpreting language and behavior, anticipating early-modern and modern constructors of “religion.” Third, by its links to troubadour culture, the phrase reminds us how in Occitania, conquest and resistance intertwined with inquisition's policing of “religious” behavior in a way that resembles claims for modernity. Regardless of which possibility, and most importantly, we discover how medieval persecution helped to form modern religion.
Keywords
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of American Society of Church History
References
1 Schmitt, Jean-Claude, “Une histoire religieuse du Moyen Age est-elle possible?” in Il mestiere di storico del Medioevo, eds. Fernando Lepori and Francesco Santi (Spoleto: CISAM, 1994), 73–83Google Scholar. Ancient Latin authors disagreed about the etymology of religio, chiefly whether it derived from relegere (to read through or to read again) or religare (to bind or to fasten). Its classical meaning generally settled on a reverence toward the gods that manifested itself in both internal feeling and an external scrupulousness of behavior. Lewis, Charlton T. and Short, Charles, A Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon, 1879), 1556Google Scholar.
2 The literature on the modern construction of religion, and the debate over retaining or abandoning it in scholarship, is enormous. See, e.g., Nongbri, Brent, Before Religion: A History of a Modern Concept (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McCutcheon, Russell, “The Category ‘Religion’ in Recent Publications: Twenty Years Later,” Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 62, no. 1 (December 2015): 119–141CrossRefGoogle Scholar. McCutcheon's piece is an excellent short, recent introduction. See too his earlier “The Category ‘Religion’ in Recent Publications: A Critical Survey,” Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 42, no. 3 (January 1995): 284–309.
3 Bell, Catherine, “Paradigms Behind (and Before) the Modern Concept of Religion,” History and Theory 45, no. 4 (December 2006): 29–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4 Dubuisson, Daniel, The Western Construction of Religion: Myths, Knowledge, and Ideology, trans. Sayers, William (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chidester, David, Empire of Religion: Imperialism and Comparative Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Chidester, David, Savage Systems: Colonialism and Comparative Religion in Southern Africa (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996), 1–20Google Scholar. See also Smith, Jonathan Z., “Religion, Religions, Religious,” in his Relating Religion: Essays in the Study of Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 179–196Google Scholar; Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, The Meaning and End of Religion (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991), 32–48Google Scholar; Bossy, John, “Some Elementary Forms of Durkheim,” Past & Present 95, no. 1 (May 1982): 4–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nongbri, Before Religion, 85–131.
5 Denisa Cervenková argues that it was not until the end of the second century that Christian writers expressly characterized their faith as religio, a process that intensified in the fourth century in an unsurprising process of faith harmonizing with the Roman state. Cervenková, Denisa, “De Religione: How Christianity Became a Religion,” Theologica 4, no. 1 (2014): 87–114Google Scholar. See also Judge, Edwin, “Was Christianity a Religion?” in The First Christians in the Roman World: Augustan and New Testament Essays, ed. R., James Harrison (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 404–409Google Scholar.
6 As David N. Lorenzen summarizes the argument about “Hinduism”: “Europeans, and more specifically the British, imposed a single conceptual category on a heterogeneous collection of sects, doctrines, and customs that Hindus themselves did not recognize as having anything essential in common. . .it was only after the concept of Hinduism was constructed by these Europeans that the Hindus themselves adopted the idea that they all belonged to a single religious community.” Lorenzen, David N., “Who Invented Hinduism?” Comparative Studies in Society and History 41, no. 4 (October 1999): 632CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On other non-European “religions,” see Jensen, Lionel M., Manufacturing Confucianism: Chinese Traditions and Universal Civilization (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Girardot, Norman J., “‘Finding the Way’: James Legge and the Victorian Invention of Taoism,” Religion 29, no. 2 (1999): 107–121CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Other scholars argue that the “inventing” or imposition model overcredits European influence, devalues non-European agency, and straitens a more diffuse, long-term, and organic process. Lorenzen, e.g., sees premodern Muslim rule in India as a prompt in developing self-conscious Hindu identity, long before European arrival: Lorenzen, “Who Invented Hinduism?” 630–659. See too Fleming, Benjamin T., “Mapping Sacred Geography in Medieval India: The Case of the Twelve Jyotirlingas,” International Journal of Hindu Studies 13, no. 1 (April 2009): 51–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Halverson, Jeffry R., “Religion Before the Academy: Jonathan Z. Smith, Eurocentrism, and Muslim Demarcations of Religion,” Journal of Religion 104, no. 1 (January 2024): 26–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on medieval Islam's “demarcations” of faiths while ruling diverse demographics. There were also those “who, though operating in a context established by others. . .responded by creating conceptual linkages and vocabulary representative of their own interests.” McCutcheon, “The Category ‘Religion’ in Recent Publications: Twenty Years Later,” 129, commenting upon Josephson, Jason Ananda, The Invention of Religion in Japan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Likewise, Richard King maintains that Indian Brahmins with privileged access to British elites shaped in their own image the orientalist construction of “Hinduism.” King, Richard, “Orientalism and the Modern Myth of ‘Hinduism,’” Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 46, no. 2 (January 1999): 169–172CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Masuzawa, Tomoko, The Invention of World Religions: Or, How European Universalism was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Smith, “Religion, Religions, Religious,” 186; Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions, 107–120.
9 E.g., Valtrová, Jana, “‘Religion’ in Medieval Missionary Accounts about Asia,” Religion as a Colonial Concept in Modern History (America, Asia). Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 82, no. 2 (2016): 571–592Google Scholar.
10 As Peter Biller has asked, “Did mental grappling with these new ‘religious’ phenomena and an increased sense of ‘religious’ diversity press men further towards a sense of religion as a system of faith and worship, a thing, a plurality of such?” Biller, Peter, “Words and the Medieval Notion of ‘Religion,’” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 3 (July 1985): 363CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See now, however, Biller's more hesitant “Mind the Gap: Modern and Medieval ‘Religious’ Vocabularies,” in The Making of Medieval History, eds. Graham A. Loud and Martial Staub (York: York Medieval, 2017), 207–222.
11 The register exists in one copy, contained in Vatican Library MS Latin 4030. (A second Fournier register is lost.) Its modern edition is Le Registre d'Inquisition de Jacques Fournier, ed. Jean Duvernoy, 3 vols. (Toulouse: Privat, 1965), hereafter cited as RIJF. All English translations included here are mine. I have been unable to access Duvernoy's later corrections: Jean Duvernoy, Le Registre d'Inquisition de Jacques Fournier: Corrections (Toulouse: Privat, 1972). However, the original manuscript is digitized at https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Vat.lat.4030, to which I have compared the edition. The most recent scholarly study of Jacques Fournier is Irene Bueno, Defining Heresy: Inquisition, Theology, and Papal Policy in the Time of Jacques Fournier (Leiden: Brill, 2015). Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou: village occitan de 1294 à 1324 (Paris: Gallimard, 1975), translated into English as Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error, trans. Barbara Bray (New York: Vintage, 1978).
12 RIJF, 1:177–190. The dossier is itself evidence for Latin Christians’ familiarity with diversity, including Judaism and Islam. Bueno sketches how as Pope Benedict XII, Fournier approached the religious difference of Greek and Armenian Christians, Muslims, and Mongols; Bueno, Defining Heresy, 296–331. See too Irene Bueno, “Late Medieval Heresiography and the Categorisation of Eastern Christianity,” in Inquisition and Knowledge 1200–1700, eds. Peter Biller and Lucy J. Sackville (York: York Medieval, 2022), 135–156.
13 Robert I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe 950–1250, 2nd ed. (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006); Mark Gregory Pegg, The Corruption of Angels: The Great Inquisition of 1245–1246 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). On the vibrant debate over the construction of heresy in the Middle Ages, see most recently Cathars in Question, ed. Antonio Sennis (York: York Medieval, 2016).
14 A comparable inquisitorial dossier, Toulouse Bibliothèque Municipale MS 609, records the testimony of over 5000 deponents around Toulouse in 1245–1246. Although ecclesia, heresis, hereticus, and fides each appear in this dossier hundreds of times, religio is absent. Toulouse 609 is digitized at https://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/.
15 See, e.g., the testimony of Arnaud de Verniolles in 1323; RIJF, 3:14–50.
16 On intersections of hybridity and heresy, see Karen Sullivan, The Inner Lives of Medieval Inquisitors (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).
17 Robert Ford Campany, “‘Religious’ as a Category: A Comparative Case Study,” Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 65, no. 4 (May 2018): 335–336; see too his “On the Very Idea of Religions (In the Modern West and in Early Medieval China),” History of Religions 42, no. 4 (May 2003): 287–319.
18 Biller, “Words”; Valtrová, “Religion.” In addition, the late Middle Ages saw increased theoretical pondering of the nature of religio, particularly by Renaissance humanists revisiting classical or patristic precedents. See, e.g., Ficino's Platonic discussion (c. 1474) of religio as a God-given universal phenomenon common to humanity, chiefly connoting modes of worshipping and honoring Him. God permits variety in such religio while Christianity remains its perfect form. Marsilio Ficino, On the Christian Religion, trans. Dan Attrell, Brett Bartlett, and David Porreca (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2022).
19 There is brief treatment in Michel Roquebert, “‘Entendensa del Be’: L'entendement du bien, savoir et lien spirituel,” Mélanges et Documents, Association d’Études du Catharisme/René Nelli (2019): 1–4. Malcolm Lambert mentions it briefly as an individual's “understanding of God,” in the context of reincarnation. Malcolm Lambert, The Cathars (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), 253. René Weis, The Yellow Cross: The Story of the Last Cathars, 1290–1329 (New York: Vintage, 2001), 37, 288–295; Karen Sullivan, Truth and the Heretic: Crises of Knowledge in Medieval French Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 33–35. While Sullivan is chiefly interested in be for its contributions to discussions of secrecy and coding, she observes correctly both its multivalence and that “At times, the be seems to signify the cluster of believers who surround the heretic as well as the heretic himself” (33).
20 RIJF, 2:76–77.
21 RIJF, 1:417, n.165; 2:269, n.334. See too Jean Duvernoy, Le catharisme: la religion des cathares (Toulouse: Privat, 1976), 143, where he describes entendensa del be as “gnosis.” Francesco Zambon, “Dissimulation, secret et allégorie dans le dualisme chrétien du Moyen Age: paulicianisme, bogomilisme, catharisme,” Annali di Scienze Religiose n.s. 4 (2011): 187.
22 “Le sens ne fait aucun doute: avoir l'entendensa del ben, c'est partager les croyances des bons-hommes ou bons chrétiens. . .l'express traduit moins un acte de foi, q'un acte de connaissance. . .Mais l'entendensa del ben n'est pas seulement un savoir qui peut s'apprendre. Elle est aussi un lien spirituel.” Roquebert, “Entendensa del Be,” 2.
23 “Être cathare, c'est avoir l’entendensa de be.” Duvernoy, Le catharisme, 274.
24 “Vos et Petrus frater vester non habetis entendensa de be, quia illo tempore quo incepit mater vestra esse credens, vos duo eratis parvi. . .Sed quia Bernardus iam habebat usum racionis et incipiebat habere entendenciam de be. . .” RIJF, 2:28. The Latinizing here is rare.
25 RIJF, 3:202.
26 RIJF, 3:144.
27 RIJF, 3:228.
28 RIJF, 2:34–35.
29 RIJF, 2:36.
30 RIJF, 2:22; 3:103–104, 3:120.
31 RIJF, 2:29, see too 2:43.
32 RIJF, 2:217.
33 RIJF, 3:182; see also 2:65, 3:196–197, 3:203–204.
34 RIJF, 2:22.
35 RIJF, 2:44.
36 RIJF, 3:242.
37 RIJF, 2:35.
38 RIJF, 3:209–210. Cf. Matthew 7:15–20 (this passage also includes the warning about wolves disguised as sheep); Luke 13:6–9; etc.
39 RIJF, 3:189.
40 RIJF, 3:204.
41 RIJF, 3:185.
42 RIJF, 3:143.
43 RIJF, 3:233.
44 Matthew 13:24–30. RIJF, 2:55–57. Evoked in Christian heresiology since antiquity, Christ's parable of the wheat and tares initially seemed to prescribe toleration, preserving heretics in hopes of their eventual conversion. But especially after Pope Innocent III used it when defining heresy as treason against God in Vergentis in senium (1199), it prescribed repression. To keep wheat wholesome, tares must be destroyed. This interpretation reached laypeople via its use in anti-heretical sermons; e.g., Humbert of Romans, De eruditione praedicatorum, in Maxima bibliotheca veterum patrum, 28 vols., ed. Marguerin de la Bigne (Lyon: Apud Anissonios, 1677), 25:554–555.
45 This hearkens back to the etymology of “heresy” in the Greek haeresis, “choice.”
46 Nicholas Watson, “Censorship and Cultural Change in Late Medieval England: Vernacular Theology, the Oxford Translation Debate, and Arundel's Constitutions of 1409,” Speculum 70, no. 4 (October 1995): 822–864; Nicholas Watson, Balaam's Ass: Vernacular Theology before the English Reformation. Vol. 1: Frameworks, Arguments, English to 1250 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022); Vincent Gillespie, “Vernacular Theology,” in Middle English, ed. Paul Strohm (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 401–420.
47 Discussions of medieval vernacular theology in languages other than English has emphasized the prominence of female writers; see, e.g., Bernard McGinn, “Introduction,” in Meister Eckhart and the Beguine Mystics: Hadewijch of Brabant, Mechthild of Magdeburg, and Marguerite Porete, ed. Bernard McGinn (New York; Continuum, 1994), 6–14; Sean L. Field, The Beguine, the Angel, and the Inquisitor: The Trials of Marguerite Porete and Guiard of Cressonessart (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2012); and the foundational Herbert Grundmann, Religious Movements in the Middle Ages, trans. Steven Rowan (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995).
48 Watson, “Censorship and Cultural Change”; Shannon McSheffrey, “Heresy, Orthodoxy and English Vernacular Religion 1480–1525,” Past & Present 186, no. 1 (February 2005): 47–80.
49 RIJF, 2:267, 1:349, 1:518.
50 Compare a contemporary scribe's bilingual approach in 1329: “Dixit quod dum semel predicabat dixit. . .hec verba: ‘Tienhe sen donques an le plus fort,’ Latine: ‘Teneant se ergo cum fortiori.’” Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Collection Doat 27, fols. 203r-v.
51 The internal quotation is Duvernoy's. RIJF, 3:77; Vat. Lat. 4030, f.239v. As we saw above, Fournier had asked Arnaud Tesseyre about le be in 1321; n.52.
52 RIJF, 2:213.
53 RIJF, 3:110–118.
54 Lorenzen, “Who Invented Hinduism?,” 632; on late-eighteenth- and nineteenth-century philology in this process, see also Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions, 147–178, 207–256; Hans G. Kippenberg, Discovering Religious History in the Modern Age (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 24–29. On philology as key in medieval Latin-Christian approaches to Islam, see Thomas E. Burman, Reading the Qur'an in Latin Christendom, 1140–1560 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007).
55 Girardot, “‘Finding the Way,’” 108. As Mark Pegg argues about the Occitan ritual of courtesia, interpreted by clerics as the heretical rite of adoratio: “the friar-inquisitors objectified a style of highly contingent politeness into the classifiable form of adoratio, so that it forced people to see their past and future nods and benedictions as much more formulaic than they ever were – a reciprocal sharpness of vision was produced within the good men and good women themselves.” Pegg, The Corruption of Angels, 103.
56 See Linda M. Paterson, The World of the Troubadours: Medieval Occitan Society, c. 1100–c. 1300 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 332–343; René Nelli, “Le catharisme vu à travers les troubadours,” Cathares en Languedoc (Toulouse: Privat, 1968), 177–197; Denis de Rougemont, Love in the Western World, rev. ed., trans. Montgomery Belgion (New York: Pantheon, 1956), 75–102; Jeffrey Burton Russell, “Courtly Love as Religious Dissent,” Catholic Historical Review 51, no. 1 (April 1965): 31–44; Duvernoy, Le catharisme, 271–280; and the very thorough and skeptical Robert Lafont, “Catharisme et littérature occitane: La marque par l'absence,” in Les cathares en Occitanie, eds. Robert Lafont et al. (Paris: Fayard, 1982), 345–407.
57 Linda M. Paterson, Singing the Crusades: French and Occitan Lyric Responses to the Crusading Movements, 1137–1336 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 154–166; Alfred Jeanroy, La poésie lyrique des Troubadours (Toulouse: Privat, 1934), 2:212–232; Joseph Anglade, Histoire sommaire de la littérature méridionale au moyen age (Paris: Boccard, 1921), 85–98.
58 “Etz vos e Cistel, qu'a Bezers fezetz faire/Mout estranh mazel. . .Car’ avetz d'anhel ab simpla gardadura,/Dedins lops rabtaz,/Serpens coronatz/De vibr’ engenratz, per quel diableus apella/Comals sieus privatz.” Guilhem Figueira, ein provenzalischer Troubadour, ed. Emil Levy (Berlin: Liebrecht, 1880), 2:35–43. Figueira referred here to Arnaud Amaury, the Crusade's spiritual leader, who reportedly authorized brutality in Béziers in 1209 with “Kill them all, God will sort them out.” English translation in The Cathars and the Albigensian Crusade: A Sourcebook, eds. Catherine Léglu, Rebecca Rist, and Claire Taylor (London: Routledge, 2014), 115–118. Palmer A. Throop, “A Criticism of Papal Crusade Policy in Old French and Provençal,” Speculum 13, no. 4 (October 1938): 383–384. Based on this sirventes, Rene Nelli argued that Figueira was “surely” a Good Christian. Nelli, “Le catharisme vu à travers,” 184.
59 Biographies des troubadours: textes provençaux des XIIIe et XIVe siècles, eds. Jean Boutière and Alexander Herman Schutz (Paris: A.G. Nizet, 1964), 434–435.
60 Biographies, 425–431.
61 Biographies, 428, n.8.
62 There is copious literature on the transition to Capetian authority in Occitania. See, e.g., Justine Firnhaber-Baker, Violence and the State in Languedoc, 1250–1400 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); John Hine Mundy, Society and Government at Toulouse in the Age of the Cathars (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1997). On “nationalist” feeling in thirteenth-century Occitania, see Andrew Roach, “Occitania Past and Present: Southern Consciousness in Medieval and Modern French Politics,” History Workshop Journal 43, no. 1 (Spring 1997): 1–22.
63 Guillaume Peyre-Barthe served as notary in this trial, too, and recorded Délicieux's torture. Processus Bernardi Delitiosi: The Trial of Fr. Bernard Délicieux, 3 September–8 December 1319, ed. Alan Friedlander (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1996), 142–143, 180–181.
64 Gisèle Clément-Dumas, Des moines aux troubadours IXe-XIIIe siècle: La musique médiévale en Languedoc et en Catalogne (Montpellier: Les Presses du Languedoc, 2004), 110–117, 125–129. While post-1229 northern composers readily imitated and adopted the musical characteristics of southern troubadours, the reverse was not the case. Elizabeth Aubrey, “The Dialectic between Occitania and France in the Thirteenth Century,” Early Music History 16 (October 1997): 1–53.
65 To King Philip III of France, “the land of. . .Toulouse had been handed over to him by God [terram. . .Tholose a Deo sibi traditam]” and he viewed southern resistance to royal authority in this light. Guillaume de Puylaurens, Chronique, ed. Jean Duvernoy (Paris: CNRS, 1976), 204.
66 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Collection Doat 25, f.198v-199r; Jeanroy, La poesie lyrique, 2:225 n.1. See also Catherine Léglu, “Vernacular Poems and Inquisitors in Languedoc and Champagne, ca. 1242–1249,” Viator 33 (2002): 117–132.
67 RIJF, 3:312. Jeffrey H. Denton, “Bernard Saisset and the Franco-Papal Rift of December 1301,” Revue d'histoire écclesiastique 102, no. 2 (2007): 399–427; Yves Dossat, “Patriotisme méridional du clergé au XIIIe siècle,” in Les évêques, les clercs et le roi (Toulouse: Privat, 1972), 424–428; Jean-Marie Vidal, “Bernard Saisset: Évêque de Pamiers (1232–1311),” Revue des sciences religieuses t. 5 (1925), fasc. 3, 416–438 and fasc. 4, 565–590; t. 6, fasc. 1 (1926), 50–77 and fasc. 2, 177–198. The manuscript containing the Fournier dossier includes three letters that Archbishop of Narbonne Gilles Aycelin de Montaigu sent to Bernard Saisset in 1309, forwarding instructions from Pope Clement V – an ally of King Philip IV – about inquisitions against the Templars. Vat. Lat. MS 4030, fols. 3r-6v.
68 The version recited by Guillaume Saisset and subsequently by Bertrand de Tays had “deceivers” [galiador] rather than “killers” [aucizedor]. On this sirventes, see Peire Cardenal, Poésies complètes du troubadour Peire Cardenal (1180–1278), ed. Réné Lavaud (Toulouse: Privat, 1957), 170–177; Patterson, Singing the Crusades, 156–158; Il trovatore Peire Cardenal, 2 vols., ed. Sergio Vatteroni (Modena: Mucchi, 2013); English translation in Cathars and the Albigensian Crusade, 112–113. One scholar has argued that Cardenal was influenced by the Good Christians: Suzanne Nelli, “Le troubadour Peire Cardenal (1180–1278), une poésie satirique anticléricale et qui s'inspire des thèmes cathares,” Heresis 26–27 (1996): 115–125.
69 RIJF, 3:319–320, 328–329. On Bertrand de Tays, see also Catherine Léglu, “Defamation in the Troubadour Sirventes: Legislation and Lyric Poetry,” Medium AEvum 66, no. 1 (1997): 28–41.
70 Firnhaber-Baker, Violence and the State, 75.
71 “magnum damnum erat de comite Fuxi qui nunc est, quia sic amitebat terram suam, et sic damnificabatur per dominum regem. . .et quod sic posset, amicus esset ecclesiæ hæreticorum.” Inquisitors and Heretics in Thirteenth-Century Languedoc: Edition and Translation of Toulouse Inquisition Depositions, 1273–1282, eds. Peter Biller, Caterina Bruschi, and Shelagh Sneddon (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 344, 346.
72 RIJF, 2:427. Roger-Bernard also had a protracted conflict with Bishop Bernard Saisset over rights in Pamiers. Dossat, “Patriotisme méridional du clergé,” 424–425.
73 In Jules Coulet's words, entendre was “tourner ses désirs, sa volonté, son esprit vers une personne ou une chose.” Jules Coulet, Le troubadour Guilhem Montanhagol (Toulouse: Privat, 1898), 217. Anna M. Mussons, “Entendre, S'Entendre En, Entendedor en a lírica trovadoresca,” Anuario de estudios medievales 45, no. 1 (2015): 55–77; Roquebert, “Entendensa del Be,” 2–4; François-Just-Marie Raynouard, Lexique roman ou dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours, 6 vols. (Paris: Silvestre, 1836–1844), 5:326.
74 Biographies, 518; Amelia E. Van Vleck, Memory and Re-Creation in Troubadour Lyric (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 54–55.
75 Biographies, 32–35, n.2. Alexander Herman Schutz, “A Preliminary Study of trobar e entendre, an Expression in Medieval Esthetic,” Romanic Review 23, no. 2 (1932): 129–138; A. H. Schutz, “More on trobar e entendre,” Romanic Review 26, no. 1 (1935): 29–31; Don A. Monson, “L'Expression ‘trobar e entendre’ dans les vidas des troubadours,” in Atti del Secondo Congresso Internazionale della Association Internationale d'Etudes Occitanes, vol. 1, ed. Guiliano Gasca Queirazza (Turin: Università di Torino, 1993), 255–268.
76 “E que ‘ m fassas. . .mon cor e tota m'entendensa/pausar en vostra fin'amansa.” I trovatori d'Italia, ed. Giulio Bertoni (Modena: Orlandini, 1915), 341–342; Throop; “A Criticism of Papal,” 395–396.
77 Roquebert, “Entendensa del Be,” 2–4. On the ambiguous religious identities of Cardenal and Montanhagol, see Sullivan, Truth and the Heretic, 105–114.
78 Guilhem de Montanhagol, Les poésies de Guilhem de Montanhagol, ed. Peter Ricketts (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1964), 43–48; Coulet, Le troubadour Guilhem Montanhagol, 87–94, 179–180.
79 Coulet, Le troubadour Guilhem Montanhagol, 11–13, 160–167; Anglade, Histoire sommaire, 90–91; Michael Routledge, “The Later Troubadours,” in The Troubadours: An Introduction, eds. Simon Gaunt and Sarah Kay (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 99–103. Alfred Jeanroy, “Le soulèvement de 1242 dans la poésie des troubadours,” Annales du Midi 16, no. 63 (1904): 311–329.
80 See n.66. RIJF, 3:319–320, 328–329.
81 During the Crusade, Count Raymond VI had authorized reprisals against traitorous Occitan-speakers (“malefactores. . .de hac lingua nostra”) who collaborated with the French. Dossat, “Patriotisme méridional du clergé,” 420. In another example, Dominican friar Armand de Belvézer cited Peire Cardenal's Ben teinh per fol e per muzart in his Collationes psalterii. In 1326 Jean Duprat, inquisitor of Carcassonne, asked Armand to interrogate a witness held in Montpellier. In the same year, when Jacques Fournier was translated to Mirepoix and Dominique Grima succeeded him as bishop of Pamiers, Armand replaced Grima as master of the sacred palace for Pope John XXII in Avignon. Antoine Thomas, “Armand de Belvézer, frère prêcheur,” Histoire littéraire de la France 36 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1927): 270, 291–292; Jeanroy, La poésie lyrique, 225, n.1; Cardenal, Poésies complètes, 10–14.
82 E.g., Silverblatt, Irene, Modern Inquisitions: Peru and the Colonial Origins of the Civilized World (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Green, Toby, “Policing the Empires: A Comparative Perspective on the Institutional Trajectory of the Inquisition in the Portuguese and Spanish Overseas Territories (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries),” Hispanic Research Journal 13, no. 1 (2012): 7–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
83 Schott, Jeremy G., Christianity, Empire, and the Making of Religion in Late Antiquity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 10–11, 14, 167–176CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chidester, Savage Systems, 7–11, 20–26.
84 Field, Sean L., “The Heresy of the Templars and the Dream of a French Inquisition,” in Late Medieval Heresies: New Perspectives. Studies in Honor of Robert E. Lerner, eds. Bailey, Michael D. and Field, Sean L. (York: York Medieval, 2018), 14–34Google Scholar.
85 This is a key difference from Renaissance theoretical musings on religio, which could proceed without any real-life engagement with those deviating from orthodox Latin Christianity. Ficino, for example, incorporated Islam in On the Christian Religion, but knew no Muslims. See n.18.