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² ibid., 155.

³ , Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law, 3d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 73–76.Google Scholar

⁴ ibid., 75.

⁵ See Sartori, Giovanni, “Guidelines for Concept Analysis,” in , Sartori, ed., Social Science Concepts: A Systematic Analysis (forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁶ Brownlie (fn. 3), 75.

⁷ See Eckstein's, Harry brilliant critique, “On the [Science] of the State,” in “The State,” Daedalus, Vol. 108 (Fall 1979), 1–20.Google Scholar

⁸ Easton avoids the concept of the “state” in favor of that of the “political system”; see The Political System: An Inquiry into the State of Political Science (New York: Knopf, 1953), 90–124.

⁹ Brownlie (fn. 3), 75.

¹⁰ See Kasfir, Nelson, The Shrinking Political Arena: Participation and Ethnicity in African Politics, with a Case Study of Uganda (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1976).Google Scholar

¹¹ See Geertz, Clifford, “The Judging of Nations: Some Comments on the Assessment of Regimes in the New States,” European Journal of Sociology, XVIII (No. 2, 1977), 249–52.Google Scholar

¹² Brownlie (fn. 3), 75; Weber (fn. 1), 156.

¹³ See Jackson, Robert H. and Rosberg, Carl G., Personal Rule in Black Africa: Prince, Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrant (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1982).Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Oakeshott, Michael, “The Vocabulary of a Modern European State,” Political Studies, XXIII (June and September, 1977), 319–41Google Scholar, 409–14.

¹⁵ The legitimacy of a government in the eyes of its citizens must be distinguished from its legitimacy in the eyes of other states; it is international legitimacy that is significant in the juridical attribute of statehood. A government may be legitimate internationally but illegitimate domestically, or vice versa. An instance of the former is Uganda during the last years of Idi Amin's regime; of the latter, the Soviet Union in its early years.

¹⁶ Geertz (fn. 11), 252.

¹⁷ ibid., 253.

¹⁸ There is a wealth of literature on military intervention in Africa. Two outstanding accounts are Decalo, Samuel, Coups and Army Rule in Africa: Studies in Military Style (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976Google Scholar), and Welch, Claude E. Jr., ed., Soldier and State in Africa: A Comparative Analysis of Military Intervention and Political Change (Evanston, III.: Northwestern University Press, 1970).Google Scholar Both have excellent bibliographies.

¹⁹ Gutteridge, William, “Introduction,” in Richard Booth, “The Armed Forces of African States, 1970,” Adelphi Papers, No. 67 (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1970), 4.Google Scholar

²⁰ Moris, Jon R., “The Transferability of Western Management Concepts and Programs, An East African Perspective,” in Stifel, Lawrence D., Coleman, James S., and Black, Joseph E., eds., Education and Training for Public Sector Management in Developing Countries (Special Report from the Rockefeller Foundation, March 1977), 73–83.Google Scholar For Ghana, see Price, Robert M., Society and Bureaucracy in Contemporary Ghana (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975)Google Scholar; for Kenya, Hyden, Goran, Jackson, Robert, and Okumu, John, eds., Development Administration: The Kenya Experience (Nairobi: Oxford University Press, 1970).Google Scholar

²¹ , Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1968).Google Scholar

²² , Nyerere, The Arusha Declaration Ten Years After (Dar es Salaam: Government Printer, 1977)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 3: “Our Mistakes and Failures,” 27–48.

²³ Independence Day Speech of President Mobutu Sese Seko, July 1, 1977, typescript, translated from the French by James S. Coleman.

²⁴ See West Africa, No. 3255 (December 3, 1979), 2224; and Kabwit, Ghislain C., “Zaire: The Roots of the Continuing Crisis,” Journal of Modern African Studies, XVII (NO. 3, 1979), 397–98.Google Scholar

²⁵ Gutteridge (fn. 19), 1.

²⁶ ibid., 3.

²⁷ Africa Contemporary Record, 1979–80, p. C 109.

²⁸ The concept of “international society” is explored in Wight, Martin, Power Politics, ed. by Bull, Hedley and Holbraad, Carsten (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1978), 105–12.Google Scholar Also see Bull, Hedley, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (London: Macmillan, 1977), 24–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and James, Alan, “International Society,” British Journal of International Studies, IV (July 1978), 91–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ In considering the issue of human rights in Africa, the O.A.U.'s Assembly of Heads of States stressed the equal importance of “peoples' rights,” and recently recommended that an “African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights” be drafted. Peoples' rights are the rights of a sovereign people and can only be claimed and exercised by state governments. See Africa Contemporary Record, 1979–80, p. C 21.

³⁰ Bull argues that the primary historical goal of international society has been to preserve the society of states itself; but it is difficult to see how this can be accomplished in the long run without first guaranteeing the sovereignty of member states. See The Anarchical Society (fn.28),17.

³¹ This is essentially the Austinian concept of “sovereignty.” See Austin, John, The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, ed. by Hart, H.L.A. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1954).Google Scholar

³² Bull (fn. 28), 34.

³³ For an argument that at least in some cases “independence” was a “reversion” to sovereignty, see Alexandrowicz, Charles H., “New and Original States: The Issue of Reversion to Sovereignty,” International Affairs, XLVII (July 1969), 465–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an opposing view, see Wight, Martin, Systems of States, ed. by Bull, Hedley (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1977), 16–28.Google Scholar

³⁴ French West Africa rather than its constituent units—Senegal, Mali, Upper Volta, Ivory Coast, etc.—could have been one state had Africans been able to agree to it; Nigeria could have been more than one.

³⁵ At the time of independence in i960, British-governed Somaliland joined the Italian-administered trust territory to form the Somali Democratic Republic. In October 1961, the Federal Republic of Cameroon came into being, composed of East Cameroon (formerly a French Trust Territory) and West Cameroon (part of a former British Trust Territory). Independent Tanganyika joined with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania in April 1964.

³⁶ Quoted in Good, Robert C., “Changing Patterns of African International Relations,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 58 (September 1964), 632.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ Quoted in Mazrui, Ali A., Towards a Pax Africana: A Study of Ideology and Ambition (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 12.Google Scholar

³⁸ According to the United Nations, in 1978 there were 13 African countries (8 on the continent and 5 island countries) with a population of less than one million. Nine of these had populations of 600,000 or fewer. See Africa Contemporary Record, 1979–80, p. c 107.

³⁹ Wight, Martin, “Why is there no International Theory?” in Butterfield, Herbert and Wight, Martin, eds., Diplomatic Investigations (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1966), 33.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Cervenka, Zdenek, The Organization of African Unity and its Charter (New York and Washington: Praeger, 1969), 232–33.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Martin Wight defined “international legitimacy” as “the collective judgement of international society about rightful membership in the family of nations.” See his Systems of States (fn. 33), 153 (emphasis added).

⁴² Cervenka (fn. 40), 93.

⁴³ Cervenka, Zdenek, The Unfinished Quest for Unity: Africa and the OAU (New York: Africana Publishing Co., 1977), 65.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ As of March 1982, it was unclear whether the war between Morocco and the Polisario over the former Spanish Sahara could be considered a failure for the O.A.U., since it was uncertain whether the Sahrawi Democratic Republic (SADR) was as yet a legal member of the organization. See “The OAU's Sahara Crisis,” West Africa, March 8, 1982, p. 639.

⁴⁵ Lyon, Peter, “New States and International Order,” in James, Alan, ed., The Bases of International Order: Essays in Honour of CA.W. Manning (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 47.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Independent Commission on International Development Issues, North-South, a Programme for Survival (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Hansen, Roger, Beyond the North-South Stalemate (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979)Google Scholar; Rothstein, Robert L., Global Bargaining: UNCTAD and the Quest for a New Economic Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 1979.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Charles H. Mell wain has noted that “Independence de facto was ultimately translated into a sovereignty de jure.” Quoted by Herz, John H., “Rise and Demise of the Territorial State,” in Lubasz, Heinz, ed., The Development of the Modern State (New York: Macmillan, 1964), 133.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See Wight (fn. 28), chaps. 1 and 2.

⁴⁹ Tilly, Charles, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 46.Google Scholar Unfortunately, Tilly tends to neglect the international dimension of European state making. For two excellent essays on this topic, see Wight, Martin, “The Origins of Our States-System: Geographical Limits,” and “The Origins of Our States-System: Chronological Limits” (fn. 33, 110–52).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ “Political Theory and International Relations,” in , Wolfers, Discord and Collaboration: Essays on International Politics (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965), 239–40.Google Scholar