¹ The extreme advocacy for such preparations can be found in Gray, Colin S. and Payne, Keith, “Victory Is Possible,” Foreign Policy, No. 39 (Summer 1980), 14–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Sloss, , “Carter's Nuclear Policy: Going From ‘MAD’ to Worse”? “No: It's Evolutionary, Not Revolutionary, and Aims to Strengthen Deterrence,” Los Angeles Times, August 31, 1980, p. 3Google Scholar (emphasis in original).

³ The countervailing strategy has, it appears, never been strictly defined. The closest we can come to a definition may be found in Secretary of Defense Brown's, HaroldDepartment of Defense Annual Report for FY 1981:Google Scholar

For deterrence to operate successfully, our potential adversaries must be convinced that we possess sufficient military force so that if they were to start a course of action which could lead to war, they would be frustrated in their effort to achieve their objective or suffer so much damage that they would gain nothing by their action. … The preparation of forces and plans to create such a prospect has come to be referred to as a ‘countervailing’ strategy (Washington, D.C.: 1980), 65.

⁴ Presidential Directive 59 was clarified by Defense Secretary Brown, Harold in his “Remarks Delivered at the Convocation Ceremonies for the 97th Naval War College Class,” U.S. Naval War College, Newport, Rhode Island, August 20, 1980, p. 6.Google Scholar

⁵ See New York Times, January 13, 1954, p. 1.

⁶ A counterforce strategy emphasizes the targeting of an adversary's military capability, especially its strategic military capability. A countervalue strategy emphasizes the targeting of an adversary's cities and industries. Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) is a condition wherein each adversary possesses the ability to inflict an unacceptable degree of damage upon the other after absorbing a first strike.

⁷ See Brown (fn. 4), 6.

⁸ Ibid., 7.

⁹ See Brown (fn. 3), 66.

¹⁰ See Drell's testimony, “Possible Effects on U.S. Society of Nuclear Attacks Against U.S. Military Installations,” U.S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Arms Control, International Organizations, and Security Agreements of the Committee on Foreign Relations, 94th Cong., 1st sess. (Washington, D.C.: September 18, 1975), 21.

¹¹ Warnke, , “Carter's Nuclear Policy: Going From ‘MAD’ to Worse”? “Yes: The Revision of U.S. Strategy Implies a Belief in Limited War,” Los Angeles Times, August 31, 1980, p. 3.Google Scholar

¹² See, for example, an early article by Mochalov, Colonel V. and Dashichev, Major V., “The Smoke Screen of the American Imperialists,” Red Star (December 17, 1957).Google Scholar

¹³ Brodie, , Strategy in the Missile Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959), 322n.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Pipes, , “Why the Soviet Union Thinks It Could Fight and Win a Nuclear War,” Commentary, Vol. 64 (July 1977), 30.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Simonyan, , “Comments,” Strategic Review, V (Spring 1977), 100.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ibid., 107. This view is corroborated by recent remarks of Lieut. General Mikhail A. Milshtein, Director of the Political-Military Department of the Institute on the United States and Canada. See “Limited Nuclear War: The Moscow Approach,” New York Times, December 7, 1980, p. 8.

¹⁷ See, for example, “Soviet Charges Reiterated,” New York Times, August 21, 1980, p. A8.

¹⁸ Richelson, Jeffrey T., “The Dilemmas of Counterpower Targeting,” Comparative Strategy, 11 (No. 2, 1980), 226–27.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See, for example, the concerns of CINCSAC General Ellis, Richard, in Middleton, Drew, “SAC Chief is Critical of Carter's New Nuclear Plan,” New York Times, September 7, 1980, p. 19.Google Scholar

²⁰ In this connection, one need only consider the Proceedings of a recent conference on “The Medical Consequences of Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear War,” under the auspices of Physicians for Social Responsibility, Inc., sponsored by the Harvard Medical School and the Tufts University School of Medicine, Cambridge, Mass., February 9 and 10, 1980.

²¹ Stonier, , Nuclear Disaster (New York: Meridian, 1964), 24.Google Scholar

²² From Handler's, letter of transmittal (August 12, 1975)Google Scholar, of the report, Long-Term-Worldwide Effects of Multiple Nuclear Weapons Detonations, National Academy of Sciences (Washington, D.C.: 1975).

²³ Ibid.

²⁴ This point, made by Handler in his letter of transmittal of the report to the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA), is by no means uncontroversial. In fact, in the belief that it is an “overstated conclusion,” the Federation of American Scientists issued a public declaration that effectively accused the NAS of inadvertently encouraging nuclear war. The Federation, whose membership includes half of America's living Nobel laureates, charged that the Academy had reached a “false conclusion’ in suggesting humankind's probable survival. The Federation's statement was prepared by Jeremy Stone, the organization's director, and was approved by a majority of the organization's executive committee. The FAS position is supported by Bernard Feld, Editor-in-Chief of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists who believes that the NAS conclusion concerning the survival of the human race is “too sanguine.” See Feld, , “The Consequences of Nuclear War,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, XXXII (June 1976), 13.Google Scholar

²⁵ The term “Beach” is taken from Nevil Shute's work of fiction on the aftermath of systemwide war, nuclear, On The Beach (New York: William Morrow, 1957).Google Scholar

²⁶ A “rad” is a unit of radiation dose that measures the amount of ionization produced per unit volume by the particles from radioactive decay.

²⁷ Feld (fn. 24), 13.

²⁸ From a skillful summary of this point, in U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Worldwide Effects of Nuclear War. … Some Perspectives (n.d., but produced after the 1975 NAS report), 23–24.Google Scholar

²⁹ U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, The Effects of Nuclear War (Washington, D.C.: May 1979), iii.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., 3. For additional authoritative information on the expected effects of nuclear war, see “The First Nuclear War Conference,” Washington, D.C., December 7, 1978, published as a special report of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists; “An Open Letter to President Carter and Chairman Brezhnev,” Physicians for Social Responsibility, Newsletter, 1 (April 1980), 1; Economic and Social Consequences of Nuclear Attacks on the United States, a study prepared for The Joint Committee on Defense Production, U.S. Congress, 1979; Lewis, Kevin N., “The Prompt and Delayed Effects of Nuclear War,” Scientific American, Vol. 241 (July 1979), 35–47CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and Beres, Louis René, Apocalypse: Nuclear Catastrophe in World Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).Google Scholar

³¹ Effects of Nuclear War (fn. 29), 4.

³² Where the workings of nuclear deterrence are considered more broadly in terms of effects on day-to-day life under the threat of nuclear annihilation, they can hardly be termed “successful.” For more on these broader considerations, see, for example, Mandelbaum, Michael, “The Bomb, Dread, and Eternity,” International Security, V (Fall 1980), 3–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ Caldwell, Dan, “CTB: An Effective SALT Substitute,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, XXXVI (December 1980), 30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁴ See, for example, Heritage Foundation, “Developing Arms Control Priorities in 1981,” National Security Record, No. 29 (January 1981), 2.Google Scholar

³⁵ Brown, , Department of Defense Annual Report for FY 1979, (Washington, D.C.: February 2, 1978), 68.Google Scholar

³⁶ Halloran, Richard, “U.S. Said to Revise Strategy to Oppose Threats by Soviet,” New York Times, April 19, 1981, p. 1.Google Scholar

³⁷ From The Discourses.

³⁸ For a detailed examination of what is needed to achieve such control, see Beres (fn. 30).