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The Soviet Union and the Varieties of Neutrality in Western Europe
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 June 2011
Abstract
Soviet policies with regard to neutrality in postwar Western Europe have developed from largely unsuccessful influence attempts into more realistic and acquiescent lines seeking to find a balance between operative aims and actual leverage. There has been a change from ideologically motivated opposition toward conditional support and flexible search for areas of common interests, and from basically unrealistic grand designs to recognition of the status quo. The Soviet posture toward potentially neutral blocs and disparate neutralist trends in Western Europe has primarily been characterized by a wait-and-see attitude. In order to make Soviet policies and postures understandable, it is necessary to combine the concept of the U.S.S.R. as a rational bloc leader interested above all in weakening the opposite bloc with that of a world power interested mainly in international stability and prevention of war. The popular Western hypothesis that the Soviet union is acting on a design that would incrementally neutralize the whole of Western Europe is difficult to test; even if there were such a design in reserve or in the experimental stage, its degree of crystallization and internal integration would have to be low.
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References
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13 Ibid.
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22 It seems that the Soviet design excluded only the Soviet Union itself, Britain, France, Ireland, the Benelux countries, Spain, and Portugal. The various parts of the Soviet design are surveyed in Korhonen, Keijo, Ydinaseettomat vyöhykkeet maailmanpolitiikassa [Nuclear-Free Zones in World Politics] (Helsinki: Tammi, 1966).Google Scholar The composite nature of the Soviet design was clearly reflected in a speech by Khrushchev in Szczecin on July 17, 1959, published in Khrushchev, N. S., Neuvostoliitto ja Pohjola: Puheita ja lausuntoja vuosilta 1956–63 [The Soviet Union and the North: Speeches and Statements from 1956–63] (Helsinki: Weilin & Göös, 1964), 92–93.Google Scholar
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33 One typical instance is found in the report by Leonid Brezhnev to the Karlovy Vary Conference on April 24, 1967, in which he stated that “for several countries, including those of northern Europe, neutrality would be an alternative to participation in military-political groupings of powers”; reprinted in Rush (fn. 10), 324–25. A similar statement can be found in the speech by Khrushchev in Riga on June 11, 1959, reprinted in Khrushchev (fn. 22), 88. See also Mel'nikov (fn. 21), 79.
34 See, e.g., the report by Khrushchev to the Supreme Soviet on January 14, 1960, reprinted in Rush (fn. 10), 218.
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36 For a basic source on the attitude of the Soviet Union on Eurocommunism, see “Contrary to the Interests of Peace and Socialism in Europe: Concerning the Book ‘Eurocommunism and the State’ by Santiago Carillo, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Spain” (editorial) New Times (No. 26, 1977), 9–13.
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39 For attempts to analyze the Soviet concept of neutrality and to fit it into the larger contexts of Soviet foreign policy, see Ginsburgs and Rubinstein (fn. 1), 3–39, 28–89; Fiedler (fn. 7); Vigor, P. H., The Soviet View of War, Peace and Neutrality (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975)Google Scholar; Tarschys, Daniel, “Neutrality and the Common Market: The Soviet View,” Cooperation and Conflict 6 (No. 2, 1971), 65–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
40 Black, Cyril E., Falk, Richard A., Knorr, Klaus, and Young, Oran R., Neutralization and World Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968).Google Scholar
41 On the theory of bloc politics, see Liska, George, Nations in Alliance—The Limits of Interdependence (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1962)Google Scholar; Holsti, Ole R., Hopman, P. Terrence, and Sullivan, John D., Unity and Disintegration in International Alliances: Comparative Studies (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973).Google Scholar
42 I am grateful to my colleagues Pertti Joenniemi, Tampere, and Lauri Karvonen, Turku, for their stimulating comments on these points.
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