¹ On EU citizenship, see Meehan, Elizabeth, “Citizenship and the European Community,” Political Quarterly 64 (April 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On European states and inclusion of immigrants, see Soysal, Yasmin Nuhoglu, Limits of Citizenship: Post-National Citizenship in the Contemporary Nation-State System (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar; Hammar, Tomas, Democracy and the Nation-State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World of International Migration (Aldershot, England: Gower, 1990)Google Scholar; Brubaker, Rogers, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

² Starr, Paul, “The Framework of Health Care Reform,” New England Journal of Medicine 329 (November 25, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Fraser, Nancy and Gordon, Linda, “Contract versus Charity: Why Is There No Social Citizenship in the United States?” Socialist Review 22 (July—September 1992)Google Scholar; Orloff, Ann Shola, “Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship,” American Journal of Sociology 58 (June 1993)Google Scholar; Sarvasy, Wendy, “Beyond the Difference versus Equality Policy Debate: Postsuffrage Feminism, Citizenship, and the Quest for a Feminist Welfare State,” Signs 17 (Winter 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Wilson, William Julius, “Race-Neutral Programs and the Democratic Coalition,” American Prospect (Spring 1990)Google Scholar; and idem, , The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Slessarev, Helene, “Racial Tension and Institutional Support: Social Programs during a Period of Retrenchment,” in Weir, Margaret et al. , eds., The Politics of Social Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁵ A brief note on terminology is warranted: “universalism” has been heralded as the cornerstone of the Scandinavian model by both Scandinavians and others; see Erikson, Robert et al. , eds., The Scandinavian Model: Welfare States and Welfare Research (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1987)Google Scholar, vii. It is, however, not the same as “citizenship”; nor does “universalism” imply “social right.” Universalism simply implies the absence of means testing. Insurance-type programs, however, are universal in this sense; that is, claims are restricted to participants.

⁶ From a Scandinavian perspective, this is curious, because Scandinavians have serious doubts about their welfare states. They have come increasingly to consider them both overly expensive and at times less fair than they are supposed to be. Lindbeck, Assar, “Overshooting, Reform and Retreat of the Welfare State” (Tingenbergen Lecture delivered at de Nederlandsche Bank, Amsterdam, October 1, 1993)Google Scholar; Lane, Jan-Erik, “The Twilight of the Nordic Model,” Political Studies 41 (June 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ The Clinton health care reform proposal is a case in point. The collateral of making health care coverage a right of citizenship is that noncitizens do not qualify. See Wall Street Journal, April 6, 1993, p. 1. A letter from California governor Pete Wilson to President Clinton asking that illegal immigrants be excluded provoked a second flurry of stories. See “Seeking to Deny Citizenship to Some,” New York Times, August 11, 1993, p. 10Google Scholar; “Health Card Would Bar Illegal Immigrants,” New York Times, August 16, 1993, p. 15Google Scholar; Tolchin, Martin, “White House Seeks a Medical ID Card,” New York Times, August 28, 1993, p. 7Google Scholar.

⁸ Marshall, T. H., Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays (London: Cambridge University Press, 1950Google Scholar). Reissued as Humphrey, Thomas, ed., Citizenship and Social Class (London: Pluto Press, 1992Google Scholar). Also in Lipset, S. M., ed., Class, Citizenship, and Social Development: Essays by T. H. Marshall (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1965Google Scholar).

⁹ Sir Beveridge, William H., The Pillars of Security and Other War-Time Essays and Addresses (New York: Macmillan, 1943), 148Google Scholar. See also Britain, Great, Inter-Departmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allies Services, Social Insurance and Allied Services: Report by Sir William H. Bevendge (New York: Macmillan, 1942Google Scholar). For a brief description of the man and his work, see Lynes, Tony, “William Beveridge,” in Barker, Paul, ed., Founders of the Welfare State (London: Heineman, 1984Google Scholar).

¹⁰ Tingsten cites one of the leaders in the party's youth movement who in 1929 wrote: “Where the concept of class seems limited or isolated, there the concept of people opens the way to cooperation.” Tingsten, The Swedish Social Democrats: Their Ideological Development (Totowa, N.J.: Bedminster Press, 1973), 279Google Scholar.

¹¹ Korpi, , “Power, Politics, and State Autonomy in the Development of Social Citizenship: Social Rights during Sickness in Eighteen OECD Countries since 1930,” American Sociological Review 54 (June 1989CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Andersen, Esping, Politics against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 145Google Scholar. The argument was further pursued in idem, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990Google Scholar).

¹² Hernes, Helga Maria, Welfare State and Woman Power: Essays in State Feminism (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; idem, , “Scandinavian Citizenship,” Ada Sociologica 31 (August 1988)Google Scholar.

¹³ Orloff (fn. 3) goes further, arguing that “true social rights” thus imply both the right of women to “leave oppressive situations” (i.e., marriages) and “women's political participation and power” (p. 322).

¹⁴ Ibid.

¹⁵ Pateman, Carol, “The Patriarchal Welfare State,” in Amy Gutmann, ed., Democracy and the Welfare State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988Google Scholar); Mouffe, Chantal, “Feminism, Citizenship, and Radical Democratic Politics,” in Butler, Judith and Scott, Joan W., eds., Feminists Theorize the Political (New York: Routledge, 1992Google Scholar); Fraser and Gordon (fn. 3). See also the debate between Linda Gordon and Theda Skocpol, Contention 2 (Spring 1993).

¹⁶ Nisbet, Robert, “Citizenship: Two Traditions,” Social Research 41, no. 4 (1974Google Scholar).

¹⁷ Mouffe (fn. 15), 375. Citizenship may be the basic principle of modern democracy, but she adds that “we must also recognize that there can be as many forms of citizenship as there are interpretations of those principles” (p. 378).

¹⁸ Basing his remarks upon the pioneering work of Myrdal, Gunnar, Beyond the Welfare State, 2d ed. (New York: Bantam Books, 1967Google Scholar), Abram de Swaan writes: “In every country, welfare is a national concern, circumscribed by the nation's borders and reserved for its residents alone.” See Swaan, de, “Perspectives for Transnational Social Policy,” Government and Opposition 27 (Winter 1992), 31CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The United States may be the only exception to this rule. In Sweden, as elsewhere in Scandinavia, refugees and immigrants are covered by special legislation and administrative authority, called Utlanninglagen (the foreigner act) and Utlänningförordningen (the foreigner regulation) (both revised in 1989), and not Socialtjänstlagen (social service act), which denies immigrants and refugees certain civil, political, and social rights. They may be detained by the state until their identity has been established, must reside in housing assigned by the government if dependent upon public support, etc.

¹⁹ Ecologists have argued for an ecological concept of citizenship that defines such primarily in terms of obligation and belonging, e.g., as “fecund ecological processes that reveal the growth of com-muity and the individuals who populate them.” See Bookchin, Murray, The Rise of Urbanization and the Decline of Citizenship (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1987), 11Google Scholar.

²⁰ Hobsbawm, “The New Threat to History,” New York Review of Books, December 16, 1993.

²¹ Brubaker (fn. 1).

²² Marshall (fn. 8), 40–41.

²³ Galston, William A., “The Promise of Communitarianism,” National Civic Review 82 (Summer 1993CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Etzioni, Amitai, “Liberals and Communitarians,” Partisan Review 57 (Spring 1990Google Scholar).

²⁴ Myrdal, Alva, Nation and Family: The Swedish Experiment in Democratic Family and Population Policy (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Turber, 1945Google Scholar).

²⁵ Immigration rates remained low until recently. Naturalization is difficult and rare. About 3% of the population of foreigners are granted citizenship every year. Half of the registered foreigners in Scandinavia are from another Nordic country. Sweden has the largest number of foreigners, Norway the least. In 1960 only 2.6% of people residing in Sweden were noncitizens. In 1990 6% were noncitizens and about 10% were foreign born. Sweden, Statistiska Centralbyran, Statistisk årsbok för Sverige 1992 (Statistical yearbook for Sweden) 78 (1992), table 55.

²⁶ Baldwin, Peter, The Politics of Social Solidarity: Class Bases of the European Welfare State, 1875–1975 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ Marshall (fn. 8), 10.

²⁸ Ibid., 11.

²⁹ Ibid.

³⁰ Ibid., 37.

³¹ Ibid., 47.

³² Ibid., 56.

³³ Ibid., 65.

³⁴ Ibid., 55.

³⁵ An exception is Castles, Francis G., ed., Families of Nations: Patterns of Public Policy in Western Democracies (Aldershot, England: Dartmouth, 1993Google Scholar).

³⁶ Baldwin (fn. 26).

³⁷ Ibid., 29.

³⁸ Hicks, Alexander and Swank, Duane, “On the Political Economy of Welfare Expansion: A Comparative Analysis of Eighteen Advanced Capitalist Democracies, 1960–71,” Comparative Political Studies 17 (April 1984Google Scholar).

³⁹ Korpi (fn. 11).

⁴⁰ Gøsta Esping-Andersen and Walter Korpi, “From Poor Relief to Institutional Welfare States: The Development of Scandinavian Social Policy,” in Erikson (fn. 5).

⁴¹ Esping-Andersen (fn. 11); Swenson, Peter, Fair Shares: Unions, Pay, and Politics in Sweden and West Germany (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989Google Scholar), chap. 5.

⁴² The British TUC now organizes less than 40% of the labor force in areas covered by affiliated unions, whereas in 1978—79 it organized 55–60%. In contrast, Danish union density (all areas) increased from approximately 65% in the mid-1970s to over 90% in the late 1980s. Similarfiguresapply to Sweden. See Rothstein, Bo, “Labor-Market Institutions and Working-Class Strength,” in Steinmo, Sven et al., eds., Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992Google Scholar).

⁴³ Based upon Stein Kuhnle's calculations, in Kuhnle, , Patterns of Social and Political Mobilization: A Historical Analysis of the Nordic Countries (Beverly Hills, Calif: Sage, 1975), 45Google Scholar. See also Matti Alestalo and Stein Kuhnle, “The Scandinavian Route: Economic, Social, and Political Developments in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden,” in Erikson (fn. 5).

⁴⁴ In Sweden the Grand Coalition of World War II was followed by a social democratic government in 1944. From 1951 to 1957, when major social reform legislation was passed, the social democrats formed a coalition government with the Agrarian Party.

⁴⁵ The Norwegian labor party received 41% of the vote in the first postwar election but then gradually improved its standing, reaching 48.3% in 1957. In later elections, however, the party's share of the vote declined again and has ranged between 35% and 42%. The Danish social democrats have been hampered by persistent fragmentation on the left. Postwar highs of about 40% peaked in 1964 with 41.2% of the vote, but ten years later, in the 1974 “earthquake” election, the party received only 25.7% of the vote.

⁴⁶ Olsson, Sven E., Social Policy and Welfare State in Sweden (Lund, Sweden: Arkiv, 1990), 100Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Fryklund, Björn, Himmelstrand, Ulf, Peterson, Thomas, “Folklighet, klass och opinion i svensk politik under efterkrigstiden,” in Himmelstrand, and Svensson, Goran, eds., Sverige-vardag och struktur: Sociologer beskrivar det svenska samhället (Sweden: Everyday and structure: Sociologists describe the Swedish society) (Södertälje: Norstedts, 1988), 639Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Gunnar Olofsson, “'Den stränge fadern och den goda modern': sociologiska perspektiv på den moderna svenska staten,” in Himmelstrand and Svensson (fn. 47).

⁴⁹ Kolberg, Jon Eivind, ed., Between Work and Social Citizenship (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1992Google Scholar).

⁵⁰ Stefan Olafsson, “The Rise or Decline of Work in the Welfare State? Equality and Efficiency Revisited,” in Kolberg (fn. 49), 67.

⁵¹ Denmark, Danmarks Statistik, Socialforskningsinstituttet, Levevilkår i Danmark: Statistisk oversigt 1992 (Living conditions in Denmark: Statistical review 1992) (1992), 154Google Scholar.

⁵² Sweden, Sveriges Officialla Statistik, Statistiska Centralbyrån, Allmän månadsstatistik (General monthly statistics) 11 (1993), 37.

⁵³ Andersen, Jørgen Goul, “Sources of Welfare State Support in Denmark: Self-interest or Way of Life?” in Hansen, Erik Jørgen et al., eds., Welfare Trends in the Scandinavian Countries (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1993Google Scholar).

⁵⁴ Olsson (fn. 46), 221.

⁵⁵ For a discussion of the Swedish confrontation over the first second-tier earnings-related pension reform, see Lewin, Leif, Planhushallnings debatten (Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell, 1967Google Scholar); and idem, Ideology and Strategy: A Century of Swedish Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988Google Scholar). An account of recent developments in all three Scandinavian countries is contained in von Nordheim Nielsen, Fritz, “The Politics of Aging in Scandinavian Countries,” in Myles, John and Quadango, Jill, eds., States, Labor Markets, and the Future of Old-Age Policy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991Google Scholar).

⁵⁶ Pontusson, Jonas, The Limits of Social Democracy: Investment Policy in Sweden (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992Google Scholar).

⁵⁷ Olsson (fn. 46), 127.

⁵⁸ Danmarks Statistik (fn. 51), 215.

⁵⁹ Provisions for sick pay have met with political opposition because they have been linked to absenteeism. Olli Kangas and Joakim Palme, “Statism Eroded? Labor-Market Benefits and Challenges to the Scandinavian Welfare States,” in Hansen et al. (fn. 53), 10.

⁶⁰ For a landmark report in this respect, see Sweden, Statens offentliga utredningar, Socialdeparte-mentet, Frivilligt Social Arbete: Kartlägning och kunskapsöversikt: Rapport av socialtjänstkotnmittén (Volunteer social work) 82 (Stockholm 1993).

⁶¹ Hernes (fn. 12), 143.

⁶² Fact Sheets on Sweden (November 1992); Norway, Statistisk Centralbyrå, Statistisk ärbog 1992 (Statistical yearbook) 111 (Oslo 1992), 132, table 161; Statistiska Centralbyran (fn. 25), table 188. See also Anne Lise Ellingsäster, “Changing Roles: Trends in Women's Employment and Gender Equality,” in Hansen (fn. 53).

⁶³ Balbo, Laura, “The Servicing Work of Women in the Capitalist State,” in Zeitlin, Maurice, ed., Political Power and Social Theory (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1982Google Scholar).

⁶⁴ Danish unions replicate old crafts divisions and have continued to organize on the basis of skill and, given the high degree of labor-market segregation, gender. One of the largest is Kvindeligt Arbejderforbund (union of women workers), formed in 1901. It now organizes 97, 000 unskilled women. On issues of pay equity, see Rosenfeld, Rachel A. and Kalleberg, Arne L., “A Cross-National Comparison of the Gender Gap in Income,” American Journal of Sociology 96 (July 1990CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁶⁵ Ruggie, Mary, The State and Working Women:A Comparative Study of Britain and Sweden (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Jane Lewis and Gertrude Astrom, “Equality, Difference, and State Welfare: Labor Market and Family Policies in Sweden,” Feminist Studies 18 (Spring 1992); Jane Jenson and Rianne Mahon, “Representing Solidarity: Class, Gender and the Crisis in Social-Democratic Sweden,” New Left Review 201 (September-October 1993).

⁶⁶ Norway has the most part-time work. Forty-seven percent of women work full time and 30% work between twenty and thirty-six hours weekly, while the rest work less than twenty hours per week. In Denmark only 38% of women (compared with 10% of men) work on reduced time. Denmark, Ligestillingsrådet, Ligestillingsrädets ärsberetning (The Danish equal stations council's annual report) (1991), table 3. Unions have resisted part-time work. In response to demands for more time with children, they have instead used a strategy of seeking general reductions in work time to a thirty-five-hour week. Women have nevertheless increasingly shifted to reduced working hours. In Sweden the average workweek is 41.4 hours for men and 33.2 hours for women (1988). Persson, Inga, “The Third Dimension: Equal Status between Swedish Women and Men,” in Persson, , ed., Generating Equality in the Welfare State: The Swedish Experience (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1990Google Scholar).

⁶⁷ Spakes, Patricia, “A Feminist Case against National Family Policy: View to the Future,” Policy Studies Review 8 (Spring 1989CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Elman, R. Amy, “Debunking the Social Democrats and the Myth of Equality,” Women's Studies International Forum 16 (September-October 1993CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

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⁷⁰ Pampel, Fred C. and Williamson, John B., “Welfare Spending in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 1950–1980,” American Journal of Sociology 93 (May 1988CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁷¹ “Social citizenship refers to rights that individuals have as an outflow of their status as citizens. These social rights can be claimed without citizens having to demonstrate economic need. … Instead, claims are accepted if the individual falls in a specific category, for example in terms of age, health, or employment. When exercised, social rights established through legislation generate public expenditures.” Korpi (fn. 11), 314.

⁷² Danmarks Statistik (fn. 51), 380.

⁷³ Sweden, Statens Offentliga Utredningar: Delbetänkande av Socialtjänstkommittén, Rätten till bistind inom socialtjänsten (The right to support within the social service) 30 (1993).

⁷⁴ Sveriges Officiella Statistik (fn. 52), 10.

⁷⁵ Young, , “Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship,” Ethics 99 (January 1989CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Citizenship also implies “a positive obligation on the part of governments and other public bodies to print documents and to provide services in the native language of recognized linguistic minorities, and to provide bilingual education in schools” (p. 272).

⁷⁶ Dahrendorf, Ralf, “Citizenship and Beyond: The Social Dynamics of an Idea,” Social Research 41, no. 4 (1974Google Scholar). See also Aron, Raymond, “Is Multinational Citizenship Possible?” Social Research 41, no. 4 (1974Google Scholar).