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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 June 2011
Recent scholarship on Ethiopia describes the central oudine of events in the aftermath of the country's 1974 revolution. But the books that should be the most insightful, because of the theoretical ambitions of the authors, often disappoint because they obfuscate politics with abstract discussions of the "state." Three shortcomings of state theories are evident: they underestimate the impact of individual leaders, discount the content of ideology, and lead, disturbingly, to moral neutrality.
1 Ethiopians are usually referred to only by their first name.
2 Skocpol, , States and Social Revolutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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8 Many names in Ethiopia do not have consistent spellings. Tigray is also written Tegray, Tegrai, and Tigre.
9 The kind of work that could have been fruitfully consulted include Horowitz, Donald, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Connor, Walker, The Nationalist Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Esman, Milton, “The Management of Communal Conflict,” Public Policy 21 (Winter 1973), 49–76Google Scholar; Nordiinger, Eric, Conflict Regulation in Divided Societies, Occasional Paper no. 29 (Cambridge: Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1972).Google Scholar
10 See Colburn, Forrest, “The Tragedy of Ethiopia's Intellectuals,” Antioch Review 47 (Spring 1989), 133–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
11 Figures are from Franzel, Steven et al., “Grain Marketing Regulations: Impact on Peasant Production in Ethiopia,” Food Policy 14 (November 1989), 347–58, at 348.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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16 An example of the kind of comparative analysis that could be profitably consulted is Morawetz, David, “Economic Lessons from Some Small Socialist Developing Countries,” World Development 8 (May-June 1980), 337–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar