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⁸ For the correlation between unrest and the price of food, see Rude, George, Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century (London: Collins, 1970).Google Scholar

⁹ The picture is further complicated by the fact that members of the aristocracy who lived in Paris also owned land in the grain-growing areas. In their capacity as local elites, they often ruled against the right of grain “exports” to Paris and in favor of the paramountcy of local markets. The political interests of the aristocracy thus conflicted with their economic interests in shipping grain to high-priced markets; and their interests as producers, which were enhanced by high prices, conflicted with their interests as urban consumers, which were enhanced by low prices. These complexities should make the analyst suspicious of any simplistic rendering of the class interests of the aristocracy.

¹⁰ For France, see Louise Tilly (fn. 6), 25. Stevenson too stresses that food riots occurred even after subsistence crises had ended in England (fn. 6, pp. 40ff).

¹¹ Louise Tilly (fn. 6), 52.

¹² As noted above, members of the agrarian community would on occasion be net purchasers of food, and therefore would resist higher prices for it. This was particularly true of cottagers and farm laborers, who at times of subsistence crises faced both a lowering of the wage rate and higher food prices; they would therefore be particularly motivated to resist the “exportation” of food. For a brilliant analysis, see Sen, Amartya, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981).Google Scholar

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¹⁶ This line of historical interpretation was provided by Cobban, Alfred in The Social History of the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968)Google Scholar. In addition to the recent work of Norberg and Hoffman (fns. 17, 18, and 19), see Root's discussion in Peasants and King, pp. 16, 95–97, 125, 153ff, and 216–17.

¹⁷ Hoffman, Philip T., “Institutions and Agriculture in Old-Regime France,” paper prepared for the Caltech-All University of California Group in Economic History Conference on Pre-Industrial Developments in Peasant Economies (Huntington Library, Pasadena, CA), May 22–24, 1987.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Kathryn Norberg, “Dividing up the Commons: The Political Economy of EighteenthCentury French Agriculture,” paper prepared for the Caltech-All University of California Conference (fn. 17).

²⁰ Twenty-seven had no knowledge of the law.

²¹ Norberg (fn. 19), 7.

²² Also see the discussion in Bates, Robert H., “Some Conventional Orthodoxies in the Study of Agrarian Change,” World Politics 36 (January 1984), 234–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is not to deny that there were cases where the poor depended upon common rights, for pasture, for forest products, or for gleaning, and where they allied themselves with those who resisted the break-up of common lands. In general, however, it appears to have been the local elites who dominated the commons.

²³ See, for example, the discussion in Bates, Robert H., Markets and States in Tropical Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981).Google Scholar

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²⁵ The intellectual background is brilliantly presented in Kaplan (1976). See also the thoughtful review in Lipton, Michael, Why Poor People Stay Poor: Urban Bias in World Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977).Google Scholar

²⁶ See Young, Arthur, Six Weeks Tour Through the Southern Counties of England and Wales (London: W. Strahan, 1768)Google Scholar; A Six Months Tour Through the North of England, 2nd ed. (London: W. Strahan, 1771)Google Scholar; and A Farmer's Tour Through the East of England (London: W. Strahan, 1771).Google Scholar

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³³ Allen, , “Enclosure and Productivity Growth, 1459–1850,” typescript (Department of Economics, University of British Columbia, 1984)Google Scholar. Allen's data remain controversial.

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³⁸ See Appleby, Andrew, “Grain Prices and Subsistence Crises in England and France, 1590–1740,” Journal of Economic History 39 (December 1979), 865–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wrigley, E. A. and Schofield, Roger, The Population History of England 1541–1871 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Weir, David, “Markets and Mortality in France,” 1600–1789,” manuscript, n.p., n.d.; Thirsk, Joan, ed., Agrarian History of England and Wales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).Google Scholar

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⁴³ See Erlich (fn. 40), as well as Dobb, Maurice, Soviet Economic Development Since tgiy (New York: International Publishers, 1948).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See the discussion in Schultz, Theodore W., ed., Distortions of Agricultural Incentives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978).Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ See, for example, Weir (fn. 38); the contributions in Rotberg, Robert I. and Rabb, Theodore K., Hunger and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; and Appleby (fn. 38).

⁴⁹ See Smith (fn. 47), Book I, pp. 219ff.

⁵⁰ As Rude has shown, the rebellions by the London mob correlated with the price of bread. See Rude (fn. 8).

⁵¹ Robert Brenner, forthcoming.