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³ By “radical” we mean Marxist, neo-Marxist, and politically radical but non-Marxist studies. We consider Poulantzas and Miliband to be Marxists. Wallerstein is in our view a neo-Marxist, while Domhoff is a radical non-Marxist. Conventional authors may be liberal or conservative, but all tend to share a pluralist image of policy making. We must admit that, to some degree, “conventional” is a residual category.

⁴ What liberals regard as mistakes, accidents, and discontinuities, radicals interpret as a rational, coherent, and continuous pattern. What liberals ascribe to misunderstandings and misjudgments, radicals tend to attribute to the designs of American officials … in furtherance of their institutional and class interests. Whereas liberals puzzle over apparent contradictions between United States purposes and the instruments chosen to advance them, radicals see clear linkages. What liberal writers believe unnecessary, radicals think to be determined by the requirements of the North American system. What liberals find surprising, radicals regard as predictable.

Lowenthal, Abraham F., “United States Policy Toward Latin American: ‘Liberal,’ ‘Radical,’ and ‘Bureaucratic’ Perspectives,” Latin American Research Review, VIII (No. 3, 1973), 10.Google Scholar

⁵ The unavoidability and pervasiveness of ideological commitment is emphasized by Robert S. Lynd:

The outstanding characteristic of a well trained scientist is his ability to distinguish “significant” from “insignificant” problems and data. Good scientific training sensitizes one to important problems; it deliberately sets up before the imagination of the scientist a screen, which lets through one type of data and bars another—in short, it gives the scientist a selective point of view. Research without an actively selective point of view becomes the ditty bag of an idiot, filed with bits of pebbles, straws, feathers, and other random hoardings.

Lynd, , Knowledge For What? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954), 183.Google Scholar See also Beardsley, Philip L., Redefining Rigor: Ideology and Statistics in Political Inquiry (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1980).Google Scholar

⁶ Althusser and Balibar (fn. 2), and Althusser, , “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,” in Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 121–73.Google Scholar

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⁹ See Poulantzas, , Political Power and Social Classes (London: New Left Books and Sheed and Ward, 1973)Google Scholar; “On Social Classes,” New Left Review, Vol. 78 (March-April 1973), 27–55; Fascism and Dictatorship (London: New Left Books, 1974); Classes in Contemporary Capitalism (London: New Left Books, 1975); The Crisis of the Dictatorships (London: New Left Books, 1976); and State, Power, Socialism (London: New Left Books, 1979).

¹⁰ See Bridges (fn. 7); Miliband, “The Capitalist State” (fn. 8); Laclau, Ernesto, “The Specificity of the Political: The Poulantzas-Miliband Debate,” Economy and Society, V (No. 1, 1975), 87–110Google Scholar; Miliband, , “Poulantzas and the Capitalist State,” New Left Review, Vol. 82 (November-December 1973), 83–92Google Scholar; Poulantzas, , “The Problem of the Capitalist State,” New Left Review, Vol. 58 (November-December 1969), 67–78Google Scholar; and Poulantzas, , “The Capitalist State: A Reply to Miliband and Laclau,” New Left Review, Vol. 95 (January-February 1976), 63–83.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Ibid., 20.

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³³ See Domhoff, , The Higher Circles (fn. 8).Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Ibid., 257.

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⁴⁴ Poulantzas, , Political Power and Social Classes (fn. 9), 258–62Google Scholar; Bridges (fn. 7), 168.

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⁴⁹ Ibid., 310. Heilbroner, Robert L. (fn. 45), p. 49Google Scholar, goes so far as to say:

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¹⁰⁰ Cohen (fn. 65); Keohane and Nye (fn. 65); Krasner (fn. 85); Destier (fn. 65).

¹⁰¹ These considerations are our criteria for evaluating radical and conventional analyses as competing models. We agree with Heilbroner that all models of behavior—radical and conventional—can only be evaluated on the twin grounds of logical consistency and empirical accuracy. Most radicals, and certainly Domhoff, Miliband, and Wright, share these criteria. See Heilbroner, (fn. 45), 44–51Google Scholar, and Wright (fn. 12), chap. 1.

¹⁰² In the long run, fluctuations are limited in the structural Marxist analysis by the domestic/international economic structure. See Figure 1 and the Limitation Proposition (P-I).

¹⁰³ Krasner (fn. 85); Cohen (fn. 65).

¹⁰⁴ Krasner, (fn. 85), 13–17, 32–33.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Poulantzas, Political Power and Sodai Classes, and Classes in Contemporary Capitalism (fn. 9).