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Psychological Factors in Civil Violence
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 July 2011
Extract
Until recently many political scientists tended to regard violent civil conflict as a disfigurement of the body politic, neither a significant nor a proper topic for their empirical inquiries. The attitude was in part our legacy from Thomas Hobbes's contention that violence is the negation of political order, a subject fit less for study than for admonition. Moreover, neither the legalistic nor the institutional approaches that dominated traditional political science could provide much insight into group action that was regarded by definition as illegal and the antithesis of institutionalized political life.
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References
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6 The universe of concern, civil violence, is formally defined as all collective, nongovernmental attacks on persons or property, resulting in intentional damage to them, that occur within the boundaries of an autonomous or colonial political unit. The terms “civil strife,” “violent civil conflict,” and “civil violence” are used synonymously in this article. The universe subsumes more narrowly defined sets of events such as “internal war,” which Harry Eckstein defines as “any resort to violence within a political order to change its constitution, rulers, or policies” (in “On the Etiology of Internal Wars,” 133), and “revolution,” typically defined in terms of violently accomplished fundamental change in social institutions.
7 Bryant Wedge argues (in a personal communication) that much human aggression, including some civil strife, may arise from a threat-fear-aggression sequence. Leonard Berkowitz, however, proposes that this mechanism can be subsumed by frustration-aggression theory, the inferred sequence being threat (anticipated frustration)-fear-anger-aggression, in Aggression: A Social Psychological Analysis (New York 1962)Google Scholar, chap. 2. It may be conceptually useful to distinguish the two mechanisms; it nonetheless appears likely that most variables affecting the outcome of the frustration-aggression sequence also are operative in the postulated threat-aggression sequence.
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79 Rudé, The Crowd in History, chap. 5. The high levels of verbal aggression directed against the employers suggest that displacement was involved, not a perception of the machines rather than employers as sources of deprivation. In the Luddite riots, fear of retribution for direct attacks on the owners, contrasted with the frequent lack of sanctions against attacks on the machines, was the probable cause of object generalization. In the Madagascar and Angola cases structural and conceptual factors were responsible: the African rebels were not accessible to attack but local Africans were seen as like them and hence as potential or clandestine rebels.
80 Some such evidence is summarized in Berkowitz, “The Concept of Aggressive Drive,” 325–27.
81 A critical and qualifying review of evidence to this effect is Abney, F. Glenn and Hill, Larry B., “Natural Disasters as a Political Variable: The Effect of a Hurricane on an Urban Election,” American Political Science Review LX (December 1966), 974–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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84 Summarized in Walters.
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88 Chap. 5.
89 P. 31.
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97 Representative typologies are proposed by Johnson, Revolution and the Social System, 26–68; Rummel, Rudolph J., “Dimensions of Conflict Behavior Within and Between Nations,” Yearbook of the Society for General Systems Research, viii (1963), 25–26Google Scholar; and Harry Eckstein, “Internal Wars: A Taxonomy,” unpubl. (1960).
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100 For example, it has been used by Bryant Wedge to analyze and compare interview materials gathered in the study of two Latin American revolutions, in “Student Participation in Revolutionary Violence: Brazil, 1964, and Dominican Republic, 1965,” a paper read at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 1967.
101 Studies based on this theoretical model and using cross-national aggregate data include Ted Gurr, New Error-Compensated Measures for Comparing Nations: Some Correlates of Civil Strife, Center of International Studies, Princeton University, Research Monograph No. 25 (Princeton 1966); Gurr with Ruttenberg; Gurr, “Explanatory Models for Civil Strife”; and Gurr, “Why Urban Disorders? Perspectives From the Comparative Study of Civil Strife,” American Behavioral Scientist (forthcoming).
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