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²⁹ See Gleditsch, Kristian S. and Ward, Michael D., ”Double Take: A Reexamination of Democracy and Autocracy in Modern Polities,” Journal ofConflict Resolution 41, no. 3 (1997Google Scholar).

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³² We thank an anonymous reviewer for bringing this omission to our attention.

³³ Fornos, Carolina A., Power, Timothy J., and Garand, James C., ”Explaining Voter Turnout in Latin America, 1980 to 2000,” Comparative Political Studies 37 (October 2004CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

³⁴ Ibid., 912.

³⁵ Ibid., 915.

³⁶ Ibid. Blais, Andre, To Vote or Not to Vote? The Merits and Limits of Rational Choice (Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

³⁷ Kurtz (fn. 6), 297.

³⁸ Ibid., 299, emphasis added.

³⁹ Banks, Arthur S., Cross-National Time-Series Data Archive (Binghamton: Center for Social Analysis, State University of New York, 2005Google Scholar), electronic format. Antigovernment demonstrations are defined as any peaceful public gathering of at least one hundred people for the primary purpose of displaying or voicing opposition to government policies or authority, excluding demonstrations of a distinctly antiforeign nature. Riots are defined as any violent demonstration or clash of more than one hundred citizens involving the use of physical force. The Banks data set captures large-scale protest events that are likely to resonate at the national level and provides a consistent and comparable operational definition of protest. It also has the broadest empirical coverage over time and countries. The data source cited by Kurtz is Przeworski et al. (fn. 19), which also comes from Banks.

⁴⁰ Morley, Machado, and Pettinato (fn. 26); Escaith and Paunovic (fn. 26).

⁴¹ The Polity IV data are described in Marshall, Monty and Jaggers, Keith, Polity IV Project: Dataset Users Manual (College Park, Md.: Center for International Development and Conflict Management, 2000Google Scholar).

⁴² Following Epstein et al. (fn. 30) and Bueno de Mesquita et al. (fn. 30).

⁴³ Bank, World, WorldDevelopment Indicators (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2004Google Scholar).

⁴⁴ Kurtz (fn. 6), 295.

⁴⁵ Oxhorn, Philip D. and Starr, Pamela K., Markets and Democracy in Latin America: Conflict or Convergence? (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1999), 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Long, J. Scott, Regression Modelsfor Categorical and Limited Dependent Variables (Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications, 1997Google Scholar).

⁴⁷ This conclusion was also supported by the likelihood ratio test of the alpha parameter for all of the models in Tables 3 and 4. The p-value was < 0.000 for all of the models.

⁴⁸ We are grateful to Carolina Fornos, Timothy Power, and James Garand for sharing the data that they used in their voter turnout study. The authors of this manuscript were able to replicate their results as reported in Fornos, Power, and Garand (fn. 33), 923. We collected the data on turnout as the percentage of registered voters that vote, which is the measure used by Kurtz, from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (http://www.idea.int) and other electoral data sources.

⁴⁹ See Blais, Andre and Carty, R. Kenneth, ”Does Proportional Representation Foster Voter Turnout?” European Journal of Political Research 18 (1990CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Blais, Andre and Dobrzynska, Agnieszka, ”Turnout in Electoral Democracies,” European Journal of Political Research 33 (March 1998CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Franklin, Mark N., ”Electoral Participation,” in LeDuc, Lawrence, Niemi, Richard G., and Norris, Pipa, eds., Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective (Thousand Oaks, Calif:Sage cations, 1996Google Scholar); Franklin, Mark N., Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

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⁵¹ Perez-Linan, Anibal, ”Neoinstitutional Accounts of Voter Turnout: Moving Beyond Industrial Democracies,” Electoral Studies 20 (June 2001CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁵² International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (fn. 48).

⁵³ These other electoral sources used were Political Database of the Americas (http://www.georgetown.edu/pdba); the PARLINE Database of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (http://www.ipu.org); and the Elections around the World Web site (http://www.election-world.org).

⁵⁴ Powell (fn. 50, 1986); Jackman (fn. 50).

⁵⁵ The information to create this variable was taken from Nohlen, Dieter, ed., Encidopedia Electoral Latinoamericana y del Caribe (San Jose, Costa Rica: Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, 1993Google Scholar), Jones, Mark P., ”A Guide to the Electoral Systems of the America,” Electoral Studies 14 (March 1995CrossRefGoogle Scholar); and Siavelis, Peter, ”Continuity and Change in the Chilean Party System: On the Transformational Effects of Electoral Reform,” Comparative Political Studies 30, no. 6 (1997CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁵⁶ Jackman (fn. 50); Jackman and Miller (fn. 50).

⁵⁷ The source of the data is the same as for the turnout sources; see fn. 48.

⁵⁸ Jackman (fn. 50)

⁵⁹ Laakso, Markku and Taagepera, Rein, ”Effective Number of Parties: A Measure with Application to West Europe,” Comparative Political Studies 12, no. 1 (1979CrossRefGoogle Scholar). These scores were calculated from the sources used for the turnout data; see fn. 48.

⁶⁰ Jackman (fn. 50); Jackman and Miller (fn. 50); Lijphart, Arend, Democracies: Patterns ofMajori-tarian and Consensus Government in Twenty-one Countries (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1984CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁶¹ The information to create this variable was taken from Nohlen (fn. 55) and Jones (fn. 55).

⁶² The source of the data is Payne, Mark, Zovatto, Daniel, Carillo, Fernando, and Allamand, Andres, Lapo/ittca importa: democracia y desarrollo en America Latina (Washington, D.C.: Inter-American Development Bank and International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2003Google Scholar). The index of economic reform from Morley, Machado, and Pettinato (fn. 26) and Escaith and Paunovic (fn. 26) is not available for Nicaragua and Panama, so the results presented in Table 6 are based on sixteen countries.

⁶³ Jacobson, Gary, The Politics of CongressionalElections (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 2000Google Scholar).

⁶⁴ The source of the data is the same as for the turnout sources; see fn. 48.

⁶⁵ Fornos, Power and Garand (fn. 33).

⁶⁶ The source of the data is World Bank (fn. 43).

⁶⁷ Fornos, Power and Garand (fn. 33).

⁶⁸ World Bank (fn. 43).

⁶⁹ Fornos, Power, and Garand (fn. 33), 921.

⁷⁰ These data are from Freedom House, available at http://www.freedomhouse.org/.

⁷¹ The presidential and legislative founding election years are respectively Argentina (1983,1983), Bolivia (1980, 1980), Brazil (1989, 1986), Chile (1989, 1989), El Salvador (1984, 1985), Guatemala (1985, 1985), Honduras (1985, 1985), Mexico (1994, 1994), Paraguay (1989, 1989), Peru (1980, 1980), and Uruguay (1984,1984). See also Fornos, Power, and Garand (fn. 33), 935.

⁷² The source of these data is the same as for the turnout sources; see fn. 48.

⁷³ Morley, Machado, and Pettinato (fn. 26); Escaith and Paunovic (fn. 26).

⁷⁴ Liang, Kung-Yee and Zeger, Scott L., ”Longitudinal Data Analysis Using Generalized Linear Models,” Biometrika 73 (April 1986CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Zeger, Scott L. and Liang, Kung-Yee, ”Longitudinal Data Analysis for Discrete and Continuous Outcomes,” Biometrics 42 (March 1986CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁷⁵ Kurtz (fn. 6), 294, emphasis in original.

⁷⁶ Ibid., 295, emphasis added.

⁷⁷ Ibid.

⁷⁸ These results also do not change using Polity scores higher than or equal to 7. There is also no support for the atomization thesis when we substitute the index of economic liberalization for the trade liberalization subindex as in Kurtz (fn. 6), 293.

⁷⁹ The results reported in Tables 3 and 4 have also been cross-checked utilizing a counter or trend variable. The estimates remained identical to those generated with a single dummy variable. Substituting year dummies for these period dummies did not significantly alter our results. Adding a lagged dependent variable to the right-hand side of the equation also did not produce substantive changes in our main results.

⁸⁰ Banks (fn. 39); see Appendix 2 for a summary of descriptive statistics.

⁸¹ Similar to Fornos, Power, and Garand (fn. 33).

⁸² Similar to Kurtz (fn. 6).

⁸³ Model 10 is the only exception to this finding. The interaction term economic liberalization 'de mocracy becomes statistically significant at the 10 percent level at high levels of democracy. Specifically, only when democracy (based on the Freedom House rating) reaches the values of 9 and 10, there appears to be a drop in turnout. Given that this relationship appears only at very high levels of democracy (the maximum level of democracy is 10), we believe that the drop in turnout may have to do less with social anomie than satisfaction.

⁸⁴ Fornos, Power, and Garand (fn. 33), 923.

⁸⁵ Lora, Eduardo and Panizza, Ugo, ”The Future of Structural Reform,” Journal ofDemocracy 14 (April 2003Google Scholar). In Argentina, for instance, support for labor reforms was mostly rhetorical and calls for reform were made ”largely as a signal to appease international organizations and foreign investors.” Bambaci, Ju-liana, Saront, Tamara, and Tommasi, Mariano, ”The Political Economy of Economic Reforms in Argentina,” Policy Reform 5, no. 2 (2002), 83–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁶ Murillo, Maria Victoria and Schrank, Andrew, ”With a Little Help from My Friends: Partisan Politics, Transnational Alliances, and Labor Rights in Latin America,” Comparative Political Studies 38 (October 2005CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁸⁷ Ibid., 972.

⁸⁸ Polanyi, Karl, The Great Transformation (New York: Farrar & Rinehart Inc., 1944Google Scholar).

⁸⁹ Fornos, Power, and Garand (fn. 33), 923.

⁹⁰ Kurtz (fn. 6), 298.