Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-gb8f7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T03:57:16.454Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Deterrence, Disarmament and the Rocky Road Between

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 July 2011

Michael Brower
Affiliation:
Harvard University
Get access

Extract

UNTIL recently most of the books by disarmers said little about the dirty business of nuclear strategy and most strategists made only occasional references to the Utopia of disarmament. And so it also was with the actual policies—military vs. disarmament—of the nuclear nations. So long as this split persisted there was little chance of disarmament being seriously considered, and so long as the best military analysts considered nuclear weapons useful and even vital to Western defense—as a great many of them did—there was little hope for nuclear disarmament. But in the last few years this split between armers and disarmers has begun to be bridged by an increasing number of men who analyze from both perspectives at once, and by a shift in the consensus on the specific question of the usefulness of nuclear weapons— a shift largely reflecting the steady increase in Soviet nuclear power. These trends were given a considerable assist from these two excellent works by eminent Englishmen, both of whom assume that nuclear parity (and therefore, they believe, nuclear uselessness) is upon us, and both of whom are concerned with deterrence and disarmament, and how to get from one to the other.

Type
Review Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Trustees of Princeton University 1964

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Kissinger, Henry A., Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (New York 1957)Google Scholar.

2 “Limited War: Conventional or Nuclear? A Reappraisal,” in Brennan, Donald, ed., Arms Control, Disarmament and National Security (New York 1962)Google Scholar.

3 Military and Political Consequences of Atomic Energy (London 1948)Google Scholar. Little of this discussion is included in Studies of War, but Strachey has an excellent balanced analysis of these proposals in his chapter 10.

4 U.S. Atomic Energy Commission Hearings, In the Matter of /. Robert Oppenheimer (Washington 1954), 38Google Scholar.

5 “The First Real Chance for Disarmament,” Harper's Magazine, Vol. 226 (January 1963). 2532Google Scholar.

6 But the Germans did suffer from the second hazard. Samuel Goudsmit, the leader of the U.S. scientific-intelligence mission to Germany at the end of World War II, argued that the Germans’ failure to build an atom bomb was in part due to their arrogant assumption of the superiority of German science. Cf. Alsos (New York 1947)Google Scholar, esp. IX-X, 3–5.

7 “The Atom Bomb as Policy Maker,” Foreign Affairs, XXVII (October 1948), 29Google Scholar.

8 “Science and Security,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, IV (December 1948), 375Google Scholar.

9 “Congress and the Atom,” Annals of the American Academy, Vol. 290 (November 1953), 81Google Scholar.

10 Report on the Atom (New York 1953)Google Scholar, quoted in Blackett, 20.

11 Even the American Management Association has recently recognized one of these convergences: “Broadly speaking, managers possess a common catalyst: the capacity for getting things done. Through the efforts of other people, and by utilization of the resources at hand, they know how to make things happen. … The Soviet leaders— though they may be loath to accept any Western definitions of management—are managers in the most realistic sense of the word.“—A.M.A., 40 Years of Progress in Management (rotogravure advertising section, inserted in New York Times, September 15, 1963)Google Scholar.