¹ See, for example, Mattli, Walter, The Logic of Regional Integration: Europe and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 49–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an argument that privileges the role of big business in Mexico's free-trade decision, see Thacker, Strom C., Big Business, the State, and Free Trade: Constructing Coalitions in Mexico (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² See Wendt, Alexander, “Identity and Structural Change in International Politics,” in Lapid, Yosef and Kratochwil, Friedrich, eds., The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1996)Google Scholar.

³ In the domestic context, Rogers Smith refers to “constitutive stories” of citizenship. See Smith, Rogers, “Citizenship and the Politics of People-Building,” Citizenship Studies 5 (January 2001), 75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Here, I depart from Krasner's statist “not the private interest” view of national interest, which relies on purely empirical tests—rather than interpretive analysis—to establish a separate, state-defined set of foreign policy imperatives. See Krasner, Stephen D., Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 10–14.Google Scholar

⁵ According to David Campbell, foreign policy is an ongoing exclusionary practice that separates the (threatening) outside from the (legitimate) inside, and should be viewed as “one of the border-producing practices central to the production and reproduction of the identity [of the state] in whose name it operates.” See Campbell, David, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity, rev. ed. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), 68.Google Scholar

⁶ For an analysis that uses policy legacies to explain national variations on the welfare state, see Weir, Margaret and Skocpol, Theda, “State Structures and the Possibilities for ‘Keynesian’ Responses to the Great Depression in Sweden, Britain, and the United States,” in Evans, Peter B., Rueschemeyer, Dietrich, and Skocpol, , eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁷ Krasner notes the ability of the state to shift “decision arenas” in order to insulate particular policies from private influence, but this shifting is strategic and reactive, whereas policy frontiers develop permanent status and thus limit the state's present and iuture ability to relocate policies. See Krasner (fh. 4), 83–86.

⁸ On these metaphors and their use in the literature, see Thelen, Kathleen, “Historical Institutional-ism in Comparative Politics,” Annual Review of Political Science 2 (1999), 398.Google Scholar

⁹ I focus exclusively on “pan-Canadian nationalism,” or an ideology of national identification aimed at all Canadians but resonating primarily with English-speaking citizens.

¹⁰ On Canada, see Bashevkin, Sylvia B., True Patriot Love: The Politics of Canadian Nationalism (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1991), 3–6Google Scholar; and Smith, Allan, Canada—An American Nation? Essays on Continentalism, Identity and the Canadian Frame of Mind (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1994)Google Scholar. On Mexico, see Camín, Héctor Águilar, “La invención de México: Notas sobre nacionalismo e identidad nacional,” Nexos 187 (1993)Google Scholar; and Turner, Frederick, The Dynamics of Mexican Nationalism (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1968), 101–253.Google Scholar

¹¹ Canada's tum-of-the-century program of import substitution industrialization and national rail-road construction was christened “The National Policy.” See Brown, Craig, “The Nationalism of the National Policy,” in Russell, Peter, ed., Nationalism in Canada (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada, 1966)Google Scholar.

¹² Canada sought a separate international identity through “middle-power multilateralism,” while Mexico carved out a distinct role as a defender of “principles” based on international law. On Canada, see Cooper, Andrew F., “Multilateral Leadership: The Changing Dynamics of Canadian Foreign Policy,” in English, John and Hillmer, Norman, eds., Making a Difference? Canada's Foreign Policy in a Changing World Order (Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1992)Google Scholar. On Mexico, see Gonzalez, Guadalupe, “Tradiciones y premisas: Politica exterior de Mexico,” in Green, Rosario and Smith, Peter H., eds., La politico exteriory la agenda Mexicoy Estados Unidos (Foreign policy and the Mexico-U.S. agenda) (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹³ See Goff, Patricia M., “Invisible Borders: Economic Liberalization and National Identity,” International Studies Quarterly 44 (December 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ See Beteta, Mario Ramón, “The Role of the Oil Industry in Mexico,” in Falk, Pamela S., ed., Petroleum and Mexico's Future (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See Hart, Michael, “Almost But Not Quite: The 1947–48 Bilateral Canada-U.S. Negotiations,” The American Review of Canadian Studies 19 (Spring 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Granatstein, J. L., “Free Trade: The Issue That Will Not Go Away,” in Stairs, Denis and Winham, Gilbert R., eds., The Politics of Canada's Economic Relationship with the United States, vol. 29 of The Collected Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Purcell, John F. H. and Purcell, Susan Kaufman, “Mexican Business and Public Policy,” in Malloy, James M., ed., Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1977), 194–96Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Keeler, John T. S., “Opening the Window for Reform: Mandates, Crises and Extraordinary Policy Making,” Comparative Political Studies 25 (January 1993), 439–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Hall, Peter A., “Policy Paradigms, Social Learning, and the State: The Case of Economic Policymaking in Britain,” Comparative Politics 25 (April 1993), 291.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ On Canada's controversial Foreign Investment Review Agency (FIRA) and National Energy Program (NEP), see Clarkson, Stephen, Canada and the Reagan Challenge: Crisis and Adjustment, rev. ed. (Toronto: James Lorimer & Co., 1985), 1—49Google Scholar. On the rationale for similar economic nationalist policies adopted in the 1970s in Mexico, see Cordera, Rolando and Tello, Carlos, Mexico, la disputapor la nation: Perspectivasy opciones del desarrollo (Mexico, the debate for the nation: Perspectives and options for development) (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1981), 78–134.Google Scholar

²¹ On Canada's crisis, see Clarkson (fn. 20), 329–30; on Mexico's crisis, see Lustig, Nora, Mexico: The Remaking of an Economy (Washington, D. C: The Brookings Institution, 1992), 14—27.Google Scholar

²² This observation is corroborated by Simon Reisman, Canada's chief negotiator of the similarly-limited 1965 Auto Pact. See Reisman, , “The Issue of Free Trade,” in Fried, Edward R. and Tresize, Philip H., eds., U.S.-Canadian Economic Relations: Next Steps? (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1984), 41–42.Google Scholar

²³ See, for example, Grindle, Merilee S., Challenging the State: Crisis and Innovation in Latin America and Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Haggard, Stephan and Kaufman, Robert R., eds., The Politics of Economic Adjustment: International Constraints, Distributive Conflict, and the State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Williamson, John, The Progress of Policy Reform in Latin America, Policy Analyses in International Economics, no. 28 (Washington, D.C.: Institute for International Economics, 1990).Google Scholar

²⁴ Lustig (fn.21), 116.

²⁵ See Rubio, Luis, Rodriguez, Cristina, and Blum, Roberto, “Mexico's Trade Policy and the Uruguay Round,” in Nau, Henry R., ed., Domestic Politics and the Uruguay Round (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 167–85.Google Scholar

²⁶ This evolutionary argument is made in Manuel Pastor and Carol Wise, “The Origins and Sustainability of Mexico's Free Trade Policy,” International Organization 48 (Autumn 1994Google Scholar). See also Castillo, Gustavo Del, “El proteccionismo estadunidense en la era de Reagan,” Comercio exterior 37 (November 1987), 893.Google Scholar

²⁷ In his keynote address, Salinas stated: “The marked differences in level of development between Mexico and the United States make a common market inadvisable in the foreseeable future.” Because of this, he continued, efforts on bilateral negotiations would be limited to sectoral agreements, and diversification of trade relations with Europe and the Pacific Rim would accelerate. See Gortari, Carlos Salinas de, “Intervención del presidente Carlos Salinas de Gortari en la ceremonia inaugural del Foro Económico Mundial, celebrado en la ciudad de Davos, 1 de febrero 1990 (Documento 18)” in Arriola, Carlos, ed., Documentos básicos sobre el Tratado de Libre Comercio de America del Norte (NAFTA: Basic documents) (Mexico City: SECOFl, 1994), 129.Google Scholar

²⁸ My own documentary research in the SECOFl archives and searches through the ministry's official journal—Comercio exterior—yielded no such studies. This finding was confirmed by high-ranking members of the policy advisory staff of the commerce secretary at SECOFl. Confidential interviews by author, Mexico City, April 1994.

²⁹ See Gruber, Lloyd, “Power Politics and the Free Trade Bandwagon,” Comparative Political Studies 34 (September 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gardels, Nathan, “North American Free Trade: Mexico's Route to Upward Mobility,” New Perspectives Quarterly 8 (Winter 1991)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Gortari, Salinas de, “Primer informe de gobierno,” Comercio exterior 39 (November 1989), 935–36Google Scholar.

³¹ Business leaders, journalists, and high-ranking officials present at Davos, confidential interviews by author, Mexico City, April-July 1994, and Washington, D.C., September 1992.

³² Jervis, Robert, Perception and' Misperception in International Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 21.Google Scholar

³³ Kingdon, John, Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policy, 2d ed. (New York: Harper Collins College Publishers, 1995), 179–83Google Scholar.

³⁴ See Bruce Doern, G. and Tomlin, Brian, Faith and Fear: The Free Trade Story (Toronto: Stoddart, 1991), 18–22Google Scholar. For an insider's account, see Hart, , Dymond, Bill, and Robertson, Colin, Decision at Midnight: Inside the Canada-US Free-Trade Negotiations (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1994), 17–24.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Wright, Gerald, “Bureaucratic Politics and Canada's Foreign Economic Policy,” in Stairs, and Winham, , eds., Selected Problems in Formulating Foreign Economic Policy, vol. 30 of The Collected Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospectsfor Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 16–18.Google Scholar

³⁶ Government of Canada, A Review of Canadian Trade Policy (Ottawa: Department of External Affairs, 1983)Google Scholar; and Government of Canada, Canadian Trade Policyfor the 1980s: A Discussion Paper (Ottawa: Department of External Affairs, 1983)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Government officials, business and union leaders, and academics, confidential interviews by author, Ottawa, October-December 1994, and Ottawa, Toronto, and Montreal, October 1996. These interviews informed my account of the Canadian policy entrepreneurs.

³⁸ The findings are summarized in Report of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, 3 vols. (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1985)Google Scholar. For a critical view, see Simeon, Richard, “Inside the Macdonald Commission,” Studies in Political Economy 22 (Spring 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ One key policy entrepreneur, Michael Hart, himself contributed an academic study to the commission while on leave from the task force. See Hart, , Canadian Economic Development and the International Trading System, vol. 53 of The Collected Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospectsfor Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Hon. Kelleher, James F, How to Secure and Enhance Canadian Access to Export Markets (Ottawa: Office of the Minister for International Trade/Department of External Affairs, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ The most comprehensive study of this generation is found in Centeno, Miguel Angel, Democracy within Reason: Technocratic Revolution in Mexico, 2d ed. (University Park, Penn.: Penn State University Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁴² See Camp, Roderic A., “Camarillas in Mexican Politics: The Case of the Salinas Cabinet,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 6 (Winter 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ Most notably, Pedro Aspe (b. 1950, Ph.D., MIT, Finance); Jaime Serra (b. 1951, Ph.D., Yale, Commerce); Ernesto Zedillo (b. 1951, Ph.D., Yale, Budget, then Education); and Herminio Blanco (b. 1950, Ph.D, University of Chicago, chief NAFTA negotiator). For biographical information, see mexicano, Diccionario biográfico del gobierno(Biographical dictionary of the mexican government), 3d ed. (Mexico City: Presidencia de la República, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Heroles, Federico Reyes, “CSG: De la debilidad al liderazgo.” Este pais 6 (September 1991), 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ On Córdoba's access, see Centeno (fn. 41), 96. Centeno also notes that, as a naturalized Mexican citizen and ineligible for the presidential succession, Cordoba was able to become “the second most powerful man in Mexico” because Salinas did not have to worry about his ulterior motives regarding personal advancement.

⁴⁶ Several top trade officials at this time, who described the demise of “Asuntos Económicos” in 1984, also related how the subsidies agreement of 1985 was purposefully negotiated in secret by an elite SECOFI trade negotiation team and presented to SRE after the fact. Confidential interviews by author, Mexico City, August 1994.

⁴⁷ For a full discussion of the pre-1985 trade policy-making process, see Rubio, Rodriguez, and Blum (fn. 25), 169–72, 174–79.

⁴⁸ See Eisenstadt, Todd, “Cabildeo y relaciones publicas en Estados Unidos” Este país 15 (June 1992)Google Scholar; and coverage of “Mexico's Image Machine” in the U.S., International Herald Tribune, December 31, 1991, 1Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ See, for example, Secretaria de Comercio y Fomento Industrial, Mexico's International Trade Relations: Challenges and Opportunities, 2d ed. (Mexico City: SECOFI, 1990)Google Scholar. Interviews with SECOFI officials confirmed that these studies were commissioned only after February 1990 and that their aim was to introduce and justify the bilateral option. Confidential interviews by author, Mexico City, August 1994.

⁵⁰ See Republica, Senado de la, “Foro sobre la política comercial de México,” Comercio exterior 40 (June 1990)Google Scholar; and Foro de Consulta sobre las Relaciones Comerciales de México con el Exterior, Relatoria: El comercio de México con el mundo, ¿Hacia dónde se dirige? (Summary of testimony: Mexico's international trade: Where is it heading?) (Mexico City: Senado de la República, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ See New York Times, March 29, 1990, Al, D23. It is widely believed that Córdoba engineered the “self-leak” in order to galvanize the Bush administration into immediate action.

⁵² In a famous quote, Salinas' finance minister, Pedro Aspe, claimed that a main goal of the economic reform project was to “privatize the private sector.” See Heroles, Reyes and Delgado, Rene, “Pedro Aspe Armella: La privatization del sector privado,” Este país 11 (January 1992), 14.Google Scholar

⁵³ Commenting on this discipline, both the chief economist for the main private sector think tank and a prominent financial journalist for a Mexico City daily independently confirmed my finding that there were virtually no formal studies of the free-trade option (or of sectoral impacts) commissioned or released by the private sector until after the president s call for the Foro in April 1990. Confidential interviews by author, Mexico City, August 1992 and May 1994. According to one top entrepreneur from an export-oriented Monterrey group, his colleagues in big business “got in line ... like soldiers” once the decision was made to negotiate, but then had to “protect ourselves from our government” and its aim for speedy results as negotiations got underway. Confidential interview by author, Mexico City, July 1994.

⁵⁴ Goldstein, Judith and Keohane, Robert O., “Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework,” in Goldstein, and Keohane, , eds., Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions and Political Change (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), 17.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ “Statement by the Right Honourable Joe Clark, Secretary of State for External Affairs, to the Canadian Institute for International Affairs, Toronto, October 4, 1985,” Statement/Discours 85/58 (1985), 12–13Google Scholar, emphasis in the original.

⁵⁶ Salinas de Gortari (fn. 30), 932.

⁵⁷ Salinas de Gortari (fn. 27), 127.

⁵⁸ Salinas de Gortari., “México-Estados Unidos: Una nueva era de cooperación y amistad” (Speech before a joint session of the United States Congress, Washington, D.C., October 4, 1989), Comercio exterior 39 (October 1989), 911.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Clark(fn.55), 12.

⁶⁰ “Notes for an Address by the Honourable James Kelleher, Minister for International Trade, to the Financial Post Conference, Toronto, April 25, 1985,” Statement/Discours 85/23 (1985), 6. Emphasis in the original.

⁶¹ “Notes for Remarks by the Honourable James Kelleher, Minister for International Trade, to the Sault Ste. Marie Chamber of Commerce and Export Club, Sault Ste. Marie, September 30, 1985,” Statement/Discours 85/53 (1985), 7.Google Scholar

⁶² For a prescient analysis, see Villegas, Francisco Gil, “México entre el Pacífico y el Atlántico,” Foro internacional 29 (October-December 1988)Google Scholar.

⁶³ Presupuesto, Secretaria de Programacion y, “Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, 1989—94,” in Lapolitico exterior de Mexico en elnuevo orden mundial: Antologia deprincipios y temas (Mexican foreign policy in the new world order: Anthology of principles and themes) (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1993), 120.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Gardels(fn.29), 4.

⁶⁵ Report of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, vol. 1 (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1985), 353–54Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Prime Minister's Office, “Communication Strategy for the Canada-U.S. Bilateral Trade Initiative, September 1985,” in Cameron, Duncan, ed., The Free Trade Papers (Toronto: James Lorimer & Co., 1986)Google Scholar. This document, leaked to the press, caused a sensation in nationalist circles as an indication that the government had resorted to slick marketing techniques to make its case.

⁶⁷ “Canada/USA Trade Negotiations (Statement by the Right Honourable Brian Mulroney, Prime Minister, to the House of Commons, Ottawa, September 26, 1985),” Statements and Speeches 85/11 (1985), 3.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Salinas de Gortari (fn. 30), 946.

⁶⁹ Idem, ., “Discurso de toma de posesión,” Comercio exterior 38 (December 1988), 1144.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Arriola (fn. 27).