¹ The earlier coup of Urabi Pasha in Egypt was suppressed in an embryonic stage by the British occupation of 1882. For a general survey of Near Eastern military coups since that time, see Khadduri, Majid, “The Role of the Military in Middle East Politics,” American Political Science Reviews, XLVII (1953), pp. 511–24Google Scholar; reprinted as “The Army Officer: His Role in Middle Eastern Politics,” in Fisher, Sydney N., ed., Social Forces in the Middle East, Ithaca, N.Y., 1955, pp. 162–84.Google Scholar

² Throughout this article, family names adopted by Turks in accordance with a law of 1934 are given in square brackets. Kemal's last name was bestowed on him by special action of the Grand National Assembly.

³ Cf. Khadduri, Majid, War and Peace in the Law of Islam, Baltimore, 1955.Google Scholar

⁴ Cf. Wittek, Paul, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire, London, 1938.Google Scholar

⁵ The phrase is that of Lybyer, Albert H. (The Government of the Ottoman Empire, Cambridge, Mass., 1933).Google Scholar For a more recent survey of Ottoman military and civil administration up to the eighteenth century, see Gibb, Hamilton A. R. and Bowen, H. L., Islamic Society and the West, 1, Part i–ii, London, 1950–1957.Google Scholar

⁶ In Lewis V. Thomas' apt phrase; see Thomas, L. V. and Frye, R. N., The United States and Turkey and Iran, Cambridge, Mass., 1951, p. 51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the Ottoman reform attempts, see the suggestive interpretation given in the many writings of Toynbee, Arnold J. (e.g., The World and the West, London, 1953Google Scholar, ch. 3; and Toynbee, A. J. and Kirkwood, K. P., Turkey, London, 1926)Google Scholar, and Lewis, Bernard, “Turkey: Westernization,” in Grunebaum, Gustave E. Von, ed., Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, Chicago, 1955, pp. 311–31.Google Scholar

⁷ On the rise of Turkish national consciousness, cf. Lewis, Bernard, “History-Writing and Nationalist Revival in Turkey,” Middle Eastern Affairs, IV (1953), pp. 218–27.Google Scholar

⁸ The exile movement is described in detail by Ramsaur, Ernest Edmondson Jr, The Young Turks: Prelude to the Revolution of 1908, Princeton, N.J., 1957.Google Scholar

⁹ A detailed examination of the internal political development of the Ottoman Empire from 1908 until 1918 remains one of the urgent desiderata of modern historiography. Emin, Ahmed [Yalman], Turkey in the World War, New Haven, Conn., 1930Google Scholar, may serve as an introduction for the English-speaking reader. Bayur, Yusuf Hikmet, Türk İnkilâbt Tarihi, İstanbul and Ankara, 1940—Google Scholar, emphasizes international politics and also treats the period largely in terms of what it contributed to later developments under the Republic. Türkgeldi's, Ali Fuad modest, conscientious, and detached memoirs, Görüp İşittiklerim, 2nd ed., Ankara, 1951Google Scholar, are limited mainly to the small, if crucial, segment of public affairs of which he had official knowledge as secretary to the Sultan. The Turkish war effort is thoroughly and competently treated by Larcher, M., La Guerre Turque dans la Guerre Mondiale, Paris, 1926Google Scholar; see also the memoirs of the Austrian military plenipotentiary, Pomiankowski, Joseph, Der Zusammenbruch des ottomanischen Reiches, Leipzig, 1928.Google Scholar Finally, Heyd, Uriel, Foundations of Turkish Nationalism, London, 1950Google Scholar, systematically examines the philosophical ideas of the leading Union and Progress theorist, Ziya Gökalp.

¹⁰ Depositions had been frequent in Ottoman history. The earlier ones, however, had been due to intrigues in the palace and the capital; Abdülhamid's was the first prompted by popular and partisan action. Cf. Alderson, Anthony D., The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty, Oxford, 1956, pp. 71f.Google Scholar

¹¹ Türkgeldi, op.cit., passim.

¹² For a detailed and well-documented account of the Western Thrace episode, see Biyiklioğlu, Tevfik, Trakyada Millî Mücadele, Ankara, 1955–1956, 1, pp. 75ff.Google Scholar; cf. Pasha, Djemal, Memories of a Turkish Statesman, London, 1922, pp. 49ff.Google Scholar, and [Ahmed İzzet Furgaç], Denkwürdigkeiten des Marschalls Izzet Pascha, tr. by Karl Klinghardt, Leipzig, 1927, p. 215. A decade earlier Mustafa Kemal is said to have been greatly impressed by the course in guerrilla tactics offered at the General Staff College by Trabzonlu Nuri (see şapolyo, Enver Behnan, Kemal Atatürk ve Millî Mücadele Tarihi, 3rd ed., İstanbul, 1958, pp. 54f.).Google Scholar

¹³ On the formation of the Special Organization, see Biyiklioğlu, , op.cit., I, pp. 88ff.Google ScholarFurgaç, (op.cit., pp. 135, 193)Google Scholar refers to General Staff preparations for popular resistance in lost areas such as Macedonia and Libya. On die Army of Islam and its operations in the Caucasus, see Biyiklioğlu, Tevfik, Osmanh ve Türk Doğu Hudut Politikast, İstanbul, 1958, p. 18Google Scholar; Allen, W. E. D. and Muratori, Paul, Caucasian Battle fields, Cambridge, Eng., 1953, pp. 468, 479, 490ff.Google Scholar; and Pomiankowski, , op.cit., pp. 172f.Google Scholar, 388. On Nuri [Kilhgil], see Ağaoğlu, Samet, Babamtn Arkadaşlari, İstanbul, 1959, pp. 30–34.Google Scholar The fullest account yet published of the Special Organization, by one of Askerî's successors, unfortunately bears all the earmarks of historical sensationalism rather than of detached reporting. See Ertürk, Hüsameddin, İki Devrin Perde Arkast, ed. by Tansu, Samih Nariz, İstanbul, 1957.Google Scholar

¹⁴ When asked by a journalist in 1922, “How did you win this victory?” Mustafa Kemal is said to have replied, “With die telegraph wires.” (Şapolyo, , op.cit., p. 349.)Google Scholar For details of the struggle which developed in the summer of 1919 between Kemalist forces and the Istanbul government over control of die telegraph stations, see Cebesoy, Ali Fuad, Millî Mücadele Hâttralart, İstanbul, 1953, p. 149.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Dursunoğlu, Cevat, Millî Mücadelede Erzurum, Ankara, 1946, p. 27.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Nasser, Gamal Abdul, Egypt's Liberation, Washington, D.C., 1955, p. 31.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Türkgeldi, , op.cit., pp. 274f.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See, e.g., Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele …, pp. 34ff.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Tunaya, Tank Z., Türkiyede Siyasî Partner, İstanbul, 1952, pp. 413f.Google Scholar, quoting Kemal's letter of January 1919 to the İstanbul paper Söz. In October 1919 Kemal, when asked, “Is it possible that the Unionists will influence the National Forces?” replied: “Our National Forces are under the influence only of the nation and of the supremenational aims. Aside from this no individual or society can exercise any influence upon them.” (Atatürk], [Kemal, Nutuk, İstanbul, 1934, III, pp. 169f.Google Scholar, document 144.) Four years later he was to state more candidly: “We were all members [of the Society of Union and Progress]… Most of the members of that society and of the Renewal Party … joined, or participated in, the Society for the Defense of Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia…” (Atatürk, Kemal, Söylev ve Demeçler, İstanbul-Ankara, 1945–1954, III, p. 62.)Google Scholar And earlier he had declared, “If there must needs be some Unionism in this business, then the entire nation stands accused of Unionism.” (Ibid., III, p. 2.)

²⁰ German translation of oath in Fischer, A., “Der türkische Nationalismus und der Sturz des dritten Kabinetts Damad Ferid Pascha,” Der neue Orient, VII, No. 3 (1920), p. 98.Google Scholar

²¹ Türkgeldi, , op.cit., p. 176.Google Scholar

²² Edib, Halide, The Turkish Ordeal, New York, 1928, p. 39.Google Scholar Similarly İzzet Paşa was to recall of the time of his premiership: “The Committee of Union and Progress, despite its many faults and failures, still was a force not to be neglected in the country as a whole and in İstanbul in particular. All the police officers [were] their own people…” (Quoted by İnal, İbnülemin Mahmud Kemal, Osmanli Devrinde Son Sadnazamlar, İstanbul, 1940–1953, p. 1983.)Google Scholar

²³ Quoted in ibid., p. 1962.

²⁴ On İzzet's relations with the Unionists, see Furgaç, , op.cit., pp. 202, 215, 217Google Scholar, and passim.

²⁵ The target of Kemal's sharpest criticism was General von Falkenhayn, his superior as commander of the Yildirim group of armies on the Syrian front. The memorandum was first made public in the İstanbul paper Tasviri EfKâr during the 1919 election campaign. It is reprinted in Hüseyin Hüsnü Emir [Erkilet], Yildirim (supplement to Mecmua-yt Askeriyye, İstanbul, 1337 [i.e., 1921]), pp. 78ff. A number of related documents have recently been published by Bayur, Hikmet, “Mustafa Kemal'm Falkenhayn'la Çahşmasiyle İlgili Henüz Yayinlanmamiş Bir Raponi,” Belleten, XX (1956). pp. 619–32.Google Scholar

²⁶ See [Reşid Paşa], Reşit Paşa'nin hatiralari, ed. by Cevdet R. Yularkiran, İstanbul, 1939, p. 13.

²⁷ On the leadership and program of the two Freedom and Accord parties, see Tunaya, , Türkiyede Siyasî Partiler, pp. 315–44, 447–56.Google Scholar

²⁸ Among these may be named the nationalist writers Riza Nur, Ahmed Ferid [Tek], and Akçuraoğlu Yusuf; the prominent İstanbul lawyer Celâleddin Ârif, the last speaker of the Ottoman House of Representatives before its dissolution in March 1920; Nihad Reşad [Beiger], who served as one of the first diplomatic representatives of the Ankara government; and Carni [Baykurt], former Undersecretary of the Interior and cofounder in December 1918 of the Ottoman Defense of Rights Society of İzmir. In the Ankara cabinet of 1920, Ârif, Carni, Ferid, and Riza Nur served, respectively, as Minister of Justice, Interior, Finance, and Education. On the earlier party affiliations of these men, see ibid., pp. 239, 244, 290, 358.

²⁹ See Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele …, pp. 49, 77, 84f., 110f., 143Google Scholar; Hüsnü, Açiksözcü, İstiKlâl Harbinde Kastamonu, Kastamonu, 1933, pp. 13ff.Google Scholar; Umur, Hasan and Pasin, Âdii, Samsun'da Müdafaai Hukuk, İstanbul, 1944, p. 9.Google Scholar For Sivas we have the governor's own, naïvely candid, testimony: Reşid Paşa, op.cit., passim.

³⁰ Atatürk, , Nutuk, 1, pp. 27ff.Google Scholar It should be added that Ali Galib was a former colonel on the General Staff.

³¹ Cf. Tarih Vesikalari, 1, No. 16 (August 1955), pp. 7ff.

³² Cf. Malkoç, Nami, 920 Yilinin Kurtuluş Savaşlari (Askerî Mecmua Tarih kismi, No. 48) İstanbul, 1937, pp. 33ff.Google Scholar

³³ On plans to make Paşa, İzzet Prince of Albania in 1913Google Scholar, see İnal, , op.cit., p. 1979Google Scholar, and Furgaç, , op.cit., p. 231.Google Scholar On Bekir Sami's descent, see Allen, and Muratori, , op.cit., pp. 546f.Google Scholar His father, Musa Kundakov, Czarist and later Ottoman general, in 1865 had led a large group of Ossetian and Chechen refugees from the Caucasus to the Tokat region of North-Central Anatolia. Orbay's father, Admiral Mehmed Muzaffer Paşa, likewise had immigrated from the Caucasus. The İstanbul cabinets included some Circassians who took a moderately benevolent attitude toward the Anatolian cause—such as Salih Hulûsi [Kezrak] Paşa, , Premier for three weeks early in 1920Google Scholar and repeatedly Minister of Marine, whose father, Dilâver Paşa, had commanded a Circassian auxiliary corps in the Ottoman Russian war of 1877 (İnal, , op.cit., p. 2118)Google Scholar; and Paşa, Ahmed Abuk, Minister of War and of Works in 1919–1920.Google Scholar Other Circassians, such as War Minister Ömer Yaver Paşa, who was to accompany Sultan Vahideddin into exile, were known for their antagonism to die nationalist cause.

³⁴ Türkgeldi, , op.cit., p. 211.Google ScholarŞakir, Marshal Mehmed, the minister in question, died two months later, in June 1919Google Scholar, at the age of 65, while serving as minister without portfolio.

³⁵ Ibid., p. 163.

³⁶ İnal, , op.cit., p. 1735.Google Scholar

³⁷ Four other commanders of Ottoman armies or army groups had been Germans. Of these, Field Marshal Colmar von der Goltz died in 1916, whereas Liman von Sanders, Kress von Kressenstein, and von Falkenhayn (along with Enver's deputy during the closing months of the war, von Seeckt) left Turkey by the end of 1918. None of these is included in the above summary or in Table 1.

³⁸ On Enver's final days, see Velidî, Ahmed Zeki [Togan], Bugünkü Türkistan ve Yaktn Mazisi (old Turkish script), Cairo, 1940, pp. 408–38Google Scholar; idem, Bugünkü Türkili (Türkistan) ve Yakin Tarihi, 1, İstanbul, 1947, pp. 434–53; and Castagné, Joseph, Les Basmatchis (1917–1924), Paris, 1928.Google Scholar On his attempt to return to Anatolia, , Karaman, Sami Sabit, Trabzon ve Kars Hâtiralari: İstiklâl Mücadelesi ve Enver Paşa, İstanbul, 1949Google Scholar; and Cebesoy, Ali Fuad, Siyasî Hâtiralar, İstanbul, 1957, pp. 25f.Google Scholar On Halil, see Jäschke, Gotthard and Pritsch, Erich, Die Türkei seit dem Weltkriege: Geschichtskal ender, 1918–1928, Berlin, 1929, p. 19Google Scholar; Larcher, , op.cit., p. 665Google Scholar; Jäschke, , “Beiträge …,” pp. 47f.Google Scholar On Canal's and Halil's mediation between Moscow and Ankara, see Cebesoy, Ali Fuad, Moskova Hâtiralart, İstanbul, 1955Google Scholar, passim. On Vehib and his adventurous career abroad (including service in Ethiopia against the Italians in 1935–1936), see Jäschke, and Pritsch, , op.cit., pp. 15, 34Google Scholar; Larcher, , op.cit., pp. 223, 674Google Scholar; Allen, and Muratoff, , op.cit., p. 375Google Scholar; Gövsa, , op.cit., p. 397Google Scholar; and Oriente Moderno, xx (1940), p. 52.

³⁹ Sabis, Ali İhsan, Harb Hâtiralartm, v, İstanbul, 1952, pp. 24, 34ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The release of prisoners from Malta had begun as early as April 1921. Among the earlier returnees were the poet Ziya Gökalp, and Ali Fethi [Okyar], a close friend of Mustafa Kemal and Interior Minister at the time of armistice and later in Ankara. Of those exchanged in November, ten asked to be repatriated to İstanbul, the rest to Anatolia (see Açiksözcü, , op.cit., pp. 105ff.Google Scholar, who lists 59 in all; and Peker, Nurettin, 1918–1923 İstiklâl Savaşnin Vesika ve Resimleri … İnebolu ve Kastamonu Havalisi, İstanbul, 1955, p. 384Google Scholar, who gives only 55 names). The latter included, in addition to the three generals mentioned above, Hüseyin Rauf [Orbay], who had been the nationalist floor leader in the İstanbul parliament of 1920, and Vasif, Colonel Kara, chief Anatolian representative in İstanbul in 1919–1920.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Apak, Rahmi, İstiklâl Savaşinda Garp Cephesi Nasil Kuruldu?, İstanbul, 1942, p. 45Google Scholar (commanders to Anatolia); İnal, , op.cit., p. 2113Google Scholar (Allies force Çobanli and Mersinli to resign after large nationalist raid on French-guarded ammunitions depot); and Atatürk, , Nutuk, II, pp. 150–55Google Scholar (Mersinli and Representative Committee).

⁴² İskora, , op.cit., p. 228Google Scholar; communication from the War History Division of the General Staff.

⁴³ There were exceptions with regard to age, as well as to ethnic origin (see above). Among the aged generals who showed some nationalist leanings may be cited Marshal Fuad Paşa (1835–1931; known as “Crazy Fuad”), who at 84 called in person on the Sultan to transmit the Anatolian nationalists' petition for dismissal of Damad Ferid (Türkgeldi, , op.cit., p. 244)Google Scholar; and Ali Riza Paşa (1854–1921; known as Topçu Riza or Livanali Riza, and not to be confused with Prime Minister Ali Riza Paşa [1860–1932]), who demonstratively abstained from the vote by which the Privy Council approved the Sèvres Treaty in July 1920 (İnal, , op.cit., p. 2063)Google Scholar; as well as İsmail Fazil Paşa (see above).

⁴⁴ On Kemal's criticism of German leadership on the Syrian front, see above, pp. 522–23. Yakub Şevki in 1916 had to be transferred from his command of the Turkish contingent in Galicia because he refused to communicate with German headquarters in any language but Turkish (Larcher, , op.cit., p. 142).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cable of March 6, 1919, quoted in Biyiklioğlu, Tevfik, “Mondros Mütarekenamesinde Elviyei Selâse İle İlgili Yeni Vesikalar,” Belleten, XXI (1957), p. 577.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Pasha, Djemal, op.cit., pp. 125f.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Atatürk, , Nutuk, I, pp. 9f.Google Scholar (my translation). The English version published in 1927, apparently a retranslation from the French or German, unfortunately is both inaccurate in detail and inadequate in style. (See A Speech Delivered by Ghazi Mustapha Kemal, President of the Turkish Republic, Leipzig, 1929.) Contrast with this statement the notion that “a weak existence is preferable to total annihilation,” by which the Sultan's Privy Council justified its acceptance of the Sèvres peace terms (see Jäschke, and Pritsch, , op.cit., p. 37).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Büyük Gazinin Hatiralartndan Sahifeler, No. 26. These reminiscences of Mustafa Kemal were first published in the semi-official newspapers Hakjmiyeti Milliye (Ankara) and Milliyet (İstanbul) from March 13 to April 12, 1926; a French translation, some what condensed, was made by Deny, Jean (“Souvenirs du Gâzi Moustafa Kemâl Pacha,” Revue des Etudes Islamiques, 1, 1927, pp. 117–36, 145–222, 459–63Google Scholar; the above quote appears on p. 174). A continuation, covering the crucial period until May 1919, was published by Falih Rifki Atay (19 Mayis, Ankara, 1944, pp. 5–30). A readaptation of the entire series of memoirs will be found in Atay, Falih Rifki, ed., Atatürk'ün Bana Anlattiklari, İstanbul, 1955Google Scholar, which, however, omits the quote on Wilson.

⁴⁹ Cf. Biyiklioğlu, Tevfik, “Başkumandan Atatürk'ün Kisa Bir Portresi,” Belleten, xx (1956), p. 713.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Dursunoğlu, , op.cit., p. 42Google Scholar; and Fahreddin Erdoban, Türk Ellerinde Hatiralarim, Matbaa, Yeni [Ankara?], 1954, pp. 199f.Google Scholar

⁵¹ “Die lange Zeit, die Mustafa Kemal nach seiner Abberufung aus Adana in Istanbul verbrachte …, ist zum grossen Teil noch in geschichtliches Dunkel gehüllt und von Legenden umrankt.” Jäschke, , “Beiträge …,” p. 27.Google Scholar

⁵² October 1918. Kemal's cable to his friend Naci [Eldeniz], adjutant to the Sultan, is reprinted in Bayur, Hikmet, “1918 Birakişmasindan Az önce Muştafa [sic] Kemal Paşa'nin Başyaver Naci Bey Yulo [sic—i.e., Yolu] İie Padişaha Bir Başvurmasi,” Belleten, XXI (1957), pp. 561–63.Google Scholar Kemal's proposed cabinet was far more definitely Unionist in complexion than that which was in fact appointed. In addition to İzzet as premier, Fethi, Rauf, and Hayri (cf. above, p. 522), it was to have included İsmail Canbulat (Justice Minister under Talât), Azmi (the Unionist police chief of İstanbul who a month later fled with the triumvirate to Berlin), and Tahsin [Uzer] (a provincial governor under the CUP administration).

⁵³ December 20, 1918. Jäschke-Aksu, , op.cit., I, p. 28.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ November 18, 1918; see Büyük Gazinin …, op.cit., Nos. 33–34 (Deny, , op.cit., pp. 203–6Google Scholar; Atay, , Atatürk'ün …, pp. 84ff.).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ March 23, 1919. See Karabekir, Kâzim, İstiklâl Harbimizin Esaslan, İstanbul, 1951, p. 34Google Scholar; cf. Atay, , Atatürk'ün …, pp. 106f.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid., pp. 94f.

⁵⁷ Jäschke, , “Beiträge …,” p. 29.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Mehrned Ali, Damad Ferid's Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, earlier that year had given his daughter in marriage to the elder brother of Ali Fuad [Cebesoy] and had met Mustafa Kemal at Cebesoy's parental home. See Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele, p. 34.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Kemal's instructions are reprinted in facsimile and transliterated in Harp Tarihi Vesikalari Dergisi, I, No. I (September 1952), doc. 3. Mehmed Ali, who happened to be Acting Minister of Interior in mid-May, drew attention to a geographic oversight in that document: The mutasarrifliks of Kayseri and Maraş also bordered on the 9th Army's area; should they have been included in the list? By all means, was the War Office's reply. Ibid., (docs. 12–13.)

⁶⁰ Ibid., docs. 15ff., and 1, No. 2, docs. 35ff. The War Minister's cable requesting Kemal's immediate return (June 6) was followed by a postscript from the head of the General Staff's first section, indicating that British pressure was at work (doc. 19); Kemal's dilatory reply three days later referred to lack of coal and gasoline (doc. 20). That there was continued collusion between Kemal and the War Office is clearly indicated by the opening passage of the first cable which the new War Minister, Ali Ferid Paşa, sent Kemal on June 30: “… Since I, like you, rely on my powers of judgment, I can assert that there is no one who understands the deepest recesses of your mind as well as I do…” Ibid., (doc. 28.)

⁶¹ Biyiklioğlu, , “Mondros …,” p. 579.Google Scholar

⁶² Military authorities and civilian groups alike co-operated in the systematic evasion of the demobilization regulations; for specific examples, see Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele, p. 31Google Scholar, and the colorful account of Rawlinson, Colonel A., one of the British control officers (Adventures in the Near East, London, 1923, p. 221).Google Scholar

⁶³ The Karakol Society's leaders included Colonel Kara Vasif (cf. note 40, above), and Colonel Kemaleddin Sami, who had distinguished himself in the Caucasus campaign of 1918 and later became a brigadier general in the Kemalist forces. See Edib, Halide, op.cit., p. 21Google Scholar; Biyiklioblu, , Trakyada …, 1, p. 391Google Scholar; Tunaya, , Türkiyede …, p. 520.Google Scholar On die Mim Mim group, see Koçer, Kemal, Kurtuluş Savaşlarimizda İstanbul, İstanbul, 1946.Google Scholar The extent of the latter group's activities is indicated by a contemporary statistical résumé, published in Dagtekin, Hüseyin, “İstiklâl Savaşinda Anadolu'ya Kaçirilan Mühimmat ve Askerî Eşya Hakkinda Tanzim Edilmis Mühim Bir Vesika,” Tarih VesiKalari, n.s., 1, No. 1 (August 1955), pp. 9–15.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ şapolyo, , op.cit., p. 281Google Scholar; Ertürk, , op.cit., p. 200Google Scholar; Külçe, Süleyman, Mareşal Fevzi çakmak, 2nd ed., 2 vols., İstanbul, 1953, 1, p. 91.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele …, pp. 332ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ For an anthology of speeches at nationalist rallies in İstanbul during this period, see Anburnu, Kemal, Millî Mücadelede İstanbul Mitingleri, Ankara, 1951.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele …, pp. 8, 42.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See die account of Fahreddin Erdoğan, who, as the fledgling republic's Foreign Minister, established contact with Turkish nationalists and military authorities at Erzurum, (op.cit., pp. 168–207)Google Scholar; cf. Fahreddin, Kirzioğlu M., Kars Tarihi, I, İstanbul, 1953, pp. 556–58Google Scholar; Biyikhoğlu, , Osmanli ve TürK Doğu Hudut Politikasi, pp. 24f.Google Scholar; Jäschke, , “Beiträge …,” pp. 24f.Google Scholar; Dursunoğlu, , op.cit., pp. 42ff.Google Scholar; Allen, and Muratori, , op.cit., p. 497.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Biyiklioğlu, , Trakyada …, 1, pp. 123ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ For a detailed listing of these societies, see Tunaya, , Türkiye'de …, pp. 481ff.Google Scholar; for the role of local Unionists, cf. Açiksözcü, , op.cit., pp. 13–15Google Scholar; Paşa, Reşid, op.cit., p. 37Google Scholar; Dursunoğlu, , op.cit., p. 27.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Allen, and Muratoff, , op.cit., p. 497.Google Scholar

⁷² Quoted by İnai, , op.cit., p. 1996.Google Scholar

⁷³ On the slogans of 1913, see Biyiklioğlu, , Trakya'da, 1, pp. 66, 77, 81.Google Scholar For brilliant biographical sketches of İbrahim Aydm and İhsan Eryavuz, see Ağaoğlu, , op.cit. (note 13), pp. 112–16 and 44–61Google Scholar; note that die subject of each biography in this work is identified by a sobriquet radier than by name.

⁷⁴ The impressive list of political leaders of the Republic who won their political spurs within the Young Turk movement includes two of three Presidents (Atatürk—cf. above, p. 522—and Bayar); four of ten Premiers (Okyar, Bayar, Saracoğlu, and Günaltay); Atatürk's long-time Foreign and Interior Ministers, Tevfik Rüştü Aras and şükrü Kaya; prominent newspapermen such as Yunus Nadi Abalioğlu and Falih Rifki Atay, and many others. As early as 1923 the Kemalists included in their Lausanne delegation two ex-ministers of Talât's wartime cabinet—Cavid and Mustafa şeref [özkan]. The exact relationship between Kemalists and Unionists, however, as well as the exile activities of the Unionist leaders and their attempts at a comeback, need much fuller study. Generally it is true mat those who held first rank in the CUP at best held second rank in the Kemalist movement, and vice versa. Following the 1926 assassination attempt on Kemal, a number of the surviving CUP leaders, including Cavid, Ahmed Sükrü, and İsmail Canbulat, were executed—but their trial was presided over by Ali [çetinkaya], himself one of the original Macedonian conspirators of 1908. By the 1930's many prominent surviving Unionists were allowed to return to political activity and to parliament.

⁷⁵ For a pointed expression of that suspicion, see, e.g., the remark which Reçid Paşa attributes to the Sivas leader of the Freedom and Accord Party: “Mustafa Kemal Paşa keeps exerting himself to encourage the Union and Progress movement. … Enver, Talât, and the others, before their flight, selected him as their replacement and put several hundred thousand pounds at his disposal. They ordered him to go to Anatolia and to revive Unionism there…” (Op.cit., p. 31.)

⁷⁶ See Cebesoy, Ali Fuad, Siyasî Hâtiralar, pp. 25f.Google Scholar; and Karaman, op.cit., passim.

⁷⁷ On the Erzurum Congress, see Dursunoglu, , op.cit., pp. 107ff., 155ff.Google Scholar; on the Sivas Congress, Aşkun, Vehbi Cem, Sivas Kongresi, Sivas, 1945.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ For a specific instance, see, e.g., Umur, and Pasin, , op.cit., p. 19Google Scholar; for the army's role in the selection of the Sivas Congress, see Cebesoy, , Millî Mücadele …, p. III.Google Scholar The political struggle in and around the last İstanbul House of Representatives is analyzed by Tunaya, Tank Z., “Osmali İmparatorluğundan Türkiye Büyük Millet Medisi Hükûmeti Rejimine Geçiş,” in Muammer Raşit Seviğ'e Armağan, İstanbul, 1956, pp. 373–94.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ For a fuller discussion of the religious attitude and policies of the early Kemalist movement, see Rustow, Dankwart A., “Politics and Islam in Turkey, 1920–1955,” in Frye, Richard N., ed., Islam and the West, 's-Gravenhage, 1957, especially pp. 69ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ On the foreign policy of the Kemalist movement, see Rustow, Dankwart A., “The Foreign Policy of the Turkish Republic,” in Macridis, Roy C., ed., Foreign Policy in World Politics, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1958, pp. 295–322.Google Scholar For the War of Independence period, see also Davison, Roderic H., “Turkish Diplomacy from Moudros to Lausanne,” in Craig, Gordon A. and Gilbert, Felix, eds., The Diplomats, 1919–1939, Princeton, N.J., 1953, pp. 172–209.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Atatürk, , Nutuk, II, p. 43.Google Scholar The 1909 episode is recounted in a letter from Kemal to his friend Behiç, [Erkin] of July 29, 1912Google Scholar, first published by Kemala's order in 1925. See Erkin, Behiç, “Atatürk'ün Selânik'teki Askerlik Hayatina Ait Hatiralar,” Belleten, xx (1956), pp. 599f.Google Scholar

⁸² This particular wording appears in Kemal's, letter to the vilâyet of Erzurum of July 9, 1919Google Scholar; see Unat, Faik Reşit, “Atatürk'ün Askerlikten İstifasi ve Erzurum'da Tevkifi Teşebbüsü İle Ilgili Bazi Vesikalar,” Tarih Vesikalari, n.s., 1, No. 1 (August 1955), p. 5.Google Scholar Other related documents will be found in Harp Tarihi Vesikalari Dergisi, 1, No. 2 (December 1952), doc. 37; and Atatürk, , Söylev, 1, p. 27.Google Scholar

⁸³ See Atatürk, , Nutuk, II, pp. 303ff.Google Scholar, for Kemal's account of this episode. The fourth volume of General Cebesoy's memoirs, in press at the time of writing, may be expected to shed additional light on these and subsequent developments.

⁸⁴ Atatürk, , Nutuk, II, p. 261.Google Scholar General Cebesoy, in response to the writer's query, was kind enough to comment in some detail on this episode (personal letter, February 3, 1959). He confirms that the conversation took place (probably in early August 1923) as reported by Kemal, and explains that a divergence of views on die selection of cabinet ministers and parliamentary officers formed die immediate background.

⁸⁵ Of the other World War I army commanders who fought with Kemal in Anatolia, Cemal [Mersinli] had joined an even earlier, informal opposition in the Assembly known as the Second Group, and later withdrew from politics until after Atatürk's death. Ali İhsan [Sabis] had fallen out with Inönü while the latter was his superior as commander of the western front; he was elected to the Assembly in 1950 on a Democratic ticket. Nihad [Anilmiş] became a Republican People's Party deputy after his retirement from the army in 1942. Yakub şevki [Sübaşi] appears to have taken no part in the politics of the Republican period.

⁸⁶ For systematic accounts of the Kemalist reforms, see ewis V. Thomas, “Turkey,” in Thomas and Frye, op.cit.; and Lewis, Geoffrey L., Turkey, London, 1955.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For an instructive account of this blending of military and political functions, see Karaman, op.cit., passim.

⁸⁸ Similarly, at least half of the eighteen officers who went with Kemal to Samsun in 1919 later joined the legislature—only one waiting until retirement, the remainder imitating Kemal's switch from a military to a political career. Most prominent among these were two military surgeons, Dr. Refik Saydam, later Minister of Health and Premier; and Dr. İbrahim Tali Ö;ngören, party organizer and diplomat. For a list of the eighteen, see Arif, Mehmed, Anadolu İnkilâbi, İstanbul, 1340 [i.e., 1924], p. 26Google Scholar; cf. Harp Tarihi Vesikari Dergisi, 1, No. 1 (September 1952), pp. 9f.

⁸⁹ Cf. Jäschke, Gotthard, “Die Diplomatie der Ankara-Regierung,” Mitteilungen der Ausland-Hochschule an der Universität Berlin, XLI (1938), Part ii, pp. 161–70.Google Scholar