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Urban chronicle writing in late medieval Flanders: the case of Bruges during the Flemish Revolt of 1482–1490

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2015

LISA DEMETS  and
JAN DUMOLYN
LISA DEMETS
Affiliation:
Ghent University, Department of History, Sint-Pietersnieuwstraat 35, 9000 Ghent, Belgium
JAN DUMOLYN
Affiliation:
Ghent University, Department of History, Sint-Pietersnieuwstraat 35, 9000 Ghent, Belgium
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Abstract:

The absence of a ‘real’ urban chronicle tradition in fifteenth-century Flanders similar to the Italian or German models has raised questions among scholars. However, there is also no satisfactory consensus on the exact meaning or contents of medieval ‘urban historiography’. Some were ‘official’ city chronicles, while others lauded patrician lineages or took the viewpoint of specific social groups or corporate organizations and reinforced construction of the groups’ collective memories. Some seem to express the literary aspirations of individual city officials or clerics with strong connections to their towns. We propose an analytical framework to identify and measure the ‘urbanity’ of late medieval chronicles, taking into account the authorship and thematic emphasis of historiographical texts, but focusing on the social environment of their circulation and the ideological strategies at work.

Type
Research Article
Information
Urban History , Volume 43 , Issue 1 , February 2016 , pp. 28 - 45
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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References

1 We thank Marc Boone, Andrew Brown, Jelle Haemers, Shennan Hutton and Johan Oosterman for their comments.

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15 Van Bruaene, A.L., ‘S’imaginer le passé et le présent: conscience historique et identité urbaine en Flandre à la fin du Moyen Âge’, in Brand, H., Monnet, P. and Staub, M. (eds.), Memoria, communitas, civitas. Mémoire et conscience urbaines en occident à la fin du Moyen Âge (Ostfildern, 2003), 169–80Google Scholar; Haemers, J., ‘Social memory and rebellion in fifteenth-century Ghent’, Social History, 36 (2011), 443–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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17 See J. Dumolyn, J. Oosterman, T. Snijders and S. Villerius, ‘Rewriting chronicles in an urban environment. The middle Dutch “Excellent chronicle of Flanders” tradition’, Lias. Journal of Early Modern Intellectual Culture and its Sources (2015) (forthcoming). Around the same period, in about 1414, the vernacular London chronicle tradition of the fifteenth century also developed from a corpus of chronicles in Latin: Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England, vol. II: c. 1037 to the Early Sixteenth Century (London, 1982), 227Google Scholar; McLaren, The London Chronicles.

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20 Bruges, City Library (CL), 436 and 437; Douai, CL, 1110; Brussels, Royal Library, 13073–4; The Hague, Royal Library, 132A13; Paris, National Library of France, Néerl. 106 and New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, 435.

21 Dumolyn, J., ‘Urban ideologies in later medieval Flanders. Towards an analytical framework’, in Gamberini, A., Genet, J.-Ph. and Zorzi, A. (eds.), The Languages of Political Society. Western Europe, 14th – 17th Centuries (Rome, 2011), 69–96Google Scholar.

22 In much of his literary work, Anthonis tended to display the ideology of the independent master artisan who defended his privileges as a guildsman and burgher: Dumolyn, J. and Haemers, J., ‘“Let each man carry on with his trade and remain silent”. Middle-class ideology in the urban literature of the late medieval Low Countries’, Cultural and Social History, 10 (2013), 168–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Dumolyn, Oosterman, Snijders and Villerius, ‘Rewriting chronicles; Zumthor, P., Essai de poétique medieval (Paris, 1972), 65–75; B. Cerquiglini, Éloge de la variante: histoire critique de la philologie (Paris, 1989)Google Scholar.

24 Coleman, J., ‘Interactive parchment: the theory and practice of medieval English aurality’, The Yearbook of English Studies, 25 (1995), 64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 The importance of the social environment in which urban chronicles circulated was first emphasized by Menke, J.B., ‘Geschichtsschreibung und Politik in deutschen Städten des Spätmittelalters. Die Entstehung deutscher Geschichtsprosa in Köln, Braunschweig, Lübeck, Mainz und Magdeburg’, Jahrbüch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins, 33 (1958–59), 1–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and 34 (1960), 85–194.

26 Jauss, H.-R., Towards an Aesthetic of Reception (Minneapolis, 1982)Google Scholar; Schmid, ‘Town chronicles’, 1432, also identifies the ‘main defining element’ of town chronicles as ‘the audience, rather than the social status of the author, or the content of form’.

27 Fish, S., Is There a Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretive Communities (Cambridge, 1980)Google Scholar.

28 Douai, CL, 1110, fol. 415v.

29 Bruges, CL, 436. J. Oosterman, ‘De Excellente Cronike’, 29. The content of the manuscripts Bruges 436, Douai 1110 and The Hague 132A13 is almost identical, while Bruges 437 and Brussels 13073–4 are also very similar. However, these two ‘branches’ were also related to each other. The scribe of the last section of the Brussels version is the same as the first scribe of Bruges 436, the manuscript which Jacob van Malen continued. The New York manuscript, which only narrates the history of the Burgundian dukes, can also be connected to the same circles (see below).

30 Dussart, H. (ed.), Fragments inédits de Romboudt De Doppere découverts dans un manuscrit de Jacques De Meyere: chronique brugeoise de 1491 à 1498 (Bruges, 1892)Google Scholar; Callewier, H., ‘Leven en werk van Romboud De Doppere (ca. 1432–1502)’, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis te Brugge, 150 (2013), 219–44Google Scholar.

31 Douai, CL, 1110, fols. 507v–508r.

32 CAB, 144, 1468–1501, fol. 60v.

33 E.g. CAB, 216, 2 Sep. 1473 – 1 Sep. 1474, fol. 18v. He was a member of cloth quality commissions (Lakenhalle, Grote Ramen, Kleine Ramen) from 1473 until 1495: CAB, 114, 1468–582. Jacob died around 1508: CAB, 208, Our Lady's parish, book 6, fols. 70–115.

34 CAB, 114, RW 1468–1501, fol. 17v.

35 CAB, 114, 1471–84. Pieter died on 11 Nov. 1485: Vermeersch, V., Grafmonumenten te Brugge voor 1578 (Bruges, 1976)Google Scholar, vol. II, 263.

36 CAB, 114, CS 1465–69, fol. 53.

37 Gilliodts-Van Severen, L., Inventaire des archives de la ville de Bruges (Bruges, 1841–85), 63Google Scholar, 484 and 556. Colaert was paid by the city treasury in 1477 ‘for the hire of a beautiful cloth that was hung before the windows of the great hall in the house of aldermen at the time that our lady and our lord swore [their oath]’, CAB, 216, 1476/77, fol. 143r.

38 CAB, 114, RW 1468–1501, fols. 78 and 123v–124.

39 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, 224. Colaert De Labye died on 4 Jun. 1493: Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, 263.

40 CAB, 390, 1, fols. 3–6; S. Van de Cappelle, ‘De OLV-broederschap ter Sneeuw te Brugge gedurende de Late Middeleeuwen (ca. 1467–1536)’, Catholic University of Leuven MA thesis, 1997.

41 State Archives Bruges (StAB), Our Lady's Church Fabric (OLCF), 91, 1531, fols. 65v, 88v, 104v, 123v, 144r and 162v. Jacob van Malen was a member of the confraternity from 1470 onwards. On confraternities in Flanders, see P. Trio, ‘Les confréries comme expression de solidarité et de conscience urbaine aux Pays-Bas à la fin du Moyen Âge’, in Brand, Monnet and Staub (eds.), Memoria, 131–41.

42 StAB, OLCF, 91, 1531, fols. 288v–303r.

43 StAB, OLCF, 91, 1501, fols. 56r–57v.

44 CAB, 390, 1, fols. 3–6. Oosterman, J., ‘Anthonis de Roovere. Het werk: overlevering, toeschrijving en plaatsbepaling’, Jaarboek de Fonteine, 37–8 (1995–96), 94–5Google Scholar.

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46 StAB, OLCF, 91, 1531, fols. 290r, 296r; StAB, OLCF, 91, 1532, fol. 31r (etc.); Oosterman, J., ‘Spelen, goede moraliteiten en eerbare esbattementen. Anthonis de Roovere en het toneel in Brugge’, in Van Dijk, H. and Ramakers, B. (eds.), Spel en spektakel (Amsterdam, 2001), 176–7Google Scholar.

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49 Ibid., 177.

50 StAB, OLCF, 91, 1531, fols. 17r–117r.

51 He was dean or overziender or zorger of the confraternity in 1468–71, 1473–85, 1488–91 and 1494–95. StAB, OLCF, 91, 1531, fols. 17r–288v; Haemers, J., For the Common Good. State Power and Urban Revolts in the Reign of Mary of Burgundy (1477–1482) (Turnhout, 2009), 176CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 StAB, OLCF, 91, 1531, fols. 45r and 150r. These financial commissioners are also honoured by Anthonis de Roovere in one of his poems ‘Het Nieuwe Jaer van Brugghe’. Viaene, A., ‘Nieuwe jaer van Brugghe. Een gelegenheidsgedicht van Anthonis de Roovere 1480’, Biekorf, 60 (1959), 7–11Google Scholar.

53 These wardens were Lodewijk Greffin, Marc van de Velde, Boudewijn Heindrix and Roeland de Vos. CAB, 114, RW 1468–1501, fol. 172. Roeland de Vos was dean of the Three Female Saints after the death of Pieter De Labye. CAB, 390, 2.

54 StAB, OLCF, 91, 1531, fols. 236v–267r.

55 Haemers, J., De strijd om het regentschap over Filips de Schone (Ghent, 2014), 112–13Google Scholar. On Zoete's speeches: Dumolyn, J. and Haemers, J., ‘Les bonnes causes du peuple pour se révolter. Le contrat politique en Flandre médiévale d’après Guillaume Zoete (1488)’, in Foronda, F. (ed.), Avant le contrat social: le contrat politique dans l’Occident médiéval XIIIe – XVe siècle (Paris, 2008), 327–46Google Scholar.

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58 Haemers, De strijd om het regentschap, 183.

59 Ibid., 85–7; Haemers, J., ‘Factionalism and state power in the Flemish Revolt (1477–1492)’, Journal of Social History, 42 (2009), 1009–39Google Scholar.

60 Haemers, For the Common Good, 137; Haemers, ‘Factionalism’, 1009–10; Wellens, R., ‘La révolte brugeoise de 1488’, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis te Brugge, 102 (1965), 49–52Google Scholar.

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62 Ibid., 138.

63 Marc van de Velde was the son of Katrien de Keyt, the sister of Jan de Keyt who was the brother-in-law of Willem Moreel. Haemers, For the Common Good, 177.

64 Ibid., 177.

65 For earlier links between urban literary culture and political factions in Bruges, see Dumolyn, J., ‘Une idéologie urbaine “bricolée” en Flandre médiévale: “les sept portes de Bruges” dans le manuscrit Gruuthuse (début du XVe siècle)’, Revue Belge de Phililogie et d’Histoire, 88 (2010), 1039–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 For instance: Roeland de Vos, Aliamus de Groote and Jan de Blasere were witnesses to the testament of Louis of Gruuthuse, the most prominent Bruges nobleman (CAB, 333, cartulary, fols. 7–26v). Louis of Gruuthuse and Jan de Baenst, another rich nobleman, were both members of Our Lady of the Snow: Van de Cappelle, ‘De OLV-broederschap’, 138 and 181. They were important cultural benefactors and may also be connected to the circle of Anthonis de Roovere: Oosterman, ‘Anthonis de Roovere’, 93–5. Louis of Gruuthuse was a member of the Regency Council of Philip the Fair, which also included delegates from the Three Members, and was a supporter of Moreel's policies. Haemers, De strijd om het regentschap, 92 and 103.

67 Douai, CL, 1110, fol. 415v.

68 Haemers, ‘Factionalism’, 1014.

69 On Pieter Lanchals, see Boone, M., ‘La Hollande, source de capital social pour un Flamand ambitieux? Les intérêts et les aventures de Pierre Lanchals, grand commis de l’état Burgundo-Habsbourgeois (vers 1441/42–1488)’, in Hoppenbrouwers, P., Janse, A. and Stein, R. (eds.), Power and Persuasion: Essays on the Art of State Building in Honour of W.P. Blockmans (Turnhout, 2010), 197–223CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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71 Douai, CL, 1110, fols. 418v–419r. Vorsterman (ed.), Dits die Excellente Cronike, fols. 227v–228r. Moreover, the Tower of Burgundy in Sluis is portrayed in the Douai manuscript. Douai, CL, 1110, fol. 156r.

72 In 1484, Pieter Lanchals was banished from Bruges. Haemers, De strijd om het regentschap, 147.

73 See also Fris, V., Essai d’une analyse des Commentarii sive annales rerum flandricarum (Annales Flandriae 1561) de Jacques de Meyere (Ghent, 1908)Google Scholar.

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75 Schmidt, H.-J., ‘Spätmittelalterliche Fürstenspiegel und ihr Gebrauch in unterschiedlichen Kontexten’, in Lutz, E.C. (ed.), Text und Text in lateinischer und volkssprachiger Überlieferung des Mittelalters (Berlin, 2006), 377–97Google Scholar.

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77 Lambert, ‘Oorsprongsmythen’, 2, 178.

78 Bruges, CL, 437, fols. 1r–10r.

79 In German urban chronicles, the consensus-relationship between the emperor and the cities after periods of conflict was also projected on several specific historical events: W. Ehbrecht, ‘Uppe dat sulck grot vorderffenisse jo nicht meer enscheghe. Konsens und Konflikt als eine Leitfrage städtischer Historiographie, nicht nur im Hanseraum’, in Johanek (ed.), Städtische Geschichtsschreibung, 107–9.

80 The councillors of John the Fearless, an earlier Burgundian duke, had famously used the same discourse of ‘tyranny’ to justify the murder of the duke of Orleans. Guenée, B., Un meurtre, une société. L’assassinat du duc d’Orléans 23 novembre 1407 (Paris, 1992), 232–24Google Scholar.

81 Dumolyn and Haemers, ‘Les bonnes causes’, 343.

82 Haemers, J., ‘Geletterd verzet. Diplomatiek, politiek en herinneringscultuur van opstandelingen in de laatmiddeleeuwse en vroegmoderne stad (casus: Gent en Brugge)’, Handelingen van de koninklijke commissie voor geschiedenis, 176 (2010), 38Google Scholar.

83 Rider, J., ‘Vice, tyranny, violence and the usurpation of Flanders (1071) in Flemish historiography from 1093 to 1294’, in Guynn, N. and Stahuljak, Z. (eds.), Violence and Writing of History in the Medieval Francophone World (Cambridge, 2013), 59–68Google Scholar.

84 Douai, CL, 1110, fol. 37r.

85 Under the Burgundian dynasty, this representative institution was expanded with a rural district, the Liberty of Bruges, to become the ‘Four Members of Flanders’ but during the rebellion of the late fifteenth century, the cities had excluded the Liberty.

86 Quoted in Rider, ‘Vice’, 65.

87 Douai, CL, 1110, fol. 37v.

88 De Smet, J.J. (ed.), ‘Catalogus et chronica principum Flandriae tam forestariorum quam dominorum ac comitum Flandriae’, in Corpus chronicorum Flandriae (Brussels, 1865), 94Google Scholar.

89 Douai, CL, 1110, fols. 58r–59r.

90 Blockmans (ed.), Le privilège général (Kortrijk, 1985); Haemers, For the Common Good, 163–8.

91 Ibid., 156.

92 Haemers, ‘Factionalism’, 1014.

93 Haemers, De strijd om het regentschap, 68.

94 Ibid., 121–2.

95 Douai, CL, 1110, fol. 411v.

96 Ibid., fol. 414r.

97 Oosterman, J., ‘Jacob van Malen’, in Brinkman, H., Jansen, J. and Mathijsen, M., Helden bestaan! Opstellen voor Herman Pleij (Amsterdam, 2008), 203Google Scholar.

98 Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 71–3.

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