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Revolutionaries' cemeteries in Berlin: memory, history, place and space

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 December 2007

PAUL STANGL
PAUL STANGL*
Affiliation:
Department of Environmental Studies, Huxley College of the Environment, Western Washington University, 516 High Street, MS 9085, Bellingham WA 9225
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Abstract

In Germany, the Revolutions of 1848 and 1918/19 resulted in the martyrdom of opposition leaders and constituents, whose burial sites in Berlin became key sites of memory and commemoration for the working-class movement. Political turbulence and regime change throughout the twentieth century has resulted in contestation over the meaning and use of these places; a trajectory illustrating the dynamic, reciprocal relationship between popular memory and official history, and the interplay between representation, place-based associations and spatial relations in constituting social meaning in the urban landscape.

Type
Research Article
Information
Urban History , Volume 34 , Issue 3 , December 2007 , pp. 407 - 426
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2007

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References

1 This theme has attracted considerable attention across the humanities. A brief selection includes: Atkinson, D. and Cosgrove, D., ‘Urban rhetoric and embodied identities: city, nation, and empire at the Vittorio Emanuele II monument in Rome’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 88 (1998), 28–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jordan, J., ‘A matter of time: examining collective memory in historical perspective in postwar Berlin’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 18 (2005), 37–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schama, S., Landscape and Memory (New York, 1995)Google Scholar; Winter, J., Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar.

2 Maurice Halbwalchs, a seminal figure in the study of memory, viewed ‘collective memory’ as a sum of ‘collectively shared representations of the past’ (Kantsteiner, W., ‘Finding meaning in memory: a methodological critique of collective memory studies’, History and Theory, 41 (2002), 179–97)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Memory is set in opposition to history, which seeks to order these representations of the past into an ‘objective’ narrative. For an interesting elaboration on the role of the urban landscape in the relationship between history and collective memory, see: Boyer, M.C., The City of Collective Memory: Its Historical Imagery and Architectural Entertainments (Cambridge, MA, 1994)Google Scholar.

3 Boyer, City of Collective Memory, 200.

4 Although Halbwalchs has provided a theoretical launching point for many historians, his structuralist view of memory excludes the possibility of meaningful individual agency. Historians prefer to emphasize the role of human agency, and thus have distanced themselves from this aspect of Halbwachs' work, proposing alternative concepts of memory such as ‘social memory’, ‘collective remembrance’ and ‘cultural memory’ (Kantsteiner, ‘Finding meaning in memory’, 181–2, 186). Following Koshar's approach, this article gives considerable attention to the role of human agency.

5 Koshar, R., From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, 1870–1990 (Berkeley, 2000)Google Scholar.

6 Early efforts to examine the relationship between built forms and ‘themes and symbols’, focused on the development of a semiotic approach to architecture. In light of seemingly intractable uncertainties in relating built forms to meanings with consistency, these efforts were largely abandoned. The most developed set of ideas in this area is presented in Broadbent, G., Bunt, R. and Jencks, C. (eds.), Signs, Symbols and Architecture (New York, 1980)Google Scholar.

7 See Cosgrove, D. and Daniels, S., The Iconography of Landscape (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar, and Duncan, J., The City as Text: The Politics of Interpretation in the Kandyan Kingdom (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

8 For greater elaboration on spatial relations in the built environment, see Ching, F., Architecture: Form, Space and Order (New York, 1997)Google Scholar, and Norberg-Schulz, C., Intentions in Architecture (Cambridge, MA, 1965)Google Scholar. The interplay between these factors in creating meaning becomes evident through the statements and actions of human agents, thus an extensive body of case studies must be assembled within a particular cultural environment before drawing any generalizations about their functioning within that culture.

9 See: Hartman, G. (ed.), Holocaust Remembrance: The Shapes of Memory (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar; Koshar, R., Germany's Transient Pasts: Preservation and National Memory in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill and London, 1998)Google Scholar; Ladd, B., The Ghosts of Berlin: Confronting German History in the Urban Landscape (Chicago, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Till, K., ‘Staging the past: landscape designs, cultural identity and Erinnerungspolitik at Berlin's Neue Wache’, Ecumene, 6 (1999), 251–83Google Scholar; Young, J., The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, 1993)Google Scholar.

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13 Bauer and Hühns et al., Berlin, 140.

14 Lange, A., Berlin: Hauptstadt der DDR (Leipzig, 1966), 144Google Scholar.

15 In contrast, contemporary German historiography suggests that the one common denominator among supporters was national unity, which was accompanied by such diverse social and political reforms. Although democratic reforms were of prominent interest, the bourgeoisie demonstrated various degrees of support for democracy, most preferring limited franchise qualified by property or education, or both. In a Marxist–Leninist interpretation, however, ‘bourgeois democracy’ is viewed as a form of democracy serving bourgeois class interests. See Blackbourn, D. and Eley, G., The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeoise Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford, 1984), 18–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; German Bundestag, Publications' Section, Questions on German History: Ideas, Forces, Decisions from 1800 to Present, catalogue to exhibition of the same name, 4th English edn (Bonn, 1993), 104; Pinson, Modern Germany, 80–108; G. Schütz et al., Revolution von 1848/49 in Deutschland, entry in Kleines politisches Wörterbuch, 3rd edn (Berlin, 1978), 776–8.

16 Pinson, Modern Germany, 194–218.

17 Ibid., 30.

18 ‘Wie das Ehrenmal entstand’, Berliner Zeitung (15 Jan. 1967), 8.

19 Voske, Gedenkstätte der Sozialisten, 36–7.

20 Ibid., 14; Richie, A., Faust's Metropolis: A History of Berlin (New York, 1998), 124Google Scholar.

21 W. Pieck, letter to Emil Brandt, 1 Dec. 1927, Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganizationen der DDR im Bundesarchiv (SAPMO-BA), FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

22 Pieck, W., ‘Den toten Helden der Revolution’, in Wilhelm Pieck: Gesamelte Reden und Schriften, vol. III (Berlin, 1961), 359Google Scholar. Quoted in Voske, Gedenkstätte der Sozialisten, 148–52.

23 W. Pieck, file notes, author unknown, undated, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

24 Pieck, W., file notes, 3 Feb. 1950, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin; Voske, Gedenkstätte der Sozialisten, 50Google Scholar.

25 Ibid.

26 Werner-Rades, E. (ed.), Reichshauptstadt Berlin (Berlin, 1943), 198Google Scholar.

27 Hillgruber, A., Deutsche Geschichte 1945–1986: Die >>deutsche Frage<< in der Weltpolitik (Stuttgart, 1983)Google Scholar.

28 Klessmann, C., Die doppelte Staatsgründung: Deutsche Geschichte 1945–1955 (Bonn, 1991), 139Google Scholar.

29 Ibid., 135–42.

30 Berlin Magistrat, Resolution, 28 May 1945, Landesarchiv Berlin (LAB) 100/759.

31 There were no significant documents relating to the project in any of the other leading communists' files, including Walter Ulbricht and Otto Grotewohl.

32 This was evident in Pieck's personal visits to the cemetery and concerted effort to collect the remains of the fallen when possible.

33 W. Pieck to Karl Maron (deputy mayor of Berlin, KPD member), 6 Dec. 1945, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

34 Berlin Magistrat, Resolution, 17 Dec. 1948, LAB, 100/765.

35 See LeBon, G., The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, 2nd edn (London, 1941), 96Google Scholar; for a similar observation regarding the use of the word in contemporary America, see: Vidal, G., Inventing a Nation: Washington, Adams, Jefferson (New Haven, 2003), 135Google Scholar.

36 ‘Im Zeichen der Einheit der Arbeiterklasse’, Berliner Zeitung, 15 Jan. 1946, 3.

37 Richie, Faust's Metropolis, 646.

38 Although Werner was unaffiliated, he largely operated as a communist puppet.

39 W. Pieck to Arthur Werner, 21 Nov. 1946, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

40 Ibid.

41 Unsigned, 22 Nov. 1946, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

42 ‘Massenaufmarsch der Berliner Arbeiter’, Neues Deutschland, 21 Jan. 1947, 6.

43 Berlin Magistrat, Resolution, 17 Mar. 1947, LAB 100/789.

44 Neues Deutschland, 19 Mar. 1947.

45 W. Pieck to Matern, 7 July 1947, SAPMO-BA, FBS 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

46 Project Nr 2, unsigned document, 1 Dec. 1947, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

47 W. Pieck to K. Maron, 2 Dec. 1947, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

48 Bericht über die Sitzung des Presigerichts: Wettbewerb Gedächtnisstätte der grossen Sozialisten auf dem Friedhof Friedrichsfelde, 15 Feb. 1948, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

49 Ibid.

50 ‘Auf dem Hügel der Freiheit’, Der Sozialdemokrat, 10 Jan. 1948, 6.

51 ‘Der 18. März in Berlin: Ein überwaltigenes Bekenntnis zur Freiheit’, Der Tagesspiegel, 20 Mar. 1948, 1.

52 M. Grabowski to Politburo, 2 Feb. 1949, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

53 W. Pieck to Friedrich Ebert, 23 Feb. 1949, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

54 Voske, Gedenkstätte der Sozialisten, 72–3.

55 F. Ebert to W. Pieck, 2 Mar. 1949, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

56 Voske, Gedenkstätte der Sozialisten, 74.

57 Schwieger to W. Bartel, 31 Mar. 1950, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

58 Pieck to Ebert, 22 Sept. 1950, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

59 Pieck to Karl Glasner, 15 Nov. 1950, SAPMO-BA, FBS, 93/1111, Nachlass Wilhelm Pieck 36/611–12, Berlin.

60 ‘Die Opfer des 18. März verpflichten’, Neues Deutschland, 19 Mar. 1949, p. 4; ‘Kranzniederlegung im Friedrichshain’, Neues Deutschland, 19 Mar. 1950, 6.

61 See: ‘Und die Streit geht munter weiter’, Die Tageszeitung, 19 Jan. 1988, downloaded from http://www.taz.de/pt/1998901/19/a0108.nf/textdruck on 29 Mar. 2005; ‘Aktion Störenfried’, Die Tageszeitung, 17 Jan. 1998, downloaded from http://www.taz.de/pt/1998901/19/a0112.nf/textdruck on 29 Mar. 2005.

62 ‘Aufmarsch von über 200 000 Berlinern an den Gräbern von Karl und Rosa’, Neues Deutschland, 18 Jan. 1988, 1.

63 ‘250 000 marschierten für Karl and Rosa’, Neues Deutschland, 16 Jan. 1989, 1.

64 See Fulbrook, M., The Divided Nation: A History of Germany 1918–1990 (Oxford, 1991), 318–45Google Scholar.

65 Christians, Social Democrats and anti-fascist organizations such as the ‘Trotzkyite Group’ were all spoken favourably of in reportage on the event. Prior to this 1990, none of these groups would have been allowed to participate in the march or be acknowledged in the SED-orchestrated ceremony, apart from the SPD which was attributed blame for the murders of Luxemburg and Liebknecht. See ‘Ehre und Gedenken für Karl und Rosa’, Neues Deutschland, 15 Jan. 1990, 1; ‘An den Gräbern von Karl and Rosa: Mut Gefaβt für die Erneuerung’, Neues Deutschland, 15 Jan. 1990, 3.

66 ‘SPD-Fahnen wehten auf dem Alex . . .’, Neues Deutschland, 15 Jan. 1990, 3.

67 Little has been published on the event since German reunification, and most mainstream newspapers provide little or no reportage. The account given here is culled from the independent, left-wing newspaper, Die Tageszeitung, which provided at minimum a small article each year.

68 For several years, an alternative demonstration of radical organizations assembled at Platz der Vereinten Nationen (former Leninplatz) and marched to Friedrichsfelde. The event typically drew about 10,000 participants, while the total number visiting the Socialists' Memorial was estimated between 40,000 and 100,000 by the PDS, although police estimates were considerably lower. The PDS accused the radical groups of ‘using the commemoration to vent their personal frustration’. Jens Rübsam, ‘Weit mehr als nur ein stilles Gedenken’, Die Tageszeitung, 13 Jan. 1997, downloaded from http://www.taz.de/pt/1997/01/11/a0218.nf/textdruck, on 29 Mar. 2005.

69 The memorial had on several occasions been targeted by vandalism, including defacement by swastikas and the letters, ‘NPD’, signifying the radical, right-wing, National Party of Germany. However this marks the first and only threat against commemorative activities. See D. Hempel, ‘Polizei und Demonstranten auf Schmusekurs’, Die Tageszeitung, 17 Jan. 2000, downloaded from http://www.taz.de/pt/2000/01/17/a0156.nf/textdruck, on 29 Mar. 2005.

70 A. Ciuperca, ‘Nelken und Chopin-Musik’, Die Tageszeitung, 13 Jan. 2003, 22, downloaded from http://www.taz.de/pt/2003/01/13/a0180.nf/textdruck, on 29 Mar. 2005.

71 The MLPD asserts that the numbers have remained constant as a result of conflicting currents between a rising interest in socialism in Germany and declining membership in the PDS as the party ages. The MLPD claims that the authorities intentionally underestimate attendance and that the ‘bourgeoise press’ would like to remain silent about the demonstration. K. Arnecke, Department of Public Relations of the Central Committee of the MLPD, email correspondence with author, 6 May 2005.

72 M. Harnack, Bundesgeschaftstelle – Office of Party Development, email correspondence with author, 17 Apr. 2005; Work Schedule of the Party of the European Left for 2005, 3, pdf downloaded from www.european-left.org/cal_index.html.

73 K. Arnecke, Department of Public Relations of the Central Committee of the MLPD, email correspondence with author, 6 May 2005; Arnecke reported that the MLPD's Peter Borgwardt closed his speech at the 2005 ceremony, stating, ‘To honour the legacy of the revolutionaries means to carry their work forward! Forward to real socialism.’

74 Harnack, 17 Apr. 2005; Harnack, email correspondence with author, 15 Apr. 2005.