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2 The terms used in this summary of the urban economic base may be those made current in the mid-twentieth century, but the ideas were at least implicit during the period considered in this review. Early statements of urban economic base theory include Hoyt, H., ‘Homer Hoyt on the development of economic base concept’, Land Economics, XXX (1954), 182–6;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Andrews, R. B. ‘Mechanics of the urban economic base: historical development of the base concept’, Land Economics, XXIX (1953), 161–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mayer, H. M., ‘Urban nodality and the economic base’, J. American Institute of Planners, XX (1954), 117–21;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Alexander, J. W., ‘The basic-nonbasic concept of urban economic functions,’ Economic Geography, XXX (1954), 246–61;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Blumenfeld, H., ‘The economic base of metropolis’, J. American Institute of Planners, XXI (1955), 114–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Some of the objections which have been raised to urban economic base concepts, for example in Lewis, J. Parry, Urban Economics: a set approach (1979)Google Scholar, did not apply when the same ‘set’ of people usually lived and worked in the same municipal entity.

3 Hoselitz, B. F., ‘The city, the factory and economic growth’, American Economic Rev., XLV. 2 (1955), 168.Google Scholar

4 Lamb, R. K., ‘The entrepreneur and the community’, in Men in Business: essays in the history of entrepreneurship, ed. Miller, W. (1952), 91–119.Google Scholar

5 The relevance of public policy to urban history has been recently discussed in Checkland, S. G., ‘The urban historian and the political will’, Urban History Yearbook (1980), 5–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Recent methodological-bibliographic surveys of Canadian urban history include the following: Stelter, G. A., ‘The historian's approach to Canada's urban past’, Histoire sociale/Social History, VII (May 1974), 5–22Google Scholar, reprinted in The Canadian City: essays in urban history, eds. Stelter, G. A. and Artibise, A. F. J. (Toronto, 1977), 420–41Google Scholar (notably 425–6, 432–3); Weaver, J. C., ‘Living in and building up the Canadian city: a review of studies on the urban past’, Plan Canada, XV (September 1975), 111–17 (notably 112);Google Scholar Weaver, J. C., ‘Urban Canada: recent historical writing’, Queen's Q., LXXXVI (1979), 75–97 (notably 75, 79–82);Google Scholar Artibise, A. F. J. and Stelter, G. A., (eds.), ‘The economic framework: introduction’, in The Usable Urban Past: planning and politics in the modern Canadian city (Toronto, 1979), 5–7;Google Scholar Stelter, G. A., ‘Urban history in North America: Canada’, Urban History Yearbook (1977), 24–9;Google Scholar Stave, B. M., ‘A conversation with Gilbert A. Stelter: urban history in Canada’, J. Urban History, VI. 2 (February 1980), 177–210;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Stave, B. M., ‘Urban history in Canada: a conversation with Alan F. J. Artibise’, Urban History Rev., VIII. 3 (February 1980), 110–43;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Artibise, A. F. J. and Stelter, G. A., Canada's Urban Past: a bibliography to 1980 and guide to Canadian urban studies (Vancouver 1981), xiii–xxxii.Google Scholar

7 Sharpless, J. and Warner, S. B. Jr, ‘Urban History’, American Behavioral Scientist, XXI (1977), 231–2.Google Scholar

8 The percentage ‘urban’ is derived from Stone, L. O., Urban Development in Canada (Ottawa, 1967), 29;Google Scholar the number of urban places with 5000 people or more from the Canada Yearbook (1945), 115–17.Google Scholar

9 The general sequence of urban development in Canada has been summarized in Careless, J. M. S., The Rise of Cities in Canada before 1914 (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1978)Google Scholar, and in Stelter, G. A., ‘The urban frontier in Canadian history’, in Cities in the West, eds. McCormack, A. R. and MacPherson, I. (Ottawa, 1975), 269–85.Google Scholar

10 Simmons, J. W., ‘The evolution of the Canadian urban system’, in The Usable Urban Past, eds. Artibise, and Stelter, , 9–33.Google Scholar

11 Stelter, G. A. and Artibise, A. F. J., ‘Canadian resource towns in historical perspective’, Plan Canada, XVIII (1978), 7–16.Google Scholar

12 Careless, J. M. S., ‘Somewhat narrow horizons’, Canadian Historical Association Historical Papers (1968), 1–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Careless, , ‘Metropolitan reflections on Great Britain's Woodyardx,’ Acadiensis, III. 1 (1973), 109.Google Scholar His first and most influential statement on metropolitanism was ‘Frontierism, metropolitanism and Canadian history’, Canadian Historical Rev., XLV (1954), 1–21.Google Scholar

14 Careless, , ‘The development of the Winnipeg business community, 1870–1890,’ Trans. Royal Society of Canada, ser. 4, 8 (1970), 239–254;Google Scholar The business community in the early development of Victoria, B.C., in Canadian Business History: selected studies, 1497–1971, ed. Macmillan, D. S. (Toronto, 1972), 104–23.Google Scholar

15 Careless, , ‘Aspects of urban life in the West, 1870–1914’, reprinted in The Canadian City, 125–141.Google Scholar

16 Careless, , ‘Aspects of metropolitanism in Atlantic Canada’, in Regionalism in the Canadian Community, 1867–1967, ed. Wade, Mason (Toronto, 1967), 129.Google Scholar The study of urban development in Ontario, ‘Some aspects of urbanization in nineteenth century Ontario’, in Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Ontario, eds. Armstrong, F. H. et al. (Toronto, 1974), 65–79Google Scholar, briefly considered the role of elite groups within the general theme of urban ‘organization’.

17 Tulchinsky, G. J. J., The River Barons: Montreal businessmen and the growth of industry and transportation, 1837–1853 (Toronto, 1977);Google Scholar Sutherland, D. A., ‘The merchants of Halifax, 1815–1850: a commercial class in pursuit of metropolitan status’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1975)Google Scholar—part of which was published in ‘Halifax merchants and the pursuit of development, 1783–1850’, Canadian Historical Rev., LIX (1978), 1–17;Google Scholar Katz, M. B., The People of Hamilton, Canada West: family and class in a mid-nineteenth-century city (1975), 176–208;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Acheson, T. W., ‘The great merchant and economic development in Saint John, 1820–1850’, Acadiensis, VIII (Spring 1979), 3–28;Google Scholar Artibise, A. F. J., Winnipeg: a social history of urban growth, 1874–1914 (Montreal, 1975);Google Scholar Voisey, P., ‘In search of wealth and status: an economic and social study of entrepreneurs in early Calgary’, in Frontier Calgary, 1875–1914, eds. Rasporich, A. W. and Klassen, H. (Calgary, 1975), 221–41;Google Scholar McDonald, R. A. J., ‘Business leaders in early Vancouver, 1860–1914’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1977).Google Scholar

18 Linteau, P.-A., Maisonneuve. Comment les promoteurs fabriquent une ville (Montreal, 1981);Google Scholar McCann, L. D., ‘The mercantile-industrial transition in the metal towns of Pictou County, 1857–1931’, Acadiensis, X. 2 (Spring 1981), 29–64;Google Scholar Bloomfield, E., ‘Citybuilding processes in Berlin/Kitchener and Waterloo, 1870–1930’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Guelph, 1981);Google Scholar Noble, E. J., ‘Men and circumstances: entrepreneurs and community growth, a case study of Orillia, Ontario, 1867–1898’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Guelph, 1980);Google Scholar Rudin, R., ‘The development of four Quebec towns 1840–1914: a study of urban and economic growth in Quebec)’ (Ph.D. thesis, York University, 1977)Google Scholar, of which short articles have appeared as ‘Land ownership and urban growth: the experience of two Quebec towns’, Urban History Rev., VIII. 2 (1979), 23–46Google Scholar, and Saint-Hyacinthe and the development of a regional economy, 1840–1895 (York University, Department of Geography, Discussion Paper 15, 1977)Google Scholar

19 McCann, for example, has demonstrated the relationships by kinship and intermarriage among entrepreneurs in the towns of Pictou County. ‘The mercantile-industrial transition’, 40–5.

20 Notable examples include newspaper editors and publishers in many towns and cities, as well as such individuals as Wesley Orr in Calgary and D. B. Detweiler in Berlin. Foran, M., ‘The making of a booster: Wesley Fletcher Orr and nineteenth-century Calgary’, in Town and City, 289–308;Google Scholar Bloomfield, E., ‘City-building processes in Berlin/Kitchener and Waterloo’, 137–8, 451.Google Scholar

21 In addition to the incidental discussion of Boards of Trade in the work of Tulchinsky, Sutherland and Acheson (cited in note 17 above), there have been specific studies of some of these first Boards: Collard, E. A., The Montreal Board of Trade, 1822–1972, (Montreal, 1972);Google Scholar Ouellet, F., Histoire de la Chambre de Commerce de Quibec, 1809–1859 (Quebec, 1959);Google Scholar Stanford, G. H., To Serve the Community: the story of Toronto's Board of Trade (Toronto, 1974);CrossRefGoogle Scholar McCalla, D. P., ‘The commercial politics of the Toronto Board of Trade, 1850–1869’, Canadian Historical Rev., L (March 1969), 51–67;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Schaeffer, Roy, The Board of Trade and the Origins of the Toronto Harbour Commissioners, 1899–1911 (York University, Department of Geography, Discussion Paper 27, 1981);Google Scholar Sutherland, D. A., ‘The personnel and policies of the Halifax Board of Trade, 1890–1914’, in The Enterprising Canadians: entrepreneurs and economic development in Eastern Canada, 1820–1914, eds. Fischer, L. R. and Sager, E. W. (St John's, 1979), 205–29.Google Scholar

22 The role of Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce in the development of Canadian communities is being investigated by this author, using records of the Registrar-General preserved in the Public Archives and the particular experience of selected towns and cities of various sizes.

23 Berlin News Record, 23 February 1897CrossRefGoogle Scholar (report of speech at annual banquet of Waterloo Board of Trade).

24 For example, Sutherland attributes Halifax's relative decline partly to the ‘traditionalism, elitism, penuriousness and factionalism’ of the Halifax business community from 1890 to 1914, and to the apparent ‘inability [of the Board of Trade] to define and implement development policies’. Sutherland, ‘Halifax Board of Trade’, 214, 217.

25 Brownell, B. A., The UrbanEthos in the South, 1920–1930 (Baton Rouge, 1975), xv–xxi, 40, 61–2, 125Google Scholar

26 Artibise, , Winnipeg, a social history, 23, 42, 121, 177–8.Google Scholar

27 Artibise, , ‘Boosterism and the development of prairie cities, 1871–1913’, in Town and City: aspects of western Canadian urban development, ed. Artibise, A. F. J. (Regina, 1981), 209–35.Google Scholar

28 Artibise, , ‘Continuity and change: elites and prairie urban development, 1914–1950’, in The Usable Urban Past, 131.Google Scholar Artibise has also discussed his ideas about urban boosterism in part of a recorded interview with Stave, B. M., ‘Interview: urban history in Canada: a conversation with Alan F. J. Artibise’, Urban History Reu., VIII. 3 (February 1980), 122–4.Google Scholar

29 Voisey, P., ‘Boosting the small prairie town, 1904–1931: an example from Southern Alberta’, in Town and City, 147–76.Google Scholar

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31 Bloomfield, E., ‘City-building processes in Berlin/Kitchener and Waterloo’, 65–111.Google Scholar

32 Johnston, J. G., The Weeklies. Biggest circulation in town (Bolton, 1972);Google Scholar this publication marked the 50th anniversary of the Canadian Weekly Newspapers Association. The role of the local press in stimulating one aspect of urban development, land sales, is demonstrated in Doucet, M., ‘The role of the Spectator in shaping attitudes to land in Hamilton, Ontario, 1847–1881’, Histoire socialelSocial History, XII (November 1979), 431–13.Google Scholar

33 Brownell, , op. cit, 126–7.Google Scholar

34 Artibise, , ‘Continuity and change’, 131–6.Google Scholar

35 Though these authors do not explicitly discuss an urban ethos for their towns, the contemporary perception that manufacturing industry was fundamental to urban progress is evident also in the work of Linteau on Maisonneuve, McCann on the Pictou County towns, Noble on Orillia and Rudin on St Hyacinthe, Sherbrooke, Sorel and Trois-Rivières. (All are cited in n. 18 above.)

36 Berlin Daily Telegraph, 30 March 1905.Google Scholar

37 Busy Berlin: annual report of the Board of Trade for 1906 (1907), 10.Google Scholar

38 Artibise, , ‘Boosterism and the development of prairie cities’, 215.Google Scholar

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40 Knight, D. B., Choosing Canada's Capital: jealousy and friction in the nineteenth century, (Toronto, 1977);Google Scholar A Capital for Canada: conflict and compromise in the nineteenth century (Toronto, 1977).Google Scholar The campaign of Bytown's leaders from the 1830s, led by Dr Christie of the Bytown Gazette, is described in Knight's ‘“Boosterism” and locational analysis or one man's swan is another man's goose’, Urban History Rev., 3–73 (February 1974), 10–16.Google Scholar

41 Kilpatrick, A. B., ‘A lesson in boosterism: the contest for the Alberta provincial capital, 1904–1906’, Urban History Rev., VIII. 3 (February 1980), 47–109.Google Scholar

42 Thomas, L. H., ‘Saskatoon, 1883–1920: the formative years’, in Town and City, 237–58.Google Scholar Prominent Saskatoon citizens guaranteed to find a 1000-acre site at moderate price for the provincial university, 254.

43 Sutherland, , ‘Halifax merchants and the pursuit of development’, 5.Google Scholar

44 In anticipation, the Saint John City Council spent $1 million on harbour improvements in the early to mid 1890s. Babcock, R. H., ‘Economic development in Portland (Me.) and Saint John (N.B.) during the age of iron and steam, 1850–1914’, American Rev. Canadian Studies, IX. 1 (1979), 14–15.Google Scholar

45 Waite, P. B., Canada, 1874–1896: arduous destiny (Toronto, 1971), 74–92, 271–4;Google Scholar Bliss, M., ‘Business, protection and nationalism’, in A Living Profit: essays in the social history of Canadian business, 1883–1911 (Toronto, 1974), 95–113.Google Scholar

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47 Reported by Myers, Gustavus, A History of Canadian Wealth (Chicago, 1914, reprinted Toronto, 1972), 150–2.Google Scholar

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49 Gephard, W. F., Transportation and Industrial Development in the Middle West (New York, 1909);Google Scholar Kirkland, , Men, Cities and Transportation;Google Scholar Pierce, H. H., Railroads of New York: a study of government aid (Cambridge, Mass., 1953);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Condit, C. W., The Railroad and the City: a technological and urbanistic history of Cincinnati (Columbus, 1977);Google Scholar Glaab, C. M., Kansas City and the Railroads: community policy in the growth of a regional metropolis (Madison, 1962).Google Scholar Goodrich, Carter, Government Promotion of American Canals and Railroads 1800–1890 (New York, 1960)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Cleveland, F. A. and Powell, F. W., Railroad Promotion and Capitalization in the United States (New York, 1909)Google Scholar, are more comprehensive surveys.

50 For example, Hull Corporation backed the Hull and Barnsley Railway, incorporated in 1880 with £4 million capital, with an investment of £100,000. Simmons, J., The Railways of Britain: an historical introduction (1961).Google Scholar Manchester Corporation also contributed £4.5 million to the financing of the Manchester Ship Canal in the 1880s, which raised rates (local taxes) 26%. Farnie, D. A., ‘The Manchester Ship Canal, 1894–1913’, in Trade and Transport: essays in economic history in honour of Willan, T. S. eds. Chaloner, W. H. and Ratcliffe, B. M. (1977), 173–213.Google Scholar

51 The influential role of Keefer, T. C. from the late 1840s in urging public acceptance of railways and in linking railways to metropolitanism and progressivism has been reasserted by the reprinting of his Philosophy of Railroads and other essays (Toronto, 1972).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Keefer argued that a shortage of capital was less of a handicap in railway-building than ‘zeal and enterprise’ and expert knowledge. Urban businessmen and citizens would have to learn to combine in associations and corporations and, above all, municipal corporations should be used to pledge the credit of the citizens for worthy projects, as summarized in the Introduction by H. V. Nelles, xxix-xxx.

52 Tulchinsky, , op. cit., xii, 142–58.Google Scholar The essential initiative of John A. Poor of Portland, Maine, in promoting this railway (the Atlantic and St Lawrence in the United States) is emphasized in Babcock, , ‘Economic development in Portland and Saint John’, 5–13.Google Scholar

53 Young, B. J., Promoters and Politicians: the North Shore Railways in the History of Quebec, 1854–1–895 (Toronto, 1978), 5–7,141–4.Google Scholar Montreal granted a $1 million subsidy.

54 Ibid., 59–60.

55 The attitudes and initiatives of Toronto's community leaders in relation to railway promotion are discussed in Masters, D. C., The Rise of Toronto 1850–1890 (Toronto, 1947), 64–7;Google Scholar Baskerville, P. A., ‘Entrepreneurship and the Family Compact, York-Toronto, 1822–1855’, Urban History Rev., IX. 3 (February 1981), 15–34;Google Scholar White, W. A., ‘A cautious elite: Toronto's reluctant entrance into the railway mania of the 1850s’, Urban History Rev., X. 1 (June 1981), 31–8.Google Scholar

56 The excesses and abuses of railway bonusing before Confederation are detailed in Myers, , A History of Canadian Wealth, 150–217Google Scholar, and in Naylor, T., The History of Canadian Business 1867–1914 (Toronto, 1975), II, 108–9.Google Scholar

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58 Orillia, Ontario, with a population of only about 1000, bonused two rival railway propositions, partly because of divisions among the community leaders and partly with the hope of securing cheaper rates and better services from the competition. Within a decade or so, both lines had become controlled by the Grand Trunk Railway. Noble, E. J., ‘Entrepreneurship and nineteenth century urban growth: a case study of Orillia, Ontario, 1867–1898’, Urban History Rev., IX (June 1980), 64–89.Google Scholar

59 Filby, J., Credit Valley Railway: ‘the third giant’ (Cheltenham, Ont, 1974), 21–31.Google Scholar

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61 See, for example, Brennan, J. W., ‘Business-government cooperation in townsite promotion in Regina and Moose Jaw, 1882–1903’, in Town and City, 95–120;Google Scholar MacDonald, N., ‘The Canadian Pacific Railway and Vancouver's development to 1900’, BC Studies, XXXV (Autumn 1977), 3–35;Google Scholar McDonald, R. A. J., ‘City building in the Canadian west: a case study of economic growth in early Vancouver, 1886–1893’, BC Studies, xliii (1979), 3–28.Google Scholar

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63 Potyondi, , ‘In quest of limited urban status…Minnedosa,’ 129–30.Google Scholar

64 Regehr, T. D., The Canadian Northern Railway: pioneer road of the Northern Prairies, 1895–1918 (Toronto, 1976).Google Scholar The calculation is based particularly on the data in Appendix III, 475. But in 1906, Edmonton gave the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway a $100,000 bonus and a site valued at $60,000 to induce the company to run its line through the city. Anderson, J. D., ‘The municipal government reform movement in Western Canada, 1880–1920’, in The Usable Urban Past, 99.Google Scholar

65 This practice is briefly surveyed by Hunker, H. L., ‘The evolution of industrial development planning in North America’, in Planning Industrial Development, ed. Walker, D. F. (New York, 1980), 21.Google Scholar For a Canadian example, the British American Land Company which developed much of the Eastern Townships of Quebec from its base at Sherbrooke, leased factory buildings, sometimes equipped at water-powered sites along the Magog River. Between 1844 and 1953 a tannery, cotton factory, paper mill, pail factory, joiner's shop, machine shop, iron foundry, grist mill and sawmill were established. Rudin, , ‘Land ownership and urban growth’, 27–30.Google Scholar

66 Bayrd, Still discusses the ‘subscription period’ of city-building in ‘Patterns of midnineteenth century urbanization in the Middle West’, Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXVIII (1941), 199–200.Google Scholar The various forms of community support for industry which had developed in American towns and cities by 1910 are reviewed in Clay, S. H., City Building (Cincinnati, 1913), 33–44.Google Scholar

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68 Linge, G. J. R., Industrial Awakening: a geography of Australian manufacturing 1788 to 1890 (Canberra, 1979)Google Scholar considers bonusing in some detail at the level of the individual Colony government; the author confirmed in correspondence that local governments, at least until 1890, did not have powers of inducement.

69 Some municipal councils, at least in Ontario, granted tax exemptions and/or free utilities to private boarding schools and large tourist hotels on the assumption that they too had beneficial multiplier effects.

70 Bloomfield, E., ‘Municipal bonusing of industry: the legislative framework in Ontario to 1930’, Urban History Rev., IX, 3 (February 1981), 59–76.Google Scholar

71 The Quebec legislation on municipal powers of inducements has been summarized by Linda Cobon in a term paper at the University of Guelph (1981), and, more briefly, by Linteau, in Maisonneuve, 102–5.Google Scholar The promotion of industry by French Canadian towns is the subject of an interesting article by Rudin, R., ‘Boosting the French Canadian town, municipal government and urban growth in Quebec, 1850–1900’, Urban History Rev., XI. 1 (June 1982), 1–10.Google Scholar

72 Ibid., 104.

73 Acheson, T. W., ‘The National Policy and the industrialization of the Maritimes’, Acadiensis, I. 2 (Spring 1972), 3–28;Google Scholar McCann, , ‘The mercantile-industrial transition’.Google Scholar

74 Naylor, , op. cit., 114–120, 133–5–, 144–5;Google Scholar De Lottinville, P., ‘Trouble in the hives of industry: the cotton industry comes to Milltown, New Brunswick, 1879–1892’, Canadian Historical Association, Historical Papers (Montreal, 1980), 105.Google Scholar

75 Fyfe, S., Municipal Assistance to Location of Industry: a Canadian study of tax concessions and other inducements (Institute of Public Affairs, Dalhousie University, c. 1961).Google Scholar

76 Naylor, , op cit., 130–1, 144–5.Google Scholar Minnedosa, Manitoba, bonused a grist mill with $5000. Potyondi, , ‘In search of limited urban status’, 132.Google Scholar

77 Roy, P. E., Vancouver, an Illustrated History (Toronto, 1980), 22.Google Scholar

78 Anderson, , op cit., 99–101.Google Scholar

79 Ibid., 100; Fyfe, op cit., 35–6.

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88 Linteau, , op. cit., 91–108.Google Scholar Bonuses were similarly used in a ring of municipalities around the city of Toronto from about 1900.

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90 Artibise, A. F. J., ‘Advertising Winnipeg: the campaign for immigrants and industry, 1874–1914’, Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba Transactions, Ser. iii, 27 (1970–1971), 75–106.Google Scholar

91 Anderson, , op. cit., 100.Google Scholar Calgary and Vancouver also spent municipal funds on advertising; Voisey, , ‘In search of wealth and status’, 234;Google Scholar Roy, , op. cit, 20, 51, 54, 87.Google Scholar For an example of the booster advertising of small towns in Western Canada, see Voisey, , ‘Boosting the small prairie town’, in Town and City.Google Scholar

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95 Ibid., 224–7; Roy, op. cit., 74. Artibise has also traced the post-1914 consequences of these policies in ‘Continuity and change: é1ites and prairie urban development, 1914–1950’, in The Usable Urban Past, 130–54.Google Scholar The case of Edmonton is examined in Dale, E. H., ‘The role of successive town and city councils in the evolution of Edmonton, 1892–1955’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1969)Google Scholar and Weaver, J. C., ‘Edmonton’s perilous course, 1904–1929’, Urban History Rev., 2–77 (October 1977), 20–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

96 Rutherford, P. F. W., ‘Tomorrow's metropolis: the urban reform movement in Canada, 1880–1920’, in The Canadian City, eds. Stelter, and Artibise, , 368–92Google Scholar; Weaver, J. C., ‘“Tomorrow's metropolis’ revisited; a critical assessment of urban reform in Canada, 1890–1920’, in The Canadian City, 393–418;Google Scholar Weaver, J. C., ‘Elitism and the corporate ideal: businessmen and boosters in Canadian civic reform, 1890–1920’, in Cities in the West, 48–73;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Weaver, J. C., ‘Approaches to the history of urban reform’, Urban History Rev., 2–76 (October 1976), 3–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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100 General trends in planning ideas are summarized in Van Nus, W., ‘The fate of City Beautiful thought in Canada, 1893–1930’, in The Canadian City, 162–85;Google Scholar Gunton, T. I., ‘The ideas and policies of the Canadian planning profession, 1909–1931’, in The Usable Urban Past, 117–95.Google Scholar Community perceptions of planning are illustrated in the casestudy by Bloomfield, E., ‘Economy, necessity, political reality: town planning efforts in Kitchener-Waterloo, 1912–1925’, Urban History Rev., IX. 1 (June 1980), 3–48.Google Scholar Maisonneuve's leaders promoted the image of ‘Jardin de Montréal’ to feature the town's expensive public buildings and impressive layout, Linteau, , Maisonneujve, 199–220.Google Scholar

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