¹ The most well-known works are Pirenne, H., Medieval Cities. Their Origins and the Revival of Trade, translated by Frank Halsey (Princeton, 1952)Google Scholar; Weber, M., The City, translated by Don Martindale and Gertrud Neuwirth (New York and London, 1958)Google Scholar. For a recent reassessment of their role in the historiography of medieval cities, see Nicholas, D., ‘The urban typologies of Henri Pirenne and Max Weber: was there a “medieval” city?’, in Nicholas, D., Bachrach, B.S. and Murray, J.M. (eds.), Comparative Perspectives on History and Historians. Essays in Memory of Bryce Lyon (1920–2007) (Kalamazoo, 2012), 75–96Google Scholar.

² For several recent general surveys of medieval urbanization processes, see, for example, Nicholas, D., The Growth of the Medieval City: From Late Antiquity to the Early Fourteenth Century (repr., Abingdon and New York, 2014), 90–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keene, D., ‘Towns and the growth of trade’, in Luscombe, D. and Riley-Smith, J. (eds.), The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. IV: c. 1024 – c. 1198, Part 1 (Cambridge, 2004), 47–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ See, for example, Rubin, M., Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge (Cambridge, 1987), 49–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Doosselaere, Q. van, Commercial Agreements and Social Dynamics in Medieval Genoa (Cambridge, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. discussion on pp. 200–4 on the definitions of social cohesion; Shaw, D.G., ‘Social networks and the foundations of oligarchy in medieval English towns’, Urban History, 32 (2005), 200–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the impact of migration into the city, see Menjot, D., ‘Les gens venus d'ailleurs dans les villes médiévales: quelques acquis de la recherche’, in Quertier, C., Chilà, R. and Pluchot, N. (eds.), ‘Arriver’ en ville. Les migrants en milieu urbain au Moyen Âge (Paris, 2013), 15–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Another important branch of scholarship, on the socially cohesive effect of rituals and religion on the cityscape, remains outside the scope of this study.

⁴ The diverse social composition of the Frankish settlers in Jerusalem's hinterland was discussed by Ellenblum, R., Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1998), 73–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Yet this discussion can be equally applied to the urban population. Our understanding of the makeup of the Frankish society is based on such things as names mentioned in property transactions, reflecting various ethnic backgrounds and countries of origin, as well as direct statements found in pilgrims’ accounts. See for example names of inhabitants in Röhricht, R. (ed.), Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (MXCVII–MCCXCI) (Innsbruck, 1893–1904) (hereafter RRH), 421Google Scholar; Bresc-Bautier, G. (ed.), Le cartulaire du chapitre du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem (Paris, 1984) (hereafter BB), 168Google Scholar; J. Riley-Smith (ed. and trans.), Revised Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (online resource: http://crusades-regesta.com/) (hereafter RRR), 755. Citations from RRH, BB and RRR refer to document numbers. For a study of Latin settlers’ names, see Shagrir, I., Naming Patterns in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford, 2003)Google Scholar. See also the account of Johannes of Würzburg, Peregrinationes Tres, in R.B.C. Huygens (ed.), Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, vol. CXXXIX (Turnhout, 1995), 124, 126. These passages, from c. 1165, are indicative of the role played by the settlers’ lands of origin in the negotiation of urban space, even over six decades after the conquest of Jerusalem.

⁵ See Lilley, K.D., ‘Cities of God? Medieval urban forms and their Christian symbolism’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, n.s., 29 (2004), 296–313CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Gutgarts, A., ‘The earthly landscape of the heavenly city: a new framework for the examination of the urban development of Frankish Jerusalem’, Al-Masāq, 28 (2016), 266–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ On Jerusalem's monumental transformation in the twelfth century, see, for example, Folda, J., The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187 (Cambridge, 1995), 246–82Google Scholar; Hamilton, B., ‘Rebuilding Zion: the holy places of Jerusalem in the twelfth century’, in Baker, D. (ed.), Renaissance and Renewal in Christian History. Papers Read at the Fifteenth Summer Meeting and the Sixteenth Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Oxford, 1977), 105–16Google Scholar; Murray, A.V., ‘Constructing Jerusalem as a Christian capital: topography and population of the holy city under Frankish rule in the twelfth century’, reprinted in The Franks in Outremer. Studies in the Latin Principalities of Palestine and Syria, 1099–1187, no. XIII (Farnham and Burlington, 2015), 1–18Google Scholar; Blair-Moore, K., The Architecture of the Christian Holy Land. Reception from Late Antiquity through the Renaissance (Cambridge, 2017), 63–116CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ For example Schein, S., ‘From the “city of the Holy Sepulchre” to the “city of the humanity of Christ”’, in Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099–1187) (Aldershot and Burlington, 2005), 63–90Google Scholar; Hamilton, ‘Rebuilding Zion’. An exception to this premise is Joshua Prawer's analysis, pointing out the discrepancy between the idealized rendition of the state of the city in a later redaction of the chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres, and its earlier versions, with a bleak account of conditions in Jerusalem. Prawer reconciled this gap by assuming that royal patronage sufficed in order to stimulate monumental growth quickly towards the middle of the twelfth century. Prawer, J., Crusader Institutions (Oxford, 1980), 91–2Google Scholar.

⁹ For the conditions in and around Jerusalem during the eleventh century, see Ellenblum, R., The Collapse of the Eastern Mediterranean. Climate Change and the Decline of the East, 950–1072 (Cambridge, 2012), 163–214CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Avni, G., The Byzantine-Islamic Transition in Palestine. An Archaeological Approach (Oxford, 2014), 158–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an account of pre-Crusade Jerusalem, see Gat, S., ‘The Seljuks in Jerusalem’, in Lev, Y. (ed.), Towns and Material Culture in the Medieval Middle East (Leiden, Boston and Cologne, 2002), 1–39Google Scholar. For the political conditions surrounding the arrival of the Crusader armies, see, for example, Murray, A.V., ‘A race against time – a fight to the death: combatants and civilians in the siege and capture of Jerusalem, 1099’, in Dowdell, A. and Horne, J. (eds.), Civilians under Siege from Sarajevo to Troy (London, 2017), 163–4Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Murray, A.V., ‘The demographics of urban space in Crusade-period Jerusalem (1099–1187)’, in Classen, A. (ed.), Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age (Berlin and New York, 2009), 205–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the massacre, see Kedar, Benjamin Z., ‘The Jerusalem massacre of July 1099 in the Western historiography of the Crusades’, Crusades, 3 (2004), 15–75Google Scholar.

¹¹ This is repeatedly reported in the chronicles. For example Carnotensis, Fulcherius, Historia Hierosolimitana, ed. Hagenmeyer, Heinrich (Heidelberg, 1913), book 1, chapter 32, 318–22Google Scholar; Albert of Aachen, Historia Ierosolimitana, ed. Edgington, S.B. (Oxford, 2007), book 6, chapter 37, 450, chapter 54, 474Google Scholar. While in the early chronicles written during the First Crusade, this return is considered as an anticipated and reasonable phenomenon, writing several decades later, William of Tyre directly links it to the demographic crisis and its impact on Jerusalem. See Tyrensis, Willelmus, Chronicon, ed. Huygens, R.B.C., Mayer, H.E. and Rösch, G., Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, vol. LXIII (Turnhout, 1986), book 9, chapter 19, 446 (hereafter WT)Google Scholar.

¹² For the legislative efforts and the resettlement of Eastern Christians brought from the Transjordan, in Jerusalem, see WT, vol. LXIII, book 9, chapter 19, 446, and book 11, chapter 27, 535–6. On the impact of the absence of the Italian communes on Jerusalem, see Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 95–7.

¹³ For studies of the impact of Melisende's patronage on the urban environment of Jerusalem, see Folda, J., ‘Melisende of Jerusalem: queen and patron of art and architecture in the Crusader Kingdom’, in Martin, T. (ed.), Reassessing the Roles of Women as ‘Makers’ of Medieval Art and Architecture (Leiden, 2012), vol. I, 429–78Google Scholar; Kenaan-Kedar, N., ‘Armenian architecture in twelfth-century Crusader Jerusalem’, Assaph – Studies in Art History, 3 (1998), 77–92Google Scholar; for a more nuanced depiction, incorporating the influence of the Hospitallers and the patriarch, see Riley-Smith, J., ‘The death and burial of Latin Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem and Acre, 1099–1291’, Crusades, 7 (2008), 165–79Google Scholar. On the liturgical manifestations of the Latin monarchy in Jerusalem's cityscape, see Shagrir, I., ‘Adventus in Jerusalem: the Palm Sunday celebration in Jerusalem’, Journal of Medieval History, 41 (2014), 13–15Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Gutgarts, ‘The earthly landscape of the heavenly city’, 272–3.

¹⁵ On the necessary caution in the use of the term ‘market’ in regard to medieval land sales, see Wickham, C., ‘Land sales and land market in Tuscany in the eleventh century’, in Land and Power. Studies in Italian and European Social History, 400–1200 (London, 1994), 257–8Google Scholar; in the context of an urban environment dominated primarily by religious institutions, see Hubert, Espace urbain et habitat à Rome: du Xe siècle à la fin du XIIIe siècle (Rome, 1990), 336.

¹⁶ Similar questions concerning the connection between monumental and non-monumental development were examined in regard to medieval Muslim cities. See Michael E. Bonine, ‘Waqf and its influence on the built environment in the Medina of the Islamic middle eastern city', in Classen (ed.), Urban Space in the Middle Ages, 637.

¹⁷ For a general definition of burgage tenure and the status of burgesses, see Goddard, R., Lordship and Medieval Urbanisation: Coventry, 1043–1355 (Rochester NY, 2004), 36Google Scholar. On the association between burgage tenure and urbanization processes, see Hilton, R., Class Conflict and the Crisis of Feudalism. Essays in Medieval Social History (London, 1985), 187–8Google Scholar. The legal and social status of burgesses in Frankish Jerusalem was the subject of several studies: Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 252–314, 328–9; Nader, M., Burgesses and Burgess Law in the Latin Kingdoms of Jerusalem and Cyprus (1099–1325) (Aldershot and Burlington, 2006)Google Scholar; Tischler, C., Die Burgenses von Jerusalem im 12. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main, 2000)Google Scholar; Mayer, H.E., Von der Cour des Bourgeois zum öffentlichen Notariat (Wiesbaden, 2016)Google Scholar. The primary focus of most of these studies was legal-institutional, with only cursory references to the impact of legal mechanisms on longitudinal socio-economic shifts and the course of urban development in Jerusalem.

¹⁸ For discussions of the legal aspects of the division, see Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 296–311. For a more recent reassessment, see Mayer, Von der Cour des Bourgeois, 33–8. The actual implications of this division stirred some scholarly debate. See Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 114–31; Mayer, H.E., ‘King Fulk of Jerusalem as city lord’, in Edbury, P. and Phillips, J. (eds.), The Experience of Crusading, vol. II: Defining the Crusader Kingdom (Cambridge, 2003), 179–88Google Scholar.

¹⁹ The role of the Latin patriarch is best illustrated in the opening of RRH, 167; BB, 22 (p. 79) from 1136, equating the responsibilities of William as the patriarch of Jerusalem to those of a bishop towards his parish. For studies dealing with this issue, see Elm, K., ‘Fratres et Sorores santctissimi sepulcri. Beiträge zu Frateernitas, Familia, und weiblichem Religiosentum im Umkreis des Kapitels vom Hlg. Grab’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 9 (1975), 290–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yael Katzir argued that despite these efforts, the church in the Latin Kingdom never managed to fashion itself fully according to such models: Katzir, Y., ‘The patriarch of Jerusalem, primate of the Latin Kingdom’, in Edbury, P.W. (ed.), Crusade and Settlement (Cardiff, 1985), 169–75Google Scholar.

²⁰ The vast literature on the urban manifestations of episcopal authority has emphasized the eleventh and twelfth centuries as a transitional period towards the emergence of civic communes. For several examples, see Miller, M., The Bishop's Palace. Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca and London, 2000)Google Scholar; Coleman, E., ‘Bishop and commune in twelfth-century Cremona: the interface of secular and ecclesiastical power’, in Andrews, F. and Pincelli, M. Agata (eds.), Churchmen and Urban Government in Late Medieval Italy, c. 1200 – c. 1450 (Cambridge, 2013), 25–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ott, J.S., Bishops, Authority and Community in Northwestern Europe, c. 1050–1150 (Cambridge, 2015), esp. chs. 2 and 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Although the collaboration between the chapter and the patriarchate has been previously discussed, only a few studies have noted its function as a vehicle of urban change. See, for example, Mayer, H.E., ‘Ehe und Besitz im Jerusalem der Kreuzfahrer’, in France, J. and Zajac, W.G. (eds.), The Crusades and their Sources. Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton (Aldershot and Burlington, 1998), 163Google Scholar.

²² RRH, 74; Mayer, Hans E. (ed.), Die Urkunden der Lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem (Hannover, 2010), vol. I (hereafter UKJ), 56Google Scholar. Equivalents of such monastic monopolization of baking ovens and market tolls can be found in other medieval European cities. See, for example, Hilton, Class Conflict, 192.

²³ UKJ, 86.

²⁴ This may of course be due also to the loss of documentation pertaining to other institutions; however, their urban involvement is indeed documented in later decades. A well-known example for other institutions’ investment in urban infrastructures is shops that belonged to Saint Anne, yet it is impossible to date their initial appearance accurately, and the earliest documentation for properties in/near Jerusalem belonging to this institution is only from the 1150s. See Pringle, D., The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. A Corpus, vol. III: The City of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 2007), 154Google Scholar; RRH, 327; UKJ, 193 (RRR, 607). For a discussion of the monastery's development, see Mayer, H.E., Bistümer, Klöster und Stifte im Königreich Jerusalem (Stuttgart, 1977), 243–57Google Scholar.

²⁵ ‘…the patriarch and the citizens of Jerusalem, putting their trust in the Lord, assembled in full strength at a place near the ancient Nobe,…they built a fortress of solid masonry to ensure the safety of pilgrims passing along that route’. In WT, vol. LXIII, book 14, chapter 8, 639–40, translation in Babcock, E. Atwater and Krey, A.C. (eds. and trans.), A History of Deeds Done beyond the Sea. By William, Archbishop of Tyre (New York, 1943), 58Google Scholar. However, since the account was written decades later, it may be more indicative of the time of its composition. This also pertains to the broader question of the institutional differentiation between the Holy Sepulchre and the Hospitaller Order in the beginning of the twelfth century. Although indeed at first the two were closely intertwined, by the 1130s, the Hospital was already gaining an autonomous status. See Luttrell, A., ‘The earliest Hospitallers’, in Kedar, B.Z., Riley-Smith, J. and Hiestand, R. (eds.), Montjoie. Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer (Aldershot and Brookfield, 1997), 43–4Google Scholar; Elm, K., ‘Das Kapitel der regulierten chorherren vom Heiligen Grab in Jerusalem’, in Elm, K. and Fonseca, C.D. (eds.), Militia Sancti Sepulcri. Idea e instituzioni (Vatican, 1998), 210Google Scholar; Richard, J., ‘Hospitals and hospital congregations in the Latin Kingdom during the first period of the Frankish conquest’, in Kedar, B.Z., Mayer, H.E. and Smail, R.C. (eds.), Outremer. Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer (Jerusalem, 1982), 92Google Scholar.

²⁶ What may seem at first as a decline in the burgesses’ participation in transactions in the 1130s and a rise of clergymen as their initiators, in fact reflects the collaborations between the two groups.

²⁷ See studies by Prawer and Tischler mentioned in n. 17. Most evidently, these structures were demonstrated in the confraternity of the Holy Sepulchre. On the relationship between the Holy Sepulchre and the burgesses of Jerusalem, see Mayer, ‘Ehe und Besitz’, 155–68; Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 296–314; Elm, ‘Fratres et Sorores’, 293–302.

²⁸ RRH, 166; BB, 103.

²⁹ Elm, ‘Fratres et Sorores’, 300; Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 304–14.

³⁰ See, for example, Mayer, ‘Ehe und Besitz’, 155–67; Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 287–304.

³¹ As shown by Marwan Nader, non-Latin Christians could possess properties in Jerusalem on terms similar to those of Latin burgesses, which suggests that the municipal mechanisms described here applied, at least partially, to them too. See Nader, Burgesses and Burgess Law, 163–4; and idem, ‘Urban Muslims, Latin laws, and legal institutions in the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Medieval Encounters, 13 (2007), 259 n. 66; Tischler, Die Burgenses, 64–5. However, this issue merits an independent discussion, which is outside the scope of the current article.

³² Similar patterns detected in the rural hinterland were dubbed by Ellenblum as forms of ‘petty enterprise’. See Frankish Rural Settlement, 71.

³³ Prawer argued that this stemmed from the status of burgesses in custom law. See Crusader Institutions, 252–62.

³⁴ The impact of contracts and institutions on the reduction of transaction costs in the Middle Ages is generally associated with the development of long-distance trade and professionalization. Although this was not the case in Jerusalem, the same mechanisms can explain, albeit cautiously, how a municipal institutional framework, such as the one developed by the Holy Sepulchre in collaboration with the patriarch, promoted commercial real-estate exchanges and enhanced the development of properties by reducing risks and providing mutual assurance. For discussions of medieval transaction costs, see Greif, A., Institutions and the Path to Modern Economy. Lessons from Medieval Trade (Cambridge, 2006), 7–8, 18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bindseil, U. and Pfeil, C., ‘Specialization as a specific investment into the market: a transaction cost approach to the rise of markets and towns in medieval Germany, 800–1200’, Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics / Zeitschrift für die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, 155 (1999), 728–54Google Scholar; Narotzky, S. and Manzano, E., ‘The Ḥisba, the Muḥtasib and the struggle over political power and a moral economy’, in Hudson, J. and Rodríguez, A. (eds.), Diverging Paths? The Shapes of Power and Institutions in Medieval Christendom and Islam (Leiden and Boston, 2014), 30–54Google Scholar.

³⁵ See n. 27. This can be compared to similar contemporary mechanisms in Europe. See, for example, Vauchez, A., ‘Les confréries au Moyen Âge: esquisse d'un bilan historiographique’, Revue Historique, 275 (1986), 467–77Google Scholar.

³⁶ For Crusader Jerusalem, this was first noted by Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 328.

³⁷ Mayer, ‘King Fulk’, 181; Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 94, argues that the patriarch's quarter was the first area to be settled after the conquest, which would explain its relative density.

³⁸ RRH, 75; BB, 20; UKJ, 55 (RRR, 146) (1114); RRH, 95; R. Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Kirchen im Heilige Lande (Göttingen, 1985), no. 21 (RRR, 207) (1121). In 1121, Pope Calixtus II admonished the cantor and succentor of the church ‘ut in domibus suis quasi seculariter manentes’. Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 130, no. 23; RRH, 94 (RRR, 206). See also Zöller, W., Regularkanoniker im Heiligen Land (Berlin, 2018), 70Google Scholar. Another possible example of these difficulties can be found in RRH, 181; UKJ, 139 (RRR, 365) (1138). This document reports the donation of 10 houses inside Jerusalem, of which 3 were previously owned by canons of the Holy Sepulchre. However, it is impossible to establish conclusively whether the canons indeed occupied the properties or were merely listed as their legal owners. For the debate concerning this issue, see Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 300; Mayer, ‘King Fulk’, 180–2.

³⁹ Lack of sufficient data from other areas of the city during this period prevents a suitable comparison to prove this hypothesis conclusively; indeed, canons may have witnessed these transactions simply as a part of their legal obligations.

⁴⁰ Initially, this may imply that the collaborations described here between the burgesses and the Holy Sepulchre were confined to the patriarch's quarter, as part of the above-mentioned division of jurisdiction between the king and the patriarch (see n. 18). However, as shown in the scholarship, this was not the case, and this type of involvement on the part of the canons extended to other parts of the city as well. This was best demonstrated in Mayer, ‘Ehe und Besitz’, 155–67 (see especially 162 for the broader impact of patriarchal policies). For several additional prominent examples of transactions indicating similar levels of involvement and collaboration with the burgesses outside the patriarch's quarter, see Mayer, Von der Cour des Bourgeois, 26, 36, as well as RRH, 166; BB, 103 (RRR, 348); RRH, 223; BB, 68 (RRR, 420). The distribution of properties belonging to the Holy Sepulchre throughout the city, and its involvement in these properties, is further attested in rental lists, which will be discussed later in this article.

⁴¹ This collaboration was first noted in Riley-Smith, ‘The death and burial’.

⁴² In the case of the Hospital, the collaboration also relied on the close institutional bonds that tied it to the Holy Sepulchre during the early phases of its development. See n. 25.

⁴³ This resulted from the far-reaching papal privileges secured in this period by the Hospital, granting it an autonomous status that had significant financial and institutional repercussions for the Holy Sepulchre. See Hamilton, B., The Latin Church in the Crusader States (London, 1980), 74–5Google Scholar; Riley-Smith, ‘The death and burial’, 174–5.

⁴⁴ Patriarch Fulcher's unsuccessful attempt to mediate between Queen Melisende and her son, Baldwin III, in an inheritance strife that escalated to a military clash, followed by the latter's victory, substantially weakened the patriarch's status. Mayer, H.E., ‘Studies in the history of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 26 (1972), 168–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ The situation was exacerbated by the rising tensions between the patriarch and the Holy Sepulchre during the patriarchate of Fulcher's successor, Amalric of Nesle. See Hamilton, The Latin Church, 76–80. A bull issued by Pope Alexander III in 1168 underlines the tension between the patriarch and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre. See RRH, 441; Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 246–7, no. 92, and 266–7, no. 103. Between 1170 and 1172, Alexander III again needed to interfere on behalf of the canons, reminding the patriarch that he had been forbidden to act on important matters without seeking the approval and advice of the chapter.

⁴⁶ On the development of the Hospital's facilities, see Kedar, B.Z., ‘A twelfth-century description of the Jerusalem hospital’, in Nicholson, H. (ed.), The Military Orders, vol. II: Welfare and Warfare (Aldershot and Brookfield, 1998), 3–26Google Scholar. On the Hospital's place within the urban fabric both in the Levant and the West, see Carraz, D., ‘Templars and Hospitallers in the cities of the West and Latin East (twelfth to thirteenth centuries)’, Crusades, 12 (2013), 103–20Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ RRH, 327; Roulx, J. Delaville Le (ed.), Cartulaire général de l'Ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem, 1100–1310 (Paris, 1894–1906), vol. I, no. 250 (hereafter Cart. Hosp.)Google Scholar. However, Mayer suggested to locate the vineyard farther north on the road to Nablus (UKJ, 193).

⁴⁸ WT, vol. LXIIIa, book 18, chapter 3, 639–40. The new complex was first described c. 1165 by Johannes of Würzburg. For a discussion of pilgrims’ accounts vis-à-vis the archaeological evidence, see Pringle, D., ‘The layout of the Jerusalem hospital in the twelfth century’, in Upton-Ward, J. (ed.), The Military Orders on Land and by Sea, vol. IV (London and New York, 2008), 91–110Google Scholar. The increase in detailed descriptions of the Hospitaller compound found in pilgrims’ accounts from the second half of the twelfth century, such as Johannes of Würzburg and Theoderich, may be indicative of the development that this area underwent. However, as noted by Basit Hammad Qureshi, this may also be part of a broader transformation of the genre of pilgrims’ accounts, and its increasing tendency to refer to the contemporary urban layout. See ‘A hierophany emergent: the discursive reconquest of the urban landscape of Jerusalem in Latin pilgrimage accounts from the twelfth century’, The Historian, 76 (2014), 725–49.

⁴⁹ On the importance of medieval cathedral squares in the urban fabric, see Dey, H., to, ‘From “street” “piazza”: urban politics, public ceremony, and the redefinition of platea in communal Italy and beyond’, Speculum, 91 (2016), 937Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ For the Hospitaller census see RRH, 483, recently discussed by Pringle, D., ‘A rental of Hospitaller properties in twelfth-century Jerusalem’, in Edgington, S. and Nicholson, H.J. (eds.), Deeds Done Beyond the Sea: Essays on William of Tyre, Cyprus and the Military Orders Presented to Peter Edbury (Farnham, 2014), 194–6Google Scholar; For the census of the Holy Sepulchre, see RRH, 421; BB, 168, 169.

⁵¹ On the dating of these documents see Pringle, ‘A rental of Hospitaller properties’, 186–9; RRR, 712 n. 92.

⁵² RRR, 755 n. 103.

⁵³ RRH, 365a; Cart. Hosp., no. 283 (c. 1160). This transaction includes a sale of a house on David Street for the extraordinary sum of 900 besants. Its terms were repeated and renegotiated in two additional transactions, one in 1172 (RRH, 494a; Cart. Hosp., no. 432), and another in 1175 (RRH, 535; Cart. Hosp., no. 469); as well as RRH, 528; Cart. Hosp., no. 483 (RRR, 941). Recent archaeological excavations locate substantial parts of the Hospitaller complex along David Street: Berkovich, I. and Re'em, A., ‘The location of the Crusader Hospital on the Muristan – a reassessment’, in Vieweger, D. and Gibson, S. (eds.), The Archaeology and History of the Church of the Redeemer and the Muristan in Jerusalem (Oxford, 2016), 193–220CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Re'em, A. and Forestani, R., ‘Jerusalem, the Old City, the Muristan’, Hadashot Arkheologiyot. Excavations and Surveys in Israel, 129 (2017)Google Scholar: www.hadashot-esi.org.il/Report_Detail_Eng.aspx?id=25216, accessed 1 Jul. 2018. For a discussion of this group of documents, see Tischler, Die Burgenses, 166–9. Later examples of large Hospitaller monetary investments around that area include RRH, 504 (Mayer, Von der Cour des Bourgeois, no. 3) (1173), a purchase of a curtille right outside the city below the Tower of David, and near the road leading to Bethlehem for 760 besants (confirmed in RRH, 517b; UKJ, 373); and the aforementioned RRH, 528 (Cart. Hosp., no. 483) (1175), and RRH, 535 (1175), naming more properties on David Street.

⁵⁴ It led from one of the city's main gates to its holiest shrines, passing along central commercial areas and symbols of authority such as the citadel and royal palace. On the gate, the palace and the citadel, see, for example, Boas, A., Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades (London and New York, 2001), 50–3, 73–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Recent excavations in the Street of the Temple, continuing David Street to the east revealed what is presumed to be a butchery, mentioned in sources from the end of the twelfth century, thus shedding new light on the functions of this important thoroughfare. See YZelinger, ., Haber, M. and Shotten-Hallel, V., ‘Jerusalem's Via Templi – a twelfth-century builder's exercise’, New Studies in the Archaeology of Jerusalem and its Region, 11 (2017), 226–38 (in Hebrew)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ RRH, 528 (Cart. Hosp., no. 483) (1175).

⁵⁶ Such a taberna is mentioned in the documents cited in n. 53. On taverns in Frankish Jerusalem, see Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades, 167. This document is noteworthy not only because of its unusual reference to a tavern inside the city, but also because this is a rare case, at least for Frankish Jerusalem, where the traces of a written record can be located in a contemporary map. See Levy-Rubin, M., ‘The rediscovery of the Uppsala map of Crusader Jerusalem’, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins, 111 (1995), 162–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Although it might be tempting to argue that these zoning processes aimed to clear space for the new Hospitaller compound, which was presumably already built by 1165 when it was described by Johannes of Würzburg, most of the relevant transactions are either contemporaneous or from a later date. Earlier transactions, too, do not allow us to pinpoint purchases targeted to make room for the new compound. It seems more plausible, then, that this zoning aimed to demarcate the Hospital's sphere of influence near the already built compound, or perhaps to expand it in the future.

⁵⁸ This zoning process can be traced in transactions starting from the late 1160s. For example, RRH, 431; Cart. Hosp., no. 376. However, expansion of Hospitaller presence around the Muristan can be noted even in earlier exchanges, such as RRH, 204 of 1141, granting the Hospital a garden near the patriarch's house.

⁵⁹ The legal aspects of these processes are outside the scope of the current article. For several studies dealing with this issue, see Prawer, Crusader Institutions, 263–95 (esp. 267), 328; Mayer, Von der Cour des Bourgeois, 1–37; Nader, Burgesses and Burgess Law, 140.

⁶⁰ On the impact of the conquest of Jerusalem on Crusade spirituality, and the integration of the conquest of Jerusalem into the framework of redemptive history, see Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City, 35–48, 109–40; Purkis, W.J., Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c. 1095 – c. 1187 (Woodbridge, 2008), 59–85Google Scholar; Rubenstein, J., Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for Apocalypse (New York, 2011), 273–303Google Scholar.

⁶¹ This was of course in line with the broader socio-religious functions of a cathedral church, and the services it provided to the community. See, for example, Hamilton, S., Church and People in the Medieval West (Harlow, 2013), 163–223Google Scholar.