1 Especially Behagg, C., Politics and Production in the Early Nineteenth Century (London, 1990)Google Scholar and Price, R., Labour in British Society. An Interpretative History (London, 1986).Google Scholar

2 Behagg and Price have drawn substantially on each other's work. See Behagg, , Politics and Production, 14, 23, 70, 91Google Scholar and Price, , Labour, ix, 230, 237, 246, 249, 250, 253, 254.Google Scholar

3 Price considers the impact of bureaucratization of industrial management, especially after 1880. However, I want to pay more attention to the significance of this process outside this sphere, for example in education and local government.

4 Some of the examples from Birmingham cited in this paper are discussed at greater length in Smith, D., ‘Capital, labour and the civic gospel: industry and politics in Birmingham 1830–1914’, in McKinlay, A. (ed.), Factory, Family and Community (Leicester, 1992).Google Scholar

5 Price cites, among others, Samuel, R., ‘The workshop of the world: steam power and hand technology in mid-Victorian Britain’, History Workshop Journal, 3 (1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 See Price, , Labour, 21–7.Google Scholar

7 Behagg, , Politics and Production, 39.Google Scholar

8 Ibid., 146–7.

9 Ibid., 126.

10 Ibid., chapter five.

11 Labour in British Society actually takes the analysis up to 1980.

12 Labour stability was achieved in some cases (e.g. cotton spinning) by reproducing the family division of labour within the factory. Ibid., 79.

13 Ibid., 72–7, 82–6.

14 Behagg, , Politics and Production, 125, 133.Google Scholar

15 By contrast, Sheffield was more like the first case.

16 See Gedge, S., ‘The school and the manufactory—both sides of the question’, Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, Birmingham meeting (1857), 130–4Google Scholar; Wright, J.S., ‘On the employment of women in factories in Birmingham’, in Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, Birmingham meeting (1857), 538–44.Google Scholar

17 At least three possibilities may be envisaged: attempts to assert masculinity at work as a compensation for the undermining of patriarchy at home (early nineteenth-century Birmingham?); attempts to assert patriarchy at home as a compensation for the undermining of adult male craft solidarities at work (late nineteenth-century Birmingham?); or mutual reinforcement between established patriarchy in the household and unchallenged craft solidarity at work (early nineteenth-century Sheffield?).

18 Table 1 is based on data presented in Duggan, E., ‘Industrialization and the development of urban business communities: research problems, sources and techniques’, Local History, 2 (1975), 457–96.Google Scholar

19 Vance, J.E., ‘Housing the contingent worker: determinative and contingent ties in nineteenth-century Birmingham’, Economic Geography, 43 (1967), 2, 95–127, 114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20 See Goodman, J.D., ‘The Birmingham gun trade’, in Timmins, S., Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District (London, 1866), 393Google Scholar; J.P. Turner, ‘The Birmingham button trade’, in Timmins, Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District, 444–6; Eversley, D.E.C., ‘Industry and trade 1500–1880’, in Stephens, W.B. (ed.), Victoria County History. Vol VII: The City of Birmingham (Oxford, 1964), 127Google Scholar; Bevan, G.P., British Manufacturing Districts: Birmingham Trades (London, 1878), 156Google Scholar; Timmins, , Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District, 635–6.Google Scholar For more details see Smith, D., ‘Capital, labour and the civic gospel: industry and politics in Birmingham 1830–1914’, in McKinlay, A. (ed.), Factory, Family and Community (Leicester, 1992).Google Scholar

21 Children's Employment Commission, Second Report (PP 1843, XIV), Birmingham evidence, fo. 179. Behagg's view is that ‘In practice most trades appear to have suffered a depressed state at the same time’: Politics and Production, 29. Perhaps the situation varied according to the depth and length of the particular downturn in trade? Or the specific phase of the trade cycle? More research is needed.

22 Timmins, , Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District, 223.Google Scholar

23 Behagg's analysis of trade union activity remains controversial. It has been supported, with reservations, by Maxine Berg and criticized by Eric Hopkins. Berg, M., The Age of Manufactures: 1700–1820 (London, 1985), chapter 12Google Scholar; Hopkins, E., Birmingham. The First Manufacturing Town in the World 1760–1840 (London, 1989), 113–14.Google Scholar

24 See Smith, D., Conflict and Compromise. Class Formation in English Society 1830–1914. A Comparative Study of Birmingham and Sheffield (London, 1982), 41–2.Google Scholar

25 The place of work might well be a middle-class household. The 1851 Census showed that 24 per cent of Birmingham's female working population were in domestic service.

26 Behagg notes the rivalry between a radical element in the upper middle class which flirted with petit-bourgeois support and a Tory interest ‘with a far greater following and organizational framework than they have ever been really credited with in the past’ (Politics and Production, 186). He does not develop the point. For an earlier discussion of the Tory interest in Birmingham during and after the 1830s, including its links with educational and religious establishments, see Smith, , Conflict and Compromise, 92–103, 173–85.Google Scholar

27 See Ibid., especially chapter four.

28 See Smith, , Conflict and Compromise, 33, 92–5, 99, 127, 135, 144, 182, 274.Google Scholar

29 Winfield, J.F., ‘On factory schools’, in Hill, A., Essays Upon Educational Subjects (London, 1875), 140–9, 147.Google Scholar

30 Gedge, S., ‘The school and the manufactury—both sides of the question’, Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, Birmingham meeting (1857), 164–71, 169.Google Scholar It is interesting to note that Gedge had close connections with the King Edward VI grammar school, a stronghold of the Tory establishment.

31 For an extended example of the Liberal attack on Tory ‘closed corporations’ in Birmingham see Smith, , Conflict and Compromise, 173–85Google Scholar, which discusses the King Edward VI Foundation.

32 Timmins, S., ‘The industrial history of Birmingham’, in Timmins, , Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District, 207–24, 223.Google Scholar

33 Dale, A.W.W., The Life of R.W. Dale (London, 1898), 23.Google Scholar

34 Dawson Collection, XV, 29. The quotation is from 1861.

35 During the 1880s and 1890s, when collectivist programmes began to be a significant burden on the rates, the individualism of Liberal small traders reasserted itself, not least on the city council. Jones, L.J., ‘Public pursuit of private profit? Liberal businessmen and municipal politics in Birmingham, 1865–1900’, Business History, 25 (1983), 3, 240–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36 Chamberlain, J., ‘Manufacture of iron-wood screws’, in Timmins, , Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District, 604–9.Google Scholar

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39 See Smith, , Conflict and Compromise, chapter nine.Google Scholar

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42 For further detail, see Smith, D., ‘Capital, labour and the civic gospel: industry and politics in Birmingham 1830–1914’, in McKinlay, (ed.), Factory, Family and Community.Google Scholar

43 Allen, G.C., The Industrial Development of Birmingham and the Black Country 1860–1927 (London, 1929), 439–40.Google Scholar

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46 Bull, H., ‘Learning for life: educational provision at Cadbury 1831–1981’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Aston University, 1992).Google Scholar

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48 Best, R.D., Brass Chandelier. A Biography of H. Best of Birmingham (London, 1940), 121, 146, 150.Google Scholar

49 There is some evidence that the Church of England locally saw its interests bound up with the victims of these reforms. One vicar spoke up against his flock's loss of ‘time-honoured allowances and perquisites’. Best, , Brass Chandelier, 152–5.Google Scholar

50 Best and Davies collaborated on a report contrasting brass manufacture in Berlin and Birmingham. Best, R.H., Davies, W.J. and Perks, C., The Brassworkers of Berlin and Birmingham: A Comparison (Birmingham, 1905).Google Scholar For more details of Best and Davies, see Smith, ‘Capital, labour and the civic gospel’.

51 On Austin, see Church, R., Herbert Austin. The British Motor Car Industry to 1941 (London, 1979).Google Scholar