² For the role of the Architect of the Senate, see Meli, F., ‘Degli Architetti del Senato di Palermo nei secoli XVII e XVIII’, Archivio Storico per la Sicilia, V (1939), 305ff.Google Scholar For Paolo Amato, see Amato, P., La Nuova Pratica di Prospettiva (Palermo, 1714)Google Scholar; Mongitore, A., Memorie dei Pittori, Scultori, Architetti, Artefici in Cera Siciliani, ed. Natoli, E. (Palermo, 1977), 25 and 120Google Scholar; Gangi, G., Il Barocco nella Sicilia Occidentale (Rome, n.d.), 27–8Google Scholar; Garstang, D., Giacomo Serpotta and the Stuccatori of Palermo (London, 1984), 53–7.Google Scholar The only monograph on the subject is lively, but lacking in rigour: Tricoli, M.C. Ruggieri, Paolo Amato: La Corona e il Serpente (Palermo, 1986).Google Scholar

³ I know of no examples outside Palermo of a map being used in a festival.

⁴ There is now a very considerable literature investigating the nature of urban interventions at all levels from macro to micro in seventeenth-century cities. Richard Krautheimer was a pioneer in this field and his brilliant example has been followed by a generation of able urban and architectural historians. See, in particular, Krautheimer, R., The Rome of Alexander VII 1655–1667 (Princeton, 1985)Google Scholar; Pollak, M., Turin, 1564–1680 (Chicago and London, 1991)Google Scholar; Ballon, H., The Paris of Henri IV: Architecture and Urbanism (New York, 1991).Google Scholar An outstanding example of a dose investigation of urban rivalries at a local level is Connors, J., ‘Alliance and enmity in Roman baroque urbanism’, Römisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca Hertziana, XXV (1989), 207–94Google Scholar; John Pinto provides a model analysis of one specific urban area over many centuries in Pinto, J., The Trevi Fountain (New Haven and London, 1986).Google Scholar

⁵ Giedion, S., Space, Time and Architecture: The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge, 1967), 82–7.Google Scholar

⁶ Ballon, , Paris of Henri IV.Google Scholar Similarly, in her riveting study of Turin, Martha Pollak is much quicker to treat as propagandistic engraved images of Torinese streets than the many maps of that same dty. Pollak, , Turin, 1564–1680.Google Scholar

⁷ See especially Wood, D., The Power of Maps (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Blakemore, M. and Harley, J.B., ‘Concepts in the history of cartography: a review and perspective’, Cartographica, 17, 4 (Winter 1980)Google Scholar; Pinto, J., ‘Origins and development of the ichnographic city plan’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians (1976), 35–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schulz, J., ‘Jacopo de' Barberi';s view of Venice: map making, city views, and moralized geography before the year 1500’, Art Bulletin, 60 (1978), 425–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ For maps represented in paintings, see Alpers, S., The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century (Harmondsworth, 1983), 119–68Google Scholar and Welu, J., ‘Vermeer: his cartographic sources’, Art Bulletin, 57 (1975), 529–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the conservative formal approach to the study of maps, see for example, Ehrensvärd, U., ‘Color in cartography: a historical survey’, in Woodward, D. (ed.), Art and Cartography: Six Historical Essays (Chicago and London, 1987), 123–47Google Scholar; Welu, J.A., ‘The sources and development of cartographic ornamentation in the Netherlands‘Google Scholar, in ibid., 147–73; Woodward, D., ‘The manuscript, engraved, and typographic traditions of map lettering’Google Scholar, in ibid., 174–212.

⁹ Borsi, S., Roma di Urbano VIII: La Pinta di Giovanni Maggi, 1625 (Rome, 1990).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Krautheimer, , Rome of Alexander VII, 142–4.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibid., 142 and 146–7.

¹² The aim here is to shed light on the main apparato, which so strikingly incorporates the map of Palermo, rather than to seek to explore all the arcane imagery and references of the other apparati used in the festival. The other apparati are therefore discussed only in so far as they illuminate the principal altar decoration.

¹³ I am, of course, aware that identities are plural and contingent, but understand this image to be an attempt by particular elites of the city, the Senate and the cathedral clergy to create a specific identity to be embraced by leading citizens.

¹⁴ A good general account of urbanism in baroque Palermo is Guidoni, E., ‘L'arte di costruire una capitale. Istituzioni e progetti a Palermo nel Cinquecento’, in Fossati, P. (ed.), Storia dell'arte italiana (Turin, 1983), 265–97.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Jennifer Montagu has drawn attention to the difficulties of interpreting seventeenth-century festival descriptions. She provides a striking example of the discrepancies between seventeenth-century accounts of processions in her discussion of the possesso of Innocent X of 1644. Montagu points out how the engravings published in two contemporary accounts show triumphal arches which are completely different from each other and do not correspond either to the written descriptions, or to the image that can be derived from the payments. Montagu, J., Roman Baroque Sculpture (London, 1989), 183, 187.Google Scholar

¹⁶ That we cannot assume homogeneity of response is obvious, but it is hard to say much more than that in this instance. For interesting discussions of crowd reponses and behaviours in very different circumstances, see Thompson, E.P., ‘The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth century’, Past and Present, 50 (1971), 76–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Davis, N., ‘The rites of violence: religious riot in sixteenth-century France’, Past and Present, 59 (1973), 51–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷ For Barberi's map, see Schulz, , ‘Jacopo de Barberi's view of Venice’, 425–74.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Time Vindicated, a masque written for performance at court in the Banqueting House on Twelfth Night 1623, boasted a set representing the exterior of the same Banqueting House. Orgel, S. and Strong, R., Inigo Jones: The Theatre of the Stuart Court (London and Los Angeles, 1973), vol. I, 348Google Scholar and fig. 122,356–7. Similiarly, a design for Cupid's Palace for an unknown masque of c. 1619–23 bears close visual similarities to examples of Inigo Jones' built architecture, the Prince's Lodgings at Newmarket. Ibid., vol. I, 329 and fig. 41.

¹⁹ Weil, M., ‘Love, monsters, movement and machines: the marvelous in theaters, festivals and gardens’, in Kenseth, K. (ed.), The Age of the Marvelous (Chicago, 1991), 163.Google Scholar

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²² For the Arab city and the Cassero, see De Seta, C. and Di Mauro, L., Palermo (Bari, 1988), 19–22.Google Scholar For the via Maqueda and via Toledo, see ibid., 75–6. For brief accounts of these urban interventions, see Guidoni, , ‘L'arte di costruire’, 265–97Google Scholar and Hills, H., ‘Piazza Vigliena’, International Dictionary of Architecture (Chicago, 1994), 598–9.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Ibid., 127.

²⁵ This was not the case in published verbal descriptions of the city. As early as 1609 a pamphlet was published describing the cross and the square at its intersection. Maringo, G.B., Fama del'Ottangolo palermitano. Piazza Vigliena e Theatro del Sole (Palermo, 1609).Google Scholar

²⁶ Di Matteo, , Iconografica storica, 96.Google Scholar

²⁷ The work of which this map formed a part has not been identified. See Di Matteo, , Iconografica storica, 119Google Scholar, and De Seta, and Di Mauro, , Palermo, 94.Google Scholar

²⁸ I am indebted to Valerie Fraser for this perceptive observation. The model city with a grid system was imposed by the Spanish authorities in the early years of conquest in the New World and was codified in a law introduced by Philip II in 1573. Benevolo, L., The History of the City (London, 1980), 624–9.Google Scholar

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³⁰ In effect, Crown control of the Sicilian episcopate was complete, due to the absolute authority of the judge of the Monarchia and his court. Sicilian bishoprics were little more than prizes for the Spanish Crown to distribute to its faithful servants. The presence of the Spanish Inquisition in Sicily further subordinated the Church to the Spanish Crown. Wright, A.D., ‘Relations between church and state: Catholic developments in Spanish-ruled Italy of the Counter-Reformation’, History of European Ideas, 9 (1988), 386, 388.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the Apostolic Legateship, see Scaduto, F., Stato e Chiesa nelle Due Sicilie (Palermo, 1969), vol. 1, 160–3Google Scholar and Catalano, G., Studi sulla legazia apostolica di Sicilia (Reggio Calabria, 1973).Google Scholar

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³³ Ibid., 93.

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³⁷ See Koenigsberger, H.G., The Government of Sicily under Philip II of Spain (London, 1951)Google Scholar; Koenigsberger, H.G., The Practice of Empire (London, 1980)Google Scholar; , J. and Schneider, P., Culture and Political Economy in Western Sicily (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; for a more general discussion, see Wallerstein, I., The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York, 1974).Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Ibid., 34.

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⁵³ The more democratic nature of Messinese government was probably never as attractive to the Spanish monarchy as its more subservient ‘spagnola’ Palermitan counterpart. Messinese defence of their economic interests rarely found favour with the Spanish, especially after the dash with Osuna over the tax on silk in 1612. But the most salient difference in their administrations concerned jurisdiction. In Palermo juridical appointments were left to the Viceroy, while in Messina they were elected. For this and other civic differences which contributed to the independence of Messina from the Spanish Crown, see Benigno, , ‘La questione della capitale’, 32–8.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ The eagle was a symbol of Palermo. Mungitore, A., ‘Diario Palermitano’, in Di Marzo, Diari della città di Palermo, vol. 7, 174.Google Scholar For a full discussion of this symbolism see Fagiolo and Madonna, , Il Teatro del Sole, 20–21Google Scholar and Strada, F., Le Glorie dell'Aquila Trionfante (Palermo, 1682), 1–11.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Since nothing has survived of this macchina and no other descriptions of this fireworks display has survived, I am forced to rely on Del Giudice's account. As Montagu has noted, ‘[n]othing is harder to understand than the description of seventeenth-century fireworks’: Montagu, , Roman Baroque Sculpture, 187.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Given the tremendous local and popular enthusiasm for St Rosalia, it was prudent for the Spanish Crown not only to seek to identify its fortunes with this saint, but also to ensure that it controlled how she was used.

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