¹ The various versions of the chronicle can most conveniently be referred to in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. A Revised Translation, edited by Whitelock, Dorothy with Douglas, David C. and Tucker, Susie I. (London, 1961). The editions of the texts are listed there on p. xxv.Google Scholar

² Liebermann, F., Die Gesetie der Angelsachsen, II, ii (Halle, 1912), pp.334–45.Google Scholar

¹ E.g. The Domesday Geography of Northern England, ed. Darby, H. C. and Maxwell, I. S. (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 47–48, 129, 203, 256, etc.Google Scholar

¹ The best introductions to the recent literature on the late Anglo-Saxon coinage are Loyn, H. R., ‘Boroughs and Mints A.D. 900–1066’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, R. H. M. (London, 1961), pp. 122–35Google Scholar, an Dolley, Michael, Anglo-Saxon Pennies (London, 1964).Google Scholar

² Dolley, R. H. M., ‘The Continental Coins in the Halton Moor Find and other Norman Deniers found in the British Isles’, Hamburger Beitrdge Zur Numismatik, iv (1958–1959), pp. 53–57.Google Scholar

³ Dolley, R. H. M. and Metcalf, D. M, ‘The Reform of the Coinage under Eadgar’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. R. H. M. Dolley, pp. 136–68Google Scholar; cf. Grierson, Philip, ‘Numismatics and the Historian’, in Numismatic Chronicle, 7th ser., ii (1962).Google Scholar

¹ Rasmusson, N. L., ‘An Introduction to Viking-Age Hoards ’, Commenta-tiones de Nummb Saeculorum ix-xi in Suecia Repertis, i (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akadamiens Handlingar, Antikvariska Serien 9, Stockholm, 1961), pp. 1–16.Google Scholar

² Some idea of the Swedish material may be gained from Hildebrand, B. E., Anglosachsiska Mynt, 2nd ed. (Stockholm, 1881).Google Scholar

² Thompson, J. D. A., Inventory of British Coin Hoards A.D. 600–1500 (Royal Numismatic Society, London, 1956), no. 37.Google Scholar

¹ I should like to thank Mr Ebsworth, N. J. for these details concerning the Warwick mint.Google Scholar

¹ I should like to thank MrLyon, C. S. S. and MrMossop, H. R. for allowing me to use this preliminary analysis of the Lincoln material.Google Scholar

² This proportion is indicated by the material in Hildebrand, Anglo-sachsiska Mynt.Google Scholar

³ These figures for the ‘ Paxs ’ type of I, William are based on Brooke, G. C., A Catalogue of English Coins in the British Museum. The Norman Kings, ii (London, 1916), pp. 94–213. A full catalogue of all surviving coins would probably reveal a few more dies but no more moneyers.Google Scholar

⁴ Cf. Grierson, P., ‘Mint Output in the Time of Offa‘, Spink's Numismatic Circular, 06 1963, pp. 114–15.Google Scholar

¹ Stewart, B. H. I. H., ‘Medieval Die-Output: Two Calculations for English Mints in the Fourteenth Century’, Numismatic Chronicle, 7th series, iii (1963), pp. 97–106; id., ‘Second Thoughts on Medieval Die-Output’, to be published in Numismatic Chronicle, 7th series, iv (1964).Google Scholar

² Sellwood, D., ‘Medieval Minting Techniques’, British Numismatic Journal, xxxi, for 1962 (1963), pp. 57–65.Google Scholar

³ Reported by Messrs. Dolley, R. H. M. and Lyon, C. S. S. to the British Numismatic Society in 1963.Google Scholar

⁴ Conveniently listed by Dolley, R. H. M. and Metcalf, D. M. in Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, R. H. M., pp. 163–65.Google Scholar

¹ Lennard, R. V., Rural England, 1066–1135 (Oxford, 1959), pp. 104–41, especially pp. 123–28.Google Scholar

² Galbraidi, V. H., ‘The Date of the Geld Rolls in Exon Domesday’, English Historical Review, lxv (1950), pp. 7–15Google Scholar; J. F. A. Mason, ‘The Date of die Geld Rolls’, ibid., lxix (1954), pp. 283–89. For the contrary view that these accounts refer to the geld mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for 1083 see Darlington, R. R., ‘Wiltshire Geld Rolls’, Victoria History of Wiltshire, ii (London, 1955), 169–217.Google Scholar

¹ Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed. Robertson, A. J. (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 204–7.Google Scholar

² Lennard, op. cit., pp. 372–75.Google Scholar

³ Bridgeman, C. G. O., ‘The Burton Abbey Twelfth Century Surveys’, William Salt Archaeological Society: Collections for a History of Staffordshire for 1916 (London, 1918), pp. 209–300.Google Scholar Their dates were established by Round, J. H., ‘The Burton Abbey Surveys’, English Historical Review, xx (1905), pp. 275–289.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Baring, F., ‘Domesday Book and the Burton Cartulary’, English Historical Review, xi (1896), pp. 98–102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Baring's dates need to be corrected, but this does not affect his main argument.

¹ E.g. III Edmund 5, IV Edgar 3–10 and II Cnut 24 in Liebermann, Gesetze, i (1903), pp. 191, 210–13, 326–27, and with an English translation in Robertson, A. J., The Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I (Cambridge, 1925), pp. 14–15. 32–37, 186–87.Google Scholar

¹ Duby, G., La Société aux XI^e et XII^e Siècles dans la région mâconnaise (Paris, 1953), pp. 348–63.Google Scholar

² Vigneron, B., ‘La Vente dans le Mâconnais du IX^e au XIII^e siècle’, Revue Historique de Droit François et Étranger, 4th ser., xxxvii (1959), pp. 17–47.Google Scholar

³ Duby, G., ‘Le Budget de l'Abbaye de Cluny entre 1080 et 1155’, Annales, Economies—Sociétés—Civilisations, vii (1952), pp. 155–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Canterbury, Library of the Dean and Chapter, Register K, fos 69^v–70Google Scholar; cf. Lennard, , Rural England, pp. 135–380.Google Scholar It may be that the arrangements recorded in this thirteenth-century register had been modified since Lan-franc's time but similarly large renders from the Canterbury estates are recorded in the eleventh-century Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church, Canterbury, ed. Douglas, D. C. (London 1944), pp. 98–99.Google Scholar

¹ Lafaurie, J., ‘Le trésor monétaire du Puy (Haute-Loire); contribution à l'étude de la monnaie de la fin du X^e siècle', Revue Numismatique, 5th ser., xiv (1952), pp. 59–169. The main hoards containing French coins from the late ninth century to the middle of the eleventh century are listed on pp. 109–23.Google Scholar

² Musset, L., ‘A-t-il existé en Normandie au XI^e siècle une aristocratie d'argent’, Annates de Normandie, ix (1959), pp. 285–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Musset, L., ‘La vie economique de l'abbaye de Fecamp sous l'abbatiat de Jean de Ravenne (1028–1078)', L'Abbaye Bénédictine de Fécamp. Ouvrage Scientifique du XIII^e Centenaire, 658–1958 (Fécamp, 1959), i, pp. 67–79; id., “Actes inédits du XI^e siècle; les plus anciennes chartes du prieuré de Saint-Gabriel’, Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de Normandie, Hi (1952–4), pp. 117–41.Google Scholar

⁴ Grierson, P., ‘Sterling’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, R. H. M., pp. 266–83.Google Scholar For another early reference see Musset, L., ‘Actes inédits du XI^e siècle; un nouveau document sur la fortune de Saint-Martin de Sées’, Bulletin de la Société Historique et Archéologique de l'Orne, lxxviii (1960), pp. 19–29.Google Scholar

⁵ Gallia Christiana, xi (Paris, 1759), Instrumenta, col. 219, cited by Musset, L. in Annales de Normandie, ix (1959), p. 287.Google Scholar

⁵ Two hoards of unknown provenance have been described by Luneau, V., ‘Quelques deniers normands inédits du XI^e siecle’, Revue Numismatique, 4th sen, x (1906), pp. 306–16, and vol. xv (1911), pp. 86–96. Avery large hoard was discovered at Fécamp in 1963, cf. Annales de Normandie, xiii (1963), pp. 146–48.Google Scholar

¹ The standard work is Dannenberg, H., Die deutschen Müzen der sächsischen und fränkischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1876–1905). Recent surveys of mints and hoard material include Jammer, V., Die Anfänge der Müniprägung im Herzogtum Sachsen (Numismatische Studien, Hamburg, 1952), and Albrecht, G., Das Münzwesen im Niederlothringischen und Friesischen Raum vom 10. bis zum beginnenden 12. Jahrhundert (Numismatische Studien, Hamburg, 1959).Google Scholar

¹ Annales Quedlinburgenses and Annates Hildesheimenses, s.a. 994, ed. Pertz, G. H. (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, iii, Hanover, 1839), pp. 72, 90Google Scholar; Adam, of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, ii. 31–33, ed. Schmeidler, B. (Mon. Germ. Hist., ScriptoresRerum Germanicarum, Hanover, 1917), pp. 92–94Google Scholar; Alpertus, De Diversitate Temporum, i. 8–9 (Mon. Germ. Hist., Scriptores, iv, 1841), pp. 704–5.

¹ Tylecote, R. F., Metallurgy in Archaeology (London, 1962), pp. 73–106.Google Scholar

² Domesday Book, i, fo. 272b.Google Scholar

³ William, of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regis Anglorum, ed. Stubbs, W. (Rolls Series, London, 1887), i, p. 148.Google Scholar

⁴ Domesday Book, i, fo. 179.Google Scholar

¹ Widukind, , Rerum Gestarum Saxonicarum, iii. 63, ed. Hirsch, P. and Lohmann, H. E. {Mon. Germ. Hist., Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum, Hanover, 1935), p. 138 and note 2.Google Scholar

² Kraume, E. and Hatz, V., ‘Die Otto-Adelheid-Pfennige und ihre Nach-prägungen’, Hamburger Bdträge zur Numismadk, v (1961), pp. 13–23 with tables.Google Scholar

³ Sturler, J. de, Les relations politiques et les echanges commerciaux entre le Duché de Brabant et l'Anglelerre au Moyen Age (Paris, 1936), pp. 135–40.Google Scholar

⁴ IV Ethelred I in Liebermann, Gesetze, i, pp. 23 2–34, and with an English translation, in Robertson, Laws, pp. 70–73.Google Scholar

¹ Dunning, G. C., ‘Pottery of the Late Anglo-Saxon Period in England’, Medieval Archaeology, iii (1959), pp. 31–78.Google Scholar

² English Historical Review, xvii (1902), pp. 499–502Google Scholar; Weinbaum, M., London unter EduardIundll, ii (Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial und Wirtschafts-geschichte, Beiheft 29, Stuttgart, 1933), pp. 30–38.Google Scholar

³ Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 1947), p. 533.Google Scholar

³ Carus-Wilson, E., in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, ii, ed. Postan, M. and Rich, E. E. (Cambridge, 1952), pp. 363–72Google Scholar; Sabbe, E., ‘Les relations economiques entre l'Angleterre et le Continent au Haut Moyen Age’, Moyen Age, lvi (1950), pp. 169–93.Google Scholar For Brabant in particular see Bonenfant, P., ‘L'Origine des Villes Brabangonnes et la “Route” de Bruges à ologne', Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire, xxxi (1953), pp. 399–447.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For general relations between England and Flanders see Grierson, P., ‘The Relations between England and Flanders before the Norman Conquest’, ante, 4th ser., xxiii (1941), pp. 71–112.Google Scholar

¹ Herman, De Miraculis S. Marlae Laudunensis, ii. 4–5, in Migne, Patrologia Latina, clvi, cols. 975–77. For the date see Tatlock, J. S. P., ‘The English Journey of the Laon Canons’, Speculum, viii (1933), pp. 454–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Power, E., The Wool Trade in English Medieval History (Oxford, 1941), P. 32Google Scholar

³ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., xvi (1963–64), pp. 155–57.Google Scholar

⁴ Power, op. cit., pp. 30–31.Google Scholar

¹ Postan, M., ‘Village Livestock in the Thirteenth Century‘,Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., xv (1962–1963), pp. 219–49.Google Scholar

² E.g. Rotuli de Dominabus et Puerls et Puellis, ed. Round, J. H. (Pipe Roll Society, 1913);Google ScholarHale, W. H., The Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Society, 1858), pp. 122–39Google Scholar; Smith, R. A. L., Canterbury Cathedral Priory (Cambridge, 1943), p. 153. Twelfth-century stock leases are discussed by Lennard, Rural England, pp. 189–96.Google Scholar

³ Loyn, H. R., Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest (London, 1962), p. 384.Google Scholar This proportion is argued by Russell, J. C., British Medieval Population (Albuquerque, 1948), pp. 45–54Google Scholar, using the same multiplier for both rural and urban population, although it is probable that the urban one should be larger. Domesday Book has no consistent method of enumerating town-dwellers but there are clear and varied indications that many towns were very populous, cf. Darby, H. C., The Domesday Geography of Eastern England (Cambridge, 1952), pp. 78–82, 139–42, 192–99, etc.Google Scholar

¹ Russell, op. cit., pp. 140–46.Google Scholar