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Some Proposed Legislation of Henry VIII

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Extract

One of the most fascinating features in the study of the history of the common law as revealed in six centuries of law reports is the possibility of tracing the growth of legal thought over long periods of time; hints, suggestions, unsuccessful attempts to establish a rule or a doctrine often appear in such sources long before the innovation has received the final approbation of the courts, and so we are privileged to watch the progress of legal speculation, to overhear the debates upon new departures, and to estimate the forces which produced or obstructed some projected innovation. It is this possibility which gives such life and vividness to legal history. In many fields of thought we are mainly confined to those considered statements of results which have been deliberately left to us by philosophers, theologians, or politaical theorists, but the historian of the common law has more intimate and more human material at his disposal.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1936

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References

page 120 note 1 For a few references on this, see Plucknett, , Concise History of the Common Law (2nd edn.), 299.Google Scholar

page 120 note 2 Richardson and Sayles, Rotuli Parliamentorum Inediti (Camden Series).

page 120 note 3 Gray, Influence of the Commons on Early Legislation.

page 120 note 4 Thornley, , “Treason Legislation of Henry VIII,” Transactions (1917), 61Google Scholar. For the drafting history of the Statute of Frauds (1677) see Holds-worth, , History of English Law, VI, 380–4.Google Scholar

page 121 note 1 Stubbs, , Seventeen Lectures, 321.Google Scholar

page 121 note 2 English Law and the Renaissance, 45 n. 11.

page 121 note 3 Holdsworth, , op. cit., IV, 572–86.Google Scholar

page 122 note 1 The bill may not have intended to abolish the estates for life.

page 122 note 2 The text of the draft bill (calendared in Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, IV, 6043 no. 6) is in Holdsworth, IV, 572–4; the treaty (calendared ib., 6044) is printed in Holdsworth, IV, 574–7.

page 122 note 3 This may explain the signature of Audley (Speaker in 1529). A bill was to have been prepared on the basis of the treaty.

page 123 note 1 The law of scandalum magnatum may perhaps be added. The offence was unimportant until the Tudor statutes of 1554 and 1559 finally confirmed the existence of a special body of law protecting magnates from defamation. As late as 1571 peers claimed (but unsuccessfully) that they could not be committed for contempt in chancery, Holds worth, V, 228.

page 123 note 2 It can hardly be doubted that these are the projects alluded to by Chapuys (Letters and Papers, V, 762, 805, 989).

page 123 note 1 Cf. Pickthorn, , Henry VII, 73.Google Scholar

page 124 note 2 See generally, Baldwin, F. E., Sumptuary Legislation (Baltimore, 1926)Google Scholar, and particularly, Hooper, , “Tudor Sumptuary Laws,” English Historical Review, XXX, 433.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 124 note 3 The acts are: 1 Henry VIII, c. 14 (1510); 6 Henry VIII, c. 1 (1514); 7 Henry VIII, c. 6 (1515); and 24 Henry VIII, c. 13 (1553).

page 124 note 4 31 Henry VIII, c. 10 (1539).

page 124 note 5 Letters and Papers, IX, 725.

page 125 note 1 I Edw. VI, c. 12. Section 6 of the draft appended to this paper clearly depicts society as composed of the king, nobility, chivalry and craftsmen.

page 125 note 2 Letters and Papers, VII, 1611 (4); below, pp. 135 ff.

page 126 note 1 Blackstone, , Commentaries, III, 160.Google Scholar

page 126 note 2 An action penal was very similar save that the statutory penalty accrued to the party who had been injured by the prohibited act.

page 126 note 3 Indeed, even when action was brought, it might be in fact a collusive proceeding by an offender's friend who had no intention of enforcing payment; the judgment however served to bar subsequent actions by less benevolent persons. See 4 Henry VII, c. 20 which vainly endeavoured to check the practice.

page 128 note 1 The draft alleges an act of 4 Henry VIII setting a limit of three years; the allusion is perhaps to 7 Henry VIII, c. 3 which set a limit of four years to the crown.

page 128 note 2 The title naturally suggests comparison with those “Serjeants of the Peace” to whom Mr. Stewart-Brown has just devoted a most interesting monograph. It seems unlikely that they had any influence upon this draft, being, for practical purposes, obsolete by the sixteenth century. 1 Jones, B. M., Henry Fielding, 198.Google Scholar

page 129 note 2 The principal statutes are listed in Stephen, , History of Criminal Law, I, 499.Google Scholar

page 130 note 1 English Law and the Renaissance, 71 n. 43.

page 130 note 2 Hudson, , Star Chamber, in Collectanea Juridica, II, 167Google Scholar (quoted by loldsworth, V, 180).

page 131 note 1 There were also means whereby they could convict on default (s. 19), another daring break with tradition.

page 131 note 2 36 Edward III, st. 1, c. 9.

page 131 note 3 3 Henry VII, c. I.

page 131 note 4 II Henry VII, c. 3.

page 132 note 1 For further material on the point, see Plucknett, , Concise History of the Common Law (2nd edn.), 164.Google Scholar

page 133 note 1 S. 6.

page 133 note 2 2 & 3 Edward VI, c. 24 explained, and abolished, the rule (1548).

page 133 note 3 7 George IV, c. 64 (s. 13).

page 133 note 4 Admiralty jurisdiction was shortly after this draft defined and enlarged by 28 Henry VIII, c. 15 (1536).

page 133 note 5 The Welsh problem was also dealt with, even more promptly, by 26 Henry VIII, c. 6 (1534).

page 134 note 1 Stephen, , History of Criminal Law, III, 358 ffGoogle Scholar. For a typical modern criticism see Stallybrass, , Public Mischief, 49 Law Quarterly Review, 183–91.Google Scholar

page 136 note 1 Interlined and then struck through.

page 141 note 1 Substituted for “writing.”