^{page 125 note 1} Ptolemy of Lucca, Historia Ecclesiastica, xxiii. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 126 note 1} Chronicon S. Bertini, ap. Martene, and Durand, , Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum, iii. 751Google Scholar. John of Y pres died in 1383, but he entered the monastery in 1339, and may have heard the story not many years after Otho's death.

^{page 126 note 2} Though the credit has been erroneously given to his grandfather, Ebal IV. See Read, Meredith, Historic Studies in Vaud, i. 453–4.Google Scholar

^{page 127 note 1} On the early lords of Grandson see de Charrière, L., Les Dynastes de Grandson jusqu'au xiii^e siècle, Lausanne, 1866Google Scholar, and Egger, B., Geschichte der Cluniazenser Kloster in der Westschweiz, Freiburg, 1907.Google Scholar

^{page 127 note 2} Peter de Grandson was one of the three sons of Yeblo or Ebal IV. The others were Henry de Chanvent, and Gerard de La Sarraz, who with their descendants took name from the castles of which they were lords. The earliest known members of the family are Lambert, and de Grandson, Adalbert in 981–2Google Scholar (Cartulaire de Lausanne, ap. Soc. de la Suisse Romande, vi. 609)Google Scholar. Peter I. was alive on September 28, 1257, but dead before August 31, 1263. (Minutes of Evidence concerning the Barony of Grandison, 169Google Scholar. See also Wurstemberger, , Peter der Zweite, Graf von Savoyen, iv. 127, 177, 286, 377.)Google Scholar

^{page 127 note 3} The order is determined by a deed of August 31, 1263, under which Agnes and her sons sold the ‘Peage de Grandson’ to Peter of Savoy for an annual rent charge on Cuarnie, Pomers and Crotnei. It begins: ‘Nos Agnes, domina de Grandisono, tutrix legitima liberorum nostrorum Petri et Willehni, Girardus, Jaquetus et Henricus, pro se et fratre suo Otonino, filii predicte domine &c.’ Peter and William were clearly under age. Henry was probably just of age, for, having no seal of his own, he was ‘contentus sigillis aliorum.’ Otho was plainly absent; for his brothers contracted in his behalf, and promised to obtain his consent. Minutes of Evidence, p. 169Google Scholar, with the deed in full.

^{page 128 note 1} Wurstemberger, , iv. 507, 657Google Scholar. Cal. Charter Rolls, ii. 135, 161–2Google Scholar. Foedera, ii. 563Google Scholar. Ancient Correspondence, xiii. 70, xiv. 77–82, xxi. 50.Google Scholar

^{page 128 note 2} Ibid, xviii. 32–3. See below, p. 60.

^{page 128 note 3} Calendar of Charter Rolls, ii. 140, 177.Google Scholar

^{page 128 note 4} Cont. William of Tyre, 460Google Scholar. He was with Edward, in Sicily, on 01 15, 1271Google Scholar, cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edward. I., iii. 58.Google Scholar

^{page 128 note 5} Foedera, i. 495.Google Scholar

^{page 128 note 6} Ibid. i. 504.

^{page 128 note 7} From Grilly or Gilly in Vaud. He was the founder of the Gascon family De Grailly. For a Life of Jean de Grailly see Bémont, M., Rôles Gascons, iii. pp. xxxiii–xlvii.Google Scholar

^{page 129 note 1} Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. I., i. 493.Google Scholar

^{page 129 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I., i. 77, 85, 98, 112, 156, 184.Google Scholar

^{page 129 note 3} Ibid. i. 389: de Grandison, Otho, ‘one of the King's household and the King's secretary’Google Scholar; Rôles Gascons, 558, 1488.Google Scholar

^{page 129 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edward I., i. 125, 188, 193.Google Scholar

^{page 130 note 1} See Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edward I., i. 296, ii. 337, 372Google Scholar; Cal. Close Rolls, iii. 88, 137Google Scholar; Cal. Charter Rolls, ii. 254, 366Google Scholar; and Minutes of Evidence, Barony of Grandison, pp. 5, 6Google Scholar (giving the grant in full). The original grant was for life only; exchanged for one in fee in 1281.

^{page 130 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. 435Google Scholar. In 1292 a royal council was held ‘in domo Ottonis de Grandison extra palacium domini regis apud Westmonasterium.’ Rot. Parl. i. 76.Google Scholar

^{page 130 note 3} Cal. Charter Rolls, ii. 221, 346, 465Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. 357 (Sheen, Surrey), ii. 417 (Ditton, Cambridgeshire, and Thurveston, Bucks), iii. 57 (Shenley, Herts), 188Google Scholar; Cal. Close Rolls, i. 510, ii. 241 (Kemsing and Seal, Kent)Google Scholar. See also Hasted, , History of Kent, i. 128, 231, 328, 338Google Scholar. The manor of Grandisons at Wilmington in Kent preserves his name. Knole in the same county was at one time his property.

^{page 130 note 4} Ancient Correspondence, xxvi. 34, and xxxv. 59Google Scholar. See pp. 159, 192, below.

^{page 130 note 5} Ibid. xxx. 101. See p. 189, below.

^{page 130 note 6} Ibid. xxxi. 5. See p. 191, below.

^{page 130 note 7} See pp. 179–188, below.

^{page 131 note 1} Morris, , Welsh Wars of Edward I., pp. 121, 134, 142Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. 197–8, 212.Google Scholar

^{page 131 note 2} Ibid. i. 253, 298; Cal. Close Rolls, i. 493Google Scholar. See also Bémont, M.'s Introduction to Rôles Gascons, p. xxii.Google Scholar

^{page 131 note 3} Ancient Correspondence, xiii. 51. See p. 188, below.Google Scholar

^{page 132 note 1} e.g. as an auditor of the accounts of the Ricardi, on 12 10, 1279Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. 354. See p. 189, below.Google Scholar

^{page 132 note 2} Ibid. i. 389.

^{page 132 note 3} Ibid. i. 448. He was at Westminster on June 8.—Rôles Gascons, 479.Google Scholar

^{page 132 note 4} Rôles Gascons, 558Google Scholar. See Pauli, , Bilder aus Alt England, 105Google Scholar; Ancient Correspondence, xiii. 52.Google Scholar

^{page 132 note 5} Champollion, , Lettres de Rois et Reines, i. 161Google Scholar, from Ancient Correspondence, xviii. 33Google Scholar. On the same date Henry de Grandison wrote to Edward on behalf of John de Pontisara, and reporting the news of the Vespers, Sicilian, ‘the whole island is in open rebellion’—Revue Historique, lxxxvii. 66Google Scholar, from Ancient Correspondence, xviii. 32Google Scholar, formerly Royal Letters, 1215Google Scholar. Langlois, M., Philippe le Hardi, p. 140Google Scholar, has erroneously suggested that Otho himself was at Orvieto, and sent the news to England.

^{page 132 note 6} Morris, , Welsh Wars of Edward I., pp. 189, 191, 209, 218.Google Scholar

^{page 133 note 1} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edward I., ii. 302, 329, 397Google Scholar. See also as to Conway, on p. 190.Google Scholar

^{page 133 note 2} Ibid. ii. 193—date September 1285. From this source 1,3781. 5s. 1d. was received between Sept. 15, 1285, and April 16, 1286—Raine, , Historians of Church of York, iii. 236Google Scholar. See Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. 151Google Scholar, for supplies to be sent from Somerset for the castles in Wales, , in 01 1285Google Scholar; and Cal. Close Rolls, ii. 273Google Scholar, for supplies to be sent from Ireland, in August 1284. See also Rôles Gascons, 1420.Google Scholar

^{page 133 note 3} Morris, , Welsh-Wars of Edward I, p. 148.Google Scholar

^{page 134 note 1} Foedera, i. 653, 666Google Scholar; Registrum, Honorius, IV., 371, 620, 625, 686.Google Scholar

^{page 134 note 2} Foedera, i. 678, 685, 689, 693.Google Scholar

^{page 134 note 3} Foedera, i. 708Google Scholar—May 8, 1289. Otho left Bastida de Meason (Mézin) in Guienne on May 10, on his way to the Roman Curia. (Gough, , Itinerary of Edward I., ii. 57.)Google Scholar See also Amari, , War of Sicilian VespersGoogle Scholar, and Rôles Gascons, 1488, 1495, 1496.Google Scholar

^{page 135 note 1} Hemingburgh, , ii. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 136 note 1} Ap. Muratori, , xiii. 338Google Scholar. On the state of Acre just before its fall see also Chron. Equitis Teutonici, cclx–cclxviGoogle Scholar, ap. Matthaeus, , Veteris Aevi Analecta, v.Google Scholar

^{page 136 note 2} Otho was with Nicholas, at Rieti, on 08 26, 1289Google Scholar; he was at Rome on Nov. 5 and as late as Dec. 13. Regislrum, Nicholas, IV., 1351, 1648, 1892, 2162.Google Scholar

^{page 136 note 3} Ibid. 2252, 2260. The galleys were promised at Rieti, on 09 13Google Scholar. In October William de Houdon came to Rome on a mission from Edward ‘in re Terrae Sanctae.’

^{page 137 note 1} de Neocastro, Bartholomew, Historia SiculaGoogle Scholar, ap. Muratori, , xiii. 1159Google Scholar; DrFinke, H., Acta Aragonensia, i. 2–7.Google Scholar

^{page 137 note 2} He was back in England before April 18, 1290 (Cal. Close Rolls, Edward I., iii. 152)Google Scholar. While at Rome he had suffered from recurrent fever (Various Collections, i. 256, Hist. MSS. Comm.).Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 1} Fasti Eboracenses, 337.Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 2} Cal. Charter Rolls, ii. 366Google Scholar; Cal. Close Rolls, Edward I., iii. 137, 359Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. 372.Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 3} Ibid. iii. 373.

^{page 138 note 4} John Romanus, archbishop of York, gave the first fruits of the archdeaconry of Richmond, (Fasti Eboracenses, 337)Google Scholar. William de St. Rémy, bailiff of Guernsey, had stringent orders from the King to collect all arrears and dues without delay, since Otho was in great need of money (Rôles Gascons, 1924).Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 5} Cotton, B., Chron. 177.Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 6} The following were some of Otho's companions: Alexander de Esselington; Robert de Cadbury, canon of Wells; William de Cestria, parson of Great Acle; Hugh Fitzjohn; Ralph de Whaddon; William le Lange; Peter de Wyppayns, and Peter d'Estavayer, his nephews. Otho had letters of protection on June 10. The latest document relating to his mission is dated July 20, but he may himself have started somewhat earlier. (Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. 356–376.)Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 7} Chron, Equitis Teutonici, cclxivGoogle Scholar., where it is stated that the Master of St. Thomas of Canterbury had under him 5,000 soldiers, whom the King of England had sent. The number is no doubt a gross exaggeration.

^{page 139 note 1} Otho was at Orvieto, on 09 15Google Scholar, and had apparently left or was leaving on Oct. 15. Registrum, Nicholas, IV., 3279, 4385–88, 4391.Google Scholar

^{page 139 note 2} de Venetis, Jacobus Tepuli, ap. RegistrumGoogle Scholar, Nicholas, IV., 4400Google Scholar; cf. Acta Aragonensia, i. 1Google Scholar. Elsewhere he is called ‘Scopulus’ or ‘Rocco.’ In the Gestes des Chiprois (480)Google Scholar it is stated that ‘Lescouple’ was son of the Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo.

^{page 139 note 3} Chron. S. Bertini, 770.Google Scholar

^{page 139 note 4} De Excidio Urbis Acconis, i. 2Google Scholar. This was in August; cf. Makrizi, , Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks (ed. Quatremère), ii. 109Google Scholar, who gives the date as Shaban, A. H. 689, i.e. August, 1290.

^{page 140 note 1} Villani, , vii. 144Google Scholar; Chron. Lanercost, 139Google Scholar; Chron. S. Bertini, 770.Google Scholar

^{page 140 note 2} Makrizi, , ii. 69, no.Google Scholar

^{page 140 note 3} Rohricht, , Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, 1508Google Scholar; De Excidio, i. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 140 note 4} De Excidio, i. 4, 5Google Scholar; Makrizi, (ii. 120)Google Scholar fixes the date of the embassy to Khalil in Moharram, A. H. 690, i.e. January 1291, a.d.

^{page 140 note 5} De Excidio, i. 5, 6Google Scholar; Gestes des Chiprois, 481, 485, 487.Google Scholar

^{page 141 note 1} Hemingburgh, , ii. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 141 note 2} De Excidio, i. 6, f.Google Scholar

^{page 142 note 1} De Excidio, i. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 142 note 2} The principal account is that contained in the tract De Excidio Urbis Acconis (ap. Martene, and Durand, , Amplissima Collectio, v. 757–84)Google Scholar, which was compiled soon after from the narratives of survivors; it favours the Patriarch and Hospitallers, and is for the most part hostile to the Templars and Otho de Grandison. Next in importance comes the Gestes des Chiprois, probably written by Gerard de Monreal, secretary to Guillaume de Beaujeu, Master of the Temple, who was present at Acre; naturally he praises his own Order and incidentally Grandison; nevertheless he does honour to the Marshal of the Hospital. The old-German Chronicon Equilis Teutonici (ap. Matthaeus, , Veteris Aevi Analecta, vol. v. ed. 1738)Google Scholar is also the work of an eye-witness; while emphasising the part of the Teutonic Knights, it is not obviously partisan; the loss of Acre is attributed to the dissensions and divisions of the Christians, and to the licence of the Pope's mercenaries. Of the minor authorities Giovanni Villani (ap. Muratori, , xiii. 338)Google Scholar, Sanuto, Marino (Gesta Dei per Francos, ii. 229–32)Google Scholar and the Chronicon S. Bertini (Martene, , Thesaurus, iii. 770–1)Google Scholar favour the Templars, though the two last praise the heroism of the Patriarch at the close. Bartholomew de Neocastro (Muratori, , xiii. 1182–4)Google Scholar refers to the hostility of the Pisans and Venetians for the men of religion, and to the quarrels of the two Orders, while praising Henry of Cyprus. The continuator of William of Nangis (i. 276–78)Google Scholar favours the Hospitallers, and condemns Henry. Of English writers Bartholomew Cotton and the Chronicle of Lanercost praise Otho de Grandison (who perhaps inspired the last) and also the Templars. The brief account in Trivet's Annals is colourless; it comes from a source used in the De Excidio. On the other hand, Hemingburgh is very disparaging to Otho, though not unfavourable to the Templars. The alleged treachery of the Templars at Acre was one of the charges brought against them in 1310.

^{page 143 note 1} Makrizi, , ii. 121.Google Scholar

^{page 143 note 2} De Excidio, ii. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 143 note 3} Makrizi, , ii. 125.Google Scholar

^{page 143 note 4} De Excidio, ii. 3Google Scholar. Makrizi, , u.s., says ‘four-score dozen,’Google Scholar which is perhaps accurate enough.

^{page 144 note 1} Chron. Lanercost, 139.Google Scholar

^{page 144 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 144 note 3} Gestes des Chiprois, 491Google Scholar. The original has ‘Messire John de Granson’; but no doubt Otho is meant.

^{page 144 note 4} De Excidio, ii. 3Google Scholar. It is of course impossible to reconcile this with the vast numbers alleged to have perished at the fall of the city.

^{page 144 note 5} Hemingburgh, , ii. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 144 note 6} De Excidio, ii. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 1} de Neocastro, B., Hist. Sicula, 1183.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 2} Gestes des Chiprois, 491.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 3} de Neocastro, B., 1183Google Scholar; De Excidio, ii. 3Google Scholar. Even the latter allows that Henry, 's flight was ‘propter discordiam.’Google Scholar In the Gestes des Chiprois, 493Google Scholar, Henry is said to have only arrived at Acre on May 4, having been previously represented by his deputy; so also Sanuto, Marino, ii. 231.Google Scholar

^{page 146 note 1} De Excidio, ii. 5.Google Scholar

^{page 147 note 1} De Excidio, ii. 6–10Google Scholar; Villani, , vii. 144.Google Scholar

^{page 147 note 2} Makrizi, , ii. 125.Google Scholar

^{page 147 note 3} Gestes des Chiprois, 498Google Scholar. The writer saw the Master fall from his horse, and carried on a shield to the Temple, where he died at evening.

^{page 147 note 4} Ibid. 499, confirmed by Chron. S. Bertini, 770Google Scholar. The author of the De Excidio, ii. 12Google Scholar, however, alleges that Otho and Jean de Grailly did not quit the conflict this day, because they had never entered it; they abandoned their ward and fled to the ships.

^{page 148 note 1} De Excidio, ii. 12Google Scholar; Gestes des Chiprois, 505.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 2} The Gestes des Chiprois has another story, according to which a sailor who was helping the patriarch on board let him slip, and he was drowned.

^{page 148 note 3} Villani, , vii. 144Google Scholar; Bartholomew Cotton, 217Google Scholar, says that the Saracens took so many women captive that they were sold for a drachma apiece. Makrizi, , ii. 125, says that an immense number of men were slain, and an incalculable multitude of women and children carried into captivity.Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 1} Chron. Lanercost, 139–40.Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 2} Cotton, B., Chron. 431Google Scholar, mentions Otto expressly as present in the Temple, and taking a principal part in events there.

^{page 149 note 3} The author of the Gestes des Chiprois, 507–8Google Scholar, who was present part of the time, gives the best account of the defence of the Temple. This is supplemented from De Excidio, ii. 12Google Scholar; Cotton, B., 431Google Scholar; Hemingburgh, , ii. 25Google Scholar; and Chron. Equitis Teutonici, cclxxviGoogle Scholar. (where it appears that some of the other towers held out also). All but the last agree in the story of the outrage, though other details are not quite clear. Even Makrizi, , ii. 126Google Scholar, says that when Acre was taken ten thousand Franks asked for amnesty, but Khalil divided them amongst his emirs, who slew them every one.

^{page 150 note 1} de Neocastro, B., 1182.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 2} Hemingburgh, , ii. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 3} In the Gestes des Chiprois, 516Google Scholar, reference is made to the poverty and straits in which the refugee knights from Acre found themselves.

^{page 150 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edward I., ii. 465.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 5} Cal. Papal Registers, i. 599.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 6} On May 24, 1293, de Grandiron, Otho, ‘going to the Holy Land,’Google Scholar had safe-conduct for three years (Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I. iii. 17)Google Scholar. But a document of identica date relating to Otho's lands in Kent shows conclusively that he was still in the East (Placita de Quo Warranto, 354)Google Scholar. Probably the safe-conduct was in renewal of that which had been granted for a like term on June 10, 1290 (Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. 363).Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 1} Gestes des Chiprois, 542Google Scholar. The writer puts the events in 1293, but the correct date of the battle of Layas is that given above. Moreover, Otho's visit to Thoros was clearly in 1294.

^{page 151 note 2} Flos Historiarum, ap. Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Documents Arméniens, ii. 327, 330Google Scholar. Otho cannot, as the editors conjecture, have been in Armenia between 1299 and 1303. Hayton was at the Papal Court during 1307.

^{page 152 note 1} See Yule, , Travels of Marco Polo, iGoogle Scholar. Introduction, p. 43. At all events, Otho will have known Marco Polo's scribe, Rusticien de Pise, who obtained his knowledge of the Arthurian Romances from a book of King Edward of England in 1270; ibid. pp. 62, 63. He might also have met the Polos at Acre in 1271.

^{page 152 note 2} Soc. de l'Histoire de la Suisse Romande, v. 67.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 3} Foedera, i. 834, 837Google Scholar; Anc. Correspondence, xiv, 36.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edward I. iii. 188Google Scholar: Cotton, B., Chron. 312Google Scholar; Langtoft, . ii. 238.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 1} Berard de Goth, Cardinal Bishop of Albano, and Simon Cardinal Bishop of Praeneste; Foedera, i. 840, 842.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 2} Walter de Langton's accounts for this mission are preserved in Exchequer Accounts (K.R.) 308 (19)Google Scholar. They include several payments to de Grandison, Otho in 07–10 1296Google Scholar amounting to 725l., one of 100l. at Cambrai on Oct. 27, 1297, and another of 400l. at Brabant in January 1298: all of course Livres Tournois. The modern silver value of the Livre Tournois would be rather over 14 shillings; that of the English pound of the same time about 3l. 5s.

^{page 153 note 3} Foedera, i. 857.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 432.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 5} Foedera, i. 857.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 1} Receuil des Hist, de France, xxii. 352–3Google Scholar. Edward ‘envoya son cousin l'evesque de Lincolle et le seigneur de Grénésie par devers le conte Guyon.’ The chronicler dates it in 1291; his editors in 1294; but Otho can only have taken part in the embassy of 1297.

^{page 154 note 2} As by Dupont, M., Hist, du Cotentin et ses Iles, ii. 184.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 3} Ancient Correspondence, xxx. 75.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 4} Foedera, i. 860–3.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 5} Ibid. i. 881–885. Otho was at Grolingues, near Courtray, , on 11 23, 1297Google Scholar, and at Tournay, on 01 31, 1298Google Scholar. For his share in the treaty of Jan. 31, 1298, see Funck-Brentano, , Chroniques Artesiennes, 24–5, 28.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 6} Foedera, i. 900.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 7} Parliamentary Writs, i. 642.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 1} Otho was in England in April 1300; see Cal. Pat. Rolls, iii. 501–5Google Scholar, and Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. I., iv. 334, 341, 355.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iii. 543.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 3} Ibid. iii. 607. He had letters for going abroad on Aug. 3, 1300 (Ibid. iii. 530). Possibly he went backwards and forwards between Rome and England, for on Feb. I, 1301, he had letters again (ibid. iii. 568).

^{page 155 note 4} Ibid. iii. 616, iv. 24; Cal. Close Rolls, iv. 580.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 5} Ibid. iv. 30.

^{page 155 note 6} Ibid. iv. 54, 56, showing that Otho was at Westminster, on 08 15, 1302.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 7} Ibid. iv. 67.

^{page 155 note 8} Chron. Edw. I. and Edw. II., i. 129Google Scholar. Cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 114.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 9} Ibid. iv. 56, 67, 128, 152.

^{page 156 note 1} Rôles Gascons, 4589Google Scholar. The date was June 4, 1303, but Otho and Lincoln had been at Bordeaux on March 6 of the same year, and at Mirambeau on March 9 (ibid. 4746; Ancient Correspondence, xxx. 118, 119).Google Scholar

^{page 156 note 2} Rôles Gascons, 4865Google Scholar, where Otho and Lincoln are styled ‘nuper vice-gerentes.’ On this Gascon mission see further ibid. 4602, 4700, 4731–2, 4736, 4828, 4841.

^{page 156 note 3} Account of de Havering, John ap. Rôles Gascons, iii. p. ccGoogle Scholar. ‘Domino Othoni de Grandisono, recipienti in eodem festo S. Petri ad Vincula predicto, in primo adventu suo Burdegale, 10 dolia vini, de vinis provisis et emptis ad opus domini Regis et ducis, precii cujuslibet 15 l.t.’

^{page 156 note 4} Ibid. iii. p. cxcix.

^{page 156 note 5} Ibid. iii. pp. cxcvii–cxcix.

^{page 157 note 1} Exchequer Accounts (K.R.), 309 (9)Google Scholar. Benstede left Dover on July 19, was delayed a few days in Paris, and was at Rocamadour on August 25. ‘Parisius: pro expensis Guillot, nuncii Regis deferentis litteras predicti domini Regis domino Ottoni de Grandisono directis et eundem querentis in partibus Tolosanis, , x l. viiisGoogle Scholar. Item nuncio domini Otonis de Grandisono venienti ad dominum in partes de Rochemadour cum litteris domini sui directis dicto domino Tohanni pro negociis Regis.’

^{page 157 note 2} Regestum dementis Quinti, 22, 44.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 3} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 287Google Scholar; Foedera, i. 174.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 386.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 5} Exchequer Accounts (K.R.), 309 (10)Google Scholar. The account begins on October 15, and includes later expenses in England on an errand to the king at Winchester down to April 15.

^{page 157 note 6} Chron. Edw. I. and II., i. 143–4.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 7} Cal. Papal Registers, i. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 1} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 431Google Scholar; on May 10 John de Ditton was appointed attorney for Otho de Grandison staying beyond seas.

^{page 158 note 2} Cal. Close Rolls, v. 450.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 3} Rot. Parl. i. 210b, 214 bGoogle Scholar; cf. Cal. Close Rolls, v. 491, 531.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 531.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 5} Gough, , Itinerary of Edward I., ii. 293.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 6} Ancient Correspondence, xxviii. 15, documents dated October 2Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II., i. 9Google Scholar, Letters of protection dated October 26.

^{page 158 note 7} Murimuth, , Chron. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 1} Regestum Clementis Quinti, 3141, 3161.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 2} Ibid. 2885–6.

^{page 159 note 3} Matile, , Monuments de l'Hist, de Neuchâtel, ii. 1173.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 4} Ancient Correspondence, xxxv. 59, 108.Google Scholar

Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II., iii. 10, 499, 599.Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 1} Foedera, ii. II, 12, 25, 50, 68, 128, 136, 145, 303Google Scholar; Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. II., i. 579, 585Google Scholar; Baluze, , Vit. Pont. ii. 109.Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 2} Otho, 's intention is alluded to under date 05 25, 1308Google Scholar, ap. Reg. Clementis Quinti, 2785.Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 3} Reg. Clementis Quinti, 2938Google Scholar: ‘Lugudiaci,’ 08 17, 1308Google Scholar, reciting the original grant of July 7, 1277, from de Molay, Jacques: ‘de Turribus, de Espallierco, et de Coulours, domos ejusdem ordinis Lingonen. Senonen. et Trecen. diocesium.’Google Scholar The houses were Thors (dep. Aube, arr. Bar-sur-Aube, cant. Soulaines), Epailly (dep. Côte d'Or, arr. Chatillon sur-Seine, cant. Montigny-sur-Aube) and Coulours (dep. Yonne). See Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire de l'Ordre des Hospitaliers, I. p. xcixGoogle Scholar, and Michelet, , Procès des Templiers, i. 317, ii. 265Google Scholar. Otho was also on friendly terms with the Hospitallers: see Le Roulx, Delaville, u.s. iv. 169Google Scholar, for a grant made on February 26, 1308, to Jacques de Lavigea in consideration of the services to the Order of his master, ‘magnificus et potens vir dominus Otho de Grandissono, miles egregius.’

^{page 161 note 1} Regestum, 2785, 2844, 2885–6, 2930–34, 3096–8, 3123, 3141, 3154–6, 3161–6Google Scholar. The dates are between May 25 and September 8, 1308, but chiefly in August and September. Otho may not have been present so early as May.

^{page 161 note 2} The printed record (Reg. 3123)Google Scholar has ‘Lacuviren,’ no doubt in error for ‘Lacu iuren.’ sc. ‘Lacu Jurensi’; now Lac de Joux. The Abbey (a house of the Premonstratensian Order) is over twenty miles from Grandson. The village is still called L'Abbaye; there is nothing left of the church but the very ancient tower, though some remains of the gateway and cloisters are incorporated in the adjoining houses.

^{page 161 note 3} The history of the Islands during this time may be studied in Havet, M. Julien's Gardiens et Seigneurs des lies Normandes, ap. Bibl. de l'Ecole des Chartes, xxxvii. 201–6, 225–31Google Scholar, and Les Cours Royales des Iles Normandes, Paris, 1878Google Scholar. See also Second Report of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the state of the criminal law in the Channel Islands, 1848Google Scholar; Documents tirés des Rôles des Lettres Closes, 1205–1327; Ancient Petitions of the Chancery; the two last are publications of the Société Jersiaise, Nos. 9 and 16.

^{page 161 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. 125.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 5} The grant of 1277 is printed in full by Havet, , xxxvii. 225.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 6} See Havet, , Cours Royales, 31Google Scholar, quoting from Bibliothèque Nationale MS. Lat. 10072 f. 201, ‘magister Gulielmus de Sancto Remigio, attornatus domini Ottonis de Grandisono domini insularum.’ Date 11 20, 1280.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 7} The ‘Communitas de Jereseye’ complained of its use in 1320. Havet, , Cours Royales, 160–61, 213Google Scholar. See also p. 194, below.

^{page 162 note 1} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I. i. 283Google Scholar; the editor refers this to places in Landes in Gascony; but clearly it means ‘Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, and Sark.’ For Les Laundes' in Guernsey see Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. II. i. 34.Google Scholar

^{page 163 note 1} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I. i. 411.Google Scholar

^{page 163 note 2} Ibid. ii. 339, 393, 440, 484, 486.

^{page 163 note 3} Havet, , Cours Royales, 34–5Google Scholar: ‘Othon de Granson prit l'habitude d'abandonner cette partie de ses attributions à des délégués spéciaux, qui reçurent le nom de baillis (nom auparavant syonyme de celui de gardien) et dont les fractions formèrent dès lors un office distinct.’ Otho's bailiffs are referred to in 1280; W. de St. Rémy was bailiff of Guernsey, , Sark, , and Alderney, in 02 1290.Google Scholar

^{page 163 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I. 339, 440, 496.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 1} Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. I., iii. 319, 359Google Scholar; Havet, , xxxix. 207–8Google Scholar. The cause of the complaint seems to have been that St. Rémy had supported the alien priories in their claim for dues on the fisheries. Dupont, , Hist, du Cotentin, ii. 169.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 2} Rot. Parl. i. 464Google Scholar, cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. 213.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 3} Ancient Correspondence, xxvi. 35Google Scholar. An undated letter from W. de Grandison to John de Langton. See p. 192, below.

^{page 164 note 4} Rot. Parl. i. 464Google Scholar. Cf. Ancient Petitions, 5, 6Google Scholar, and Cal. Close Rolls, iii. 427–30Google Scholar—petitions dated August 1295. de Cobham, Henry was still keeper on 08 25, 1295Google Scholar—Ancient Correspondence, xii. 127Google Scholar. On April 13, 1298, Nicholas de Cheny, then keeper, had orders to deliver the islands to Otho or his attorney, according to the form of grant made to the said Otho, before the beginning of the war, by reason of which the king caused them to be taken into his hands. Cal. Pat. Rolls, iii. 342.Google Scholar

^{page 165 note 1} Havet, , xxxvii. 226–7Google Scholar; Court Royales, 10, 193–5.Google Scholar

^{page 165 note 2} Cal. Close Rolls, iv. 418.Google Scholar

^{page 165 note 3} Ibid. iv. 591; Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 97.Google Scholar

^{page 165 note 4} Ibid iv. 215; Rot. Parl. i. 180–1Google Scholar; Cours Royales, 195–7.Google Scholar

^{page 166 note 1} Placita de Quo Warranto, 822–840Google Scholar; Second Report, 293–5Google Scholar; Conrs Royales, 10, IIGoogle Scholar. Cf. also Rot. Parl. i. 416Google Scholar, and Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. 191.Google Scholar

^{page 166 note 2} Ancient Petitions, 18, 19.Google Scholar

^{page 166 note 3} Ibid. 21, 22.

^{page 166 note 4} Cal. Close Rolls, ii. 91.Google Scholar

Cours Royales, 211–13Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, iii. 375.Google Scholar

^{page 167 note 1} Second Report, 296–8Google Scholar; Rot. Parl. i. 378–9Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 9Google Scholar; Cours Royales, ii. 127, 213–9Google Scholar; Ancient Petitions, 61–2 (the document clearly relates to 1320).Google Scholar

^{page 167 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 8Google Scholar. For Gerard d'Oron, see p. 185, below.

^{page 167 note 3} Ibid. iv. 235–6.

^{page 167 note 4} Havet, , xxxvii. 229Google Scholar, from Archives de la Manche, fonds du Mont S Michel.

^{page 168 note 1} Ancient Petitions, 33Google Scholar—on octave of St. Michael in the 17th year of Edward II.

^{page 168 note 2} Pipe Roll, 17 Edward II.Google Scholar: see also pp. 185–7, 195, below.

^{page 168 note 3} Second Report, 295–99Google Scholar; Cours Royales, 11, 127, 221–2.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 1} Rolls of Parliament, i. 416Google Scholar; Ancient Petitions, 30.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II. v. 14, 21.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 3} Rolls of Parliament, i. 416.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II. v. 302.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 5} Ibid Edw. III. i. 63.

^{page 169 note 6} As M. Havet does.

^{page 170 note 1} Ancient Petitions, 47–9, 55–9.Google Scholar

^{page 170 note 2} Ancient Correspondence, xxxvi. 133Google Scholar. The letter is undated, but must belong to this time. See p. 186, below.

^{page 170 note 3} Cal. Papal Registers, ii. 45Google Scholar; Reg. Clementis Quinti, 3165Google Scholar. In Ancient Petitions, 2439Google Scholar (Record Office), Otho's attorneys represent the hardships and loss which the bishop's conduct caused to the islanders.

^{page 170 note 4} Cal. Pal. Rolls, Edw. III. i. 251Google Scholar. John de Roche was appointed keeper in place of de Grandison, Otho, deceased, on 06 4, 1328Google Scholar (ibid. i. 301).

^{page 171 note 1} Soc. Suisse Romande, Ser. II. ii., 153–61Google Scholar; Register of John de Grandison, 173–4Google Scholar. There had been a false report of his death in April 1318, as shown by grants then made; cf. Cal. Charter Rolls, iii. 407.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 1} Register of John de Grandison, 174–5.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. III. iii. 35Google Scholar; Minutes of Evidence, pp. 111–12.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 3} Contract of Marriage ap. Minutes of Evidence, 172–4.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 4} Suisse Romande, xxvi. 250, 257Google Scholar; Verdeil, , Hist, de Vaud, i. 218–30Google Scholar. On Peter and his sons see also Matile, , Mon. de l'Hist, de Neuchâtel, i. 336, 418, ii. 1174.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 5} Chaucer, , Works, i. 404, 562Google Scholar, ed. Skeat. See for a fuller account of Otho III. and his poetry Romania, xix. 237–59, 403–48Google Scholar, and Suisse Romande, Ser. II. ii. 162–200.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 6} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Rich. II. ii. 216, 556.Google Scholar

^{page 173 note 1} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Rich. II. v. 63, 342Google Scholar. For a present of a ‘curser’ from ‘Otes Granson’ to Henry of Lancaster in 1392, see Wylie, , Hist, of Henry IV. iv. 163Google Scholar. See also Froissart, , xivGoogle Scholar. ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove.

^{page 173 note 2} Verdeil, , Hist, de Vaud, i. 252, 257–9, 263–5Google Scholar. The lines of La Sarraz and Champvent were already extinct. But the D'Yverdun family, which came from the same stock, lasted till the eighteenth century. (Read, , Historic Studies, i. 83).Google Scholar

^{page 173 note 3} Forty-first Report of Dep. Keeper of Public Records, pp. 707, 716, 723Google Scholar, 44th Rep. p. 589.Google Scholar

^{page 173 note 4} Read, , Historic Studies, i. 80–2.Google Scholar

^{page 173 note 5} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. III., iii. 105Google Scholar; inspeximus of Charter of 01 21, 1287.Google Scholar

^{page 173 note 6} Minutes of Evidence, 10, 11, 84–5Google Scholar; Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. I, iv. 477.Google Scholar

^{page 173 note 7} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I., ii. 496.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 1} Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. I. iv. 387.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 2} Ibid.Edw. II. iii. 523, 641.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 3} Register of John de Grandison, 110.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 4} See Tabula de Genealogia Joannis Grandisoni ap. Leland, , Itinerary, i. 237–8Google Scholar, ed. Toulmin Smith.

^{page 174 note 5} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II. iii. 552.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 6} Minutes of Evidence, 96.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 1} Murimuth, , Chron. 56Google Scholarn. (Rolls Soc). Compare Leland, 's TabulaGoogle Scholar: ‘Hic erat filius Gul. Grandisoni de genere Imperatoris, qui frater fuit nobilissimi Dni. Othonis de Grandissono in Burgundia Diocesis Lausenensis ubi Castrum de Grandisono est situm firmis saxis.’

^{page 175 note 2} Cal. Pap. Reg. ii. 5.

^{page 175 note 3} For his Will, and for the Inquisition on his death, see Minutes of Evidence, 105–111.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 4} Cal. Pap. Reg. ii. 5, 152.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 5} Ibid. ii. 101; Neve, Le, Fasti, i. 393.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 6} Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. III. ix. 85, 206Google Scholar; Minutes of Evidence, 112Google Scholar; Sharpe, , Calendar of Wills in the Court of Husting, ii. 10Google Scholar; Hasted, , His. of Kent, i. 128, 231, 328Google Scholar; Reg. John de Grandison, 1226, 1236.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 7} Margaret de Grandison granted her manor of Burnham to some of her Carew relatives (MSS. of Wells, 454).Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 8} Minutes of Evidence, 113–4.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 1} So she comes first on the Tabula, ap. Leland, , Itinerary, i. 237.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 2} No summons was issued after the death of the third baron in 1378.

^{page 176 note 3} Minutes of Evidence, 397–443.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 4} Leland, , Itinerary, iv. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 5} Minutes of Evidence, 121.Google Scholar

^{page 177 note 1} They include the Dukes of Richmond and Manchester, the Earls of Loudon and St. German's, the Countesses of Romney, Powis, and Yarborough, and Lord Grey de Ruthyn. See Debrett, , Peerage, s.v.Google Scholar

^{page 177 note 2} Leland, , Itinerary, i. 237–8Google Scholar; Catalogue of Ancient Deeds, i. B. 159.Google Scholar

^{page 178 note 1} Hasted, , Hist, of Kent, i. 231–2.Google Scholar

^{page 178 note 2} On the history of William de Grandison's descendants see the lengthy Minutes of Evidence concerning the Barony of Grandison, with many original documents. The judgment of the House of Lords in 1858 is recited by Burke, , Extinct PeerageGoogle Scholar. For the Northwood line see also Archaeologia Cantiana, ii. 9–42Google Scholar, Hasted, , History of Kent, ii. 456, 625Google Scholar, and Notes and Queries, 1st ser., x. 442Google Scholar. A Grandison appears in the Battle Abbey Roll; this alone would prove the late date and unauthentic character of that record.

^{page 178 note 3} Havet, M. ap. Bibl. de l'Ecole des Charles, xxvii. 201Google Scholar; Mémoires et documents, Soc. de l'Hist. de Genève, vii. 40–41Google Scholar; Bedford, , Blazon of EpiscopacyGoogle Scholar; Papworth, , Ordinary of British ArmorialsGoogle Scholar. The bishop may have adopted ‘eagles’ in the place of ‘escallopes’ on the ground of his supposed imperial descent.

^{page 185 note 1} The Calendar of Patent Rolls (Edward I. ii. 372)Google Scholar reads ‘Crous’; but compare ibid. iii. 245.