^{page 211 note 1} Jessopp, A., “Lives of the Norths” (1890), ii, 192Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 2} “Life” (1759), ii, 366Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 3} Jeafferson, J. C., “Middlesex County Records,” iv, 246Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note 1} S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 119, No. 21.

^{page 212 note 2} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1673/5, 463; Kitchen, G., “L'Estrange” (1913), 300–2Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note 3} Hickeringill, Edmund, “The Horrid Sin of Man-Catching” (1681)Google Scholar; “Works” (1716), i, 171–93Google Scholar; cf. The Character of a Sham-Plotter (1682), Ibid., 212–19.

^{page 212 note 4} The Character of an Informer (1675): Wilkins', “Political Ballads,” i, 212Google Scholar; Neal, , “Hist, of the Puritans” (1837), iii, 202–3Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note 5} Hodgson, J., “Memoirs,” ed. Scott, (1806), 167–8Google Scholar.

^{page 213 note 1} E.H.R., xii, 116 et seq.

^{page 213 note 2} Ibid., xiii, 527 et seq. This document was probably compiled by Thurloe's Secretary, Sir Samuel Morland, H.M.C., Finch MSS., ii, 264–6.

^{page 213 note 3} E.g. Dollington's, “Information,” Thurloe, , iii, 35Google Scholar.

^{page 213 note 4} Ibid., v, 218. Much information was obtained from the prisoners in the Tower. “There was never any design on foot but we could hear it out of the Tower. He who commanded there [Col. Barkstead] would give us an account that within a fortnight of such a thing, there would be some stirrings; for a great concourse of people were coming to them, and they had very great elevations of spirit”. Carlyle, , “Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,” 09 17, 1656Google Scholar.

^{page 213 note 5} Clar. S.P., iii, 743; “Hist, of the Rebellion” (ed. Macray, ), vi, Bk. xvi, sects. 28–31Google Scholar; Nich. Papers, iv, 258; Clarke, , “Life of James II,” i, 370–1Google Scholar; Burnet (1833), i, 121–3; Firth, C. H., “Last Years of the Protectorate,” i, 30–1Google Scholar.

^{page 213 note 6} Clar. S.P., iii, 407–9; E.H.R., xiii, 529. The Leveller pamphleteer, Richard Overton, oifered his services to the Government of 1654. They were not accepted, hence, a year later, he is found working for Charles II. Nich. Papers, iii, 40, 43, 44, 50; Thurloe, ii, 590.

^{page 213 note 7} Nich. Papers, iii, 149–87. There is a list of spies employed by Thurloe and the Rump in S.P. Dom. Interregnum, 220, No. 70, i.

^{page 214 note 1} MS. Add. 38861, f. 123.

^{page 214 note 2} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1649/50, 221.

^{page 214 note 3} E.H.R., xiii, 527–8; Evans, F. M. G., “The Principal Secretary of State” (1923), 112–13Google Scholar.

^{page 214 note 4} E.g. April 23, 1661–Easter, 1662, £25,950. Shaw, , “Cal. Treas. Books,” i, pp. xxxii–xxxiiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 214 note 5} Details of the way in which the money was spent can be learned from Akerman, J. Y., “Secret Service Expenditure of Charles II and James II” (1851)Google Scholar, and Bertie's “Secret Service” Payments, “Cal. Treas. Books,” v, pt. ii, 1325 et seq.

^{page 214 note 6} Akerman, passim; “Cal. Treas. Books,” v, pt. ii, 1325, 1327, 1329.

^{page 214 note 7} Evans, 212 et seq.

^{page 214 note 8} Money warrants were issued on July 26, 1664 (£1,000); June 12, 1665 (£2,000); “Cal. Treas. Books,” i, 613, 667. He also received £5,000 “out of the poll bill,” ibid., ii, p. lvi. From Easter, 1666, to Easter, 1667, Arlington received £24,125 for intelligence, Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667/8, 288.

^{page 215 note 1} Grey, , “Debates,” vi, 78–9Google Scholar.

^{page 215 note 2} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667/8, 289; “Cal. Treas. Books,” ii, 328, 397, 399, 410. The “Committee of the Board” appointed to overhaul the national accounts originally recommended £6,000 for the secretaries' intelligence “besides what they received out of the Post Office.” MS. Eg., 2543, f. 129.

^{page 215 note 3} “Cal. Treas. Books,” iv, 638; v, 117. During the latter part of Charles II's reign, the payments fell into arrears. Sunderland only received £800 of the £2,000 due in 1683, and £2,500 of the £3,000 due in 1684. The arrears were not paid off until 1686. Ibid., xiii, 627, 677, 874. Under James II, Sunderland was paid £3,000 a year and Middleton £2,000. Ibid., 32, 597, 1103, 1701 (for Middleton), and ibid., 32, 627, 1142, 1560, 1935 (for Sunderland).

^{page 215 note 4} Below, Appendix. Cf. Thurloe, vii, 785–8.

^{page 215 note 5} Wood describes him as having practised for years “progging tricks in employing necessitous persons to write in several arts, and to get contributions of noblemen to promote the work” (Ath. Oxon., ii, 298).

^{page 215 note 6} Part of this money was paid to spies by Nicholas himself. See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/61, 416, a note by the Secretary that he paid £80 to Major Wiltshire between September 27 and December 18, 1660. For payments made to Wiltshire by Williamson, see below, Appendix.

^{page 216 note 1} Below, Appendix.

^{page 216 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 216 note 3} S.P. For., Holland, 167, pp. 169, 186.

^{page 216 note 4} Taylor to Herne, March 3, 1681; Stowe MSS., 186, f. 84.

^{page 216 note 5} Lister, , “Clarendon,” iii, 182Google Scholar.

^{page 216 note 6} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663/4, 501; 1670, 666.

^{page 216 note 7} Ibid., 1665/6, 230.

^{page 216 note 8} Downing to (Bennet), Feb.

,

. S.P. For., Holland, 174, p. 113.

^{page 217 note 1} Akerman, 150, 163, 195, 207. Skelton to Sunderland, Dec.

, 1686; Jan.

. S.P. For., France, 150, p. 171; ibid., 151, p. 8. Sunderland to Skelton, Dec. 27, 1686, For. Entry Book, France, 19.

^{page 217 note 2} £100 a year. Cal. S.P. Dom., 1670, 174; ibid., 1671, 265.

^{page 217 note 3} £50 a year. Ibid., 1667/8, 461.

^{page 217 note 4} Ibid., 1663/4, 68.

^{page 217 note 5} Akerman, 101, 102, 110, 114.

^{page 217 note 6} S.P. For., Holland, 168, pp. 79 et seq.

^{page 217 note 7} Ralph, i, 480–1.

^{page 218 note 1} H.M.C., Rep. x, App. vi, 195.

^{page 218 note 2} Below, Appendix (MS. Eg., 2543, ff. 61–2).

^{page 218 note 3} Orrery, , “State Letters” (1742), 105Google Scholar. Leving was known as Leonard Williams; Riggs as Edward Bean, Richard Smith, Robert Williams, Henry Parker and Samuel Davies. Bampfield used the pseudonym “Geoffrey,” and sent his letters to Sir Allen Apsley, the Treasurer of the Duke of York. At the end of the reign, when he was employed by Jenkins, an attorney named Thomas Hughes was used as an intermediary.

^{page 218 note 4} S.P. For., Flanders, 169, pp, 176, 195, 170, p. 50.

^{page 219 note 1} Warrant concerning the allowances to Sir William Swan, S.P. For., Hamburgh, 10, p. 57.

^{page 219 note 2} S.P. For., Holland, 219. Cf. Charles II to the Treasurer and Under Treasurer, May 24, 1661, authorizing such payments to Downing. MS. Add., 22919, f. 146.

^{page 219 note 3} See Andrews, , “Guide to the Materials for American History in the Record Office” (1914), ii, 136Google Scholar.

^{page 219 note 4} Lister, iii, 182.

^{page 219 note 5} Ibid., 388; “Cal. Treas. Books,” i, 677.

^{page 219 note 6} “Cal. Treas. Books,” i, 365, 381, 401, 516, 521, 528, 536, 547, 610, 640. For examples of the expenses of other embassies, see ibid., v, pt. i, 716; pt. ii, 880, 907, etc.

^{page 219 note 7} MS. Add. 22920, f. 194.

^{page 220 note 1} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661/2, 537–8

^{page 220 note 2} Below, Appendix.

^{page 220 note 3} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1665/6, 595; 1666/7, 105, 154; 1667, 92.

^{page 220 note 4} Ibid., 1663/4, 279, 331–2.

^{page 220 note 5} Ibid., 1664/5, 329; “Cal. Treas. Books,” i, 566, 654, 664.

^{page 221 note 1} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661/2, 85, 134, 284. For his reports to Broughton, see ibid., passim. After the retirement of Nicholas, he was employed by Arlington. Ibid., 1663/4, 403. For an account of the “Derwentdale” Plot see DrGee's, paper in Transactions, Vol. XI, pp. 125–42Google Scholar.

^{page 221 note 2} “State Trials,” vi, 240–1, 246, 248.

^{page 221 note 3} Carte Transcripts, 34, p. 333.

^{page 221 note 4} Bassett was executed after Monmouth's Rebellion(Toulmin, , “Hist, of Taunton,” ed. Savage, (1882), 459, 511)Google Scholar.

^{page 221 note 5} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/61, 421; 1661/2, 159, 162.

^{page 221 note 6} Orme, , “Life of Kiffen” (1823), 28–31Google Scholar.

^{page 221 note 7} Below, Appendix.

^{page 221 note 8} One of the Deputy Lieutenants for Durham. See E.H.R., xl, 360; Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/62, passim.

^{page 222 note 1} MS. Eg., 2543, ff. 61–2.

^{page 222 note 2} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661/4, passim.

^{page 222 note 3} Gower's account of Leving, March ?, 1664. S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 95, No. 113; Leving to Bennet, June 8, 1664; ibid., 99, No. 30, i; Cal. S.P. Dom., 1658/9, 384; 1663/4, 479. 563. 573. 574. 593. 615, 616, 629, 652, 653.

^{page 223 note 1} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1664/5, 211.

^{page 223 note 2} Ibid., 357.

^{page 223 note 3} Ibid., 1664/7, passim.

^{page 223 note 4} Ibid., 1664/5, 215, 259, 293; H.M.C., Leeds MSS. 7; “The Intelligencer,” No. 21, March 20, 1664/5.

^{page 223 note 5} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667, 107, 170, 236, 265, 285; Reresby, , “Memoirs” (1875). 74Google Scholar.

^{page 223 note 6} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667, 292, 310, 360.

^{page 223 note 7} Ibid., 326, 331, 337, 369.

^{page 224 note 1} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667, 345, 427.

^{page 224 note 2} S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 66, No. 36; Parker, , “History” (1727), 60Google Scholar.

^{page 224 note 3} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661/2, 600.

^{page 224 note 4} Ibid., 546; 1663/4, 108. 112, 118, 250; H.M.C., Leeds MSS., 5.

^{page 224 note 5} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663/4, passim; S.P. Dom.Car., ii, 93. Nos. 87 and 88 contain abstracts made by Riggs from his reports.

^{page 224 note 6} Clarke, , “Life of James II,” i, 396–7Google Scholar; Burton, , “Hist, of the Reign of Charles II and James II” (1693), 46Google Scholar.

^{page 225 note 1} Arlington writing to Ormonde (Aug. 25, 1666) says “that Blood speaking lately of him [Alden], said we know him to be Arlington's spy, but we are sure he will tell nothing to our disadvantage” (Misc. Aulica, 414).

^{page 225 note 2} Carte, , “Ormonde,” iv, 124, 254–7Google Scholar; Parker, , 68–9, 74–6; Orrery, “State Letters,” 82; Cal. S.P., Ireland, 1663/5, 101, 139, 42Google Scholar.

^{page 225 note 3} S.P. For., Holland, Newsletters, Vol. 47, July

, 1665; S.P. For., Flanders, 35, passim; Cal. S.P. Dom., 1664/5, 500; “D'Estrades' Letters” (1711), i, 530Google Scholar.

^{page 225 note 4} On Arlington's advice, Corney was dismissed by Temple and shortly afterwards came to England to petition for employment. (Courtenay, “Memoirs of Sir Wm. Temple,” i, 234–9; Bebington, , “Arlington's Letters” (1701), i, 66Google Scholar, 100: Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667/8, 127, 281; 1668/9, 176.)

^{page 226 note 1} S.P. For., Flanders, 35, pp. 81, 95–6; Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666/7, 82–3. Scot was imprisoned for debt about Oct. 1666, ibid., 236.

^{page 226 note 2} Ibid., 1666/7, passim. There is an account of her mission, compiled from these letters, in Summers, M., “Works of Aphra Behn” (1915), i, xxii–xxvii.Google Scholar

^{page 226 note 3} Letters, which were not taken abroad by royal couriers, were frequently seized and examined as early as the reign of Edward II, while in 1525 Wolsey subjected the despatches of Charles V's ambassador to this treatment (Report from the Secret Committee on the Post Office (1844), 4, 95. 99–101).

^{page 226 note 4} Cf. the energetic protest of the Venetian ambassador in 1641 (ibid., 104–5; L.J., iv, 435–7). The despatches of French ambassadors echo the same complaint (Colbert to Lionne, June 24, 1669; Baschet Transcripts, Vol. 122; Jusserand, , “French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II,” 193)Google Scholar. On the other hand, Downing found it necessary to use cipher (S.P. For., Holland, passim). In Paris successive English ambassadors were convinced that Louis XIV knew the contents of the mail bags before they reached the embassy (ibid., France, passim). Even the correspondence of Charles II with his sister was tampered with (Jusserand, 50).

^{page 227 note 1} Before the outbreak of War the Long Parliament ordered the mail to be brought into the House on several occasions (Report from the Secret Committee, 101–4). The Commonwealth Council of State did the same whenever it had reason to believe that trouble was brewing (Cal. S.P. Dom., 1648/51, 126; 1649/50, 56, 533, 535, 541; 1650, 7, 223; 1651/2, 216).

^{page 227 note 2} Hemmeon, J. C., “Hist, of the British Post Office” (1912), 4 et seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 227 note 3} Firth, and Rait, , “Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum,” ii, 1110Google Scholar.

^{page 227 note 4} Wallis was employed by Charles II and in 1683 confessed that he could not decipher the famous letter from Argyle found on Colonel Holmes (S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 427, No. 93; S.P. Dom., Entry Book 68, p. 313). In 1699 he was asked by William III to train a young man in the “art of deciphering that it may not die with him” (MS. Add. 27382, f. 265).

^{page 227 note 5} E.H.R., xiii, 527, 533. The royalists were not ignorant of what was going on (Cal. Clar. S.P., iii, No. 352).

^{page 227 note 6} Thurloe, vi, 85–6; Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/61, 409, cf. Monck to the Protector, May 22, 1657: “Your commands shall be carefully observed in searching the post letters on Saturday and Tuesday and the following weeks” (Firth, , “Scotland and the Protectorate,” Letter cclxxvii)Google Scholar.

^{page 228 note 1} Joyce, H., “Hist, of the Post Office” (1893), 35–6Google Scholar.

^{page 228 note 2} Two judges ruled in 1646 that an inland postal monopoly could not be legally conferred by letters patent from the Crown, without the authority of an Act of Parliament (Report from the Secret Committee, 5–6). The Postage Acts of 1657 and 1667 defined the monopoly of the P.M.G. as extending between those places “where he shall settle the posts.” The Proclamations of 1635 and 1638 gave Witherings a similar monopoly. That of 1638 permitted letters to be sent by special messenger, a friend or “the common known carriers” (ibid., 57–8). That others besides his deputies carried letters to and from London was one of the complaints of Henry Bishop, the first P.M.G. of Charles II (ibid., 83), offenders being sometimes prosecuted (Jeafferson, iv, 37).

^{page 228 note 3} Report from the Secret Committee, 91–2.

^{page 228 note 4} Ibid., 92–3. Statutes of the Realm, 9 Anne c. ii.

^{page 228 note 5} Joyce, 36–40; Aubrey, , “Lives,” ii, 91Google Scholar.

^{page 228 note 6} Hemmeon, 28–31; Muddiman, , “The King's Journalist,” 221Google Scholar.

^{page 229 note 1} The author of the tract discussed in “Thurloe and the Post Office” (E.H.R., xiii, 531–2) recommended instead that all carriers should be licensed by a Government official to whom they were to show their letters before delivering them.

^{page 229 note 2} Evans, , “Principal Secretary of State,” 278–85Google Scholar.

^{page 229 note 3} Report from the Secret Committee, 76–8.

^{page 229 note 4} H.M.C., Wombwell MSS., 116–17.

^{page 229 note 5} Cosin Correspondence, ii, 99–100.

^{page 229 note 6} Reliq. Baxter, ii, 301.

^{page 229 note 7} “Kingdom's Intelligencer,” No. 47, Nov. 17–24, 1662.

^{page 229 note 8} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661/2, 196–7.

^{page 230 note 1} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663/4, 149.

^{page 230 note 2} 9 Anne c. ii, clause xli. For the use of these powers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see Report from the Secret Committee, 107–15, and Turner, E. R., “The Secrecy of the Post” (E.H.R., xxxiii, 321–7)Google Scholar. The Secretary of State exercised his power unchallenged until 1844, when Sir James Graham had to reply to the complaints of Mazzini (Parker, C. S., “Life and Letters of Sir J. Graham” (1907), i, 424–47)Google Scholar. A few years later Gladstone's P.M.G. protested when the letters of the Irish M.P.'s were opened (Fawcett, M. G., “What I Remember” (1924)Google Scholar). No change was made in the law and the Home Secretary still exercises this power. Until 1911 he signed a separate warrant for each letter it was desired to examine. In 1911 he began to issue general warrants authorizing the examination of all the correspondence of particular people (Churchill, Winston, “The World Crisis” (1911–1914), 52, 211)Google Scholar.

^{page 230 note 3} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667, p. 114. Three of Ezekiel Everest's letters were stopped at Chichester in 1683 (S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 429, No. 186), and from Taunton John Pigott sent to Jenkins the fruits of a search through the mail bag (ibid., 427, No. 125).

^{page 230 note 4} Roberts, , “Life of Monmouth” (1844), i, 214–15Google Scholar.

^{page 230 note 5} In 1677 Henry Coventry even found it necessary to complain that Dorislaus was not showing his previous zeal in accounting for the letters which passed through his hands (Coventry to Arlington, Sept. 18, 1677, Add. MS. 25125, f. 31). Arlington was the P.M.G. Two years earlier the same writer had asked Essex to examine the Irish mail, in words 17 that prove that this was not usually done (Same to Essex, March

, 1674/5; Essex Papers, viii; Stowe MSS. 207, f. 251).

^{page 231 note 1} S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 187, No. 157 (1666 ?).

^{page 231 note 2} Grosart, , “Marvell's Works,” ii, 52Google Scholar.

^{page 231 note 3} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/1, 535–43. Eighteenth-century governments also found that the Post Office made an excellent election agency. (See Namier, L. B., “The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III,” Vol. i, 85 and note.)Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 4} Misc. Aulica., 291.

^{page 231 note 5} H.M.C., Finch MSS., ii, 264–6.

^{page 231 note 6} C.J. of date. At this time Algernon Sidney wrote “letters are soe often opened that noe man in his senses will write anything that is not fit for the publike view” (Forster, , “Original Letters” (1830), 94Google Scholar; “Letters to Saville” (1742), 16). Henry Sidney was obliged to send his letters to Orange by private messenger (Prinsterer, , “Correspondence inedite de la Maison D'Orange—Nassau,” 2nd series, v, 422)Google Scholar.

^{page 231 note 7} Joyce, 44.

^{page 231 note 8} Van Citters to the States-General

, 1688. Mack. Coll. Add. MS. 34510, pp. 160, 183.

^{page 232 note 1} Several of them are printed in Ferguson's, “Ferguson the Plotter” (1887), passimGoogle Scholar.

^{page 232 note 2} LJ., xi, 355.

^{page 232 note 3} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/1, 423; 1661/2,593; 1663/4, 63, 117, 323, etc.

^{page 232 note 4} Cf., e.g., the intercepted correspondence of the Bristol plotter, Captain Gregory (ibid., 1661/2, 604; 1663/4, 382). and a letter addressed by H. H. to John Knowles in 1664, which the Secretary with good reason believed to contain a reference to a fund for the support of the exiles (S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 98, No. 96, May 23, 1664).

^{page 232 note 5} See, e.g., Thomas Dare to John Duck, Aug. 3/13, 1683, ibid., 430, No. 29.

^{page 232 note 6} Ibid., 434, No. 44.

^{page 232 note 7} Ibid., 430, No. 16.

^{page 233 note 1} “S. Trials,” ix, 1333 et seq.

^{page 233 note 2} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1671, 496; Airy, , “Lauderdale Papers,” i, 223Google Scholar. Lady Argyle sent cipher letters through the post to her exiled husband. She forwarded them to “Peter Harvie,” “at one Mr. Brown's house a cider seller” in Bow Church Yard. “Peter Harvie” was the pseudonym of Colonel Holmes, who collected the letters and posted them to Holland (“State Trials,” ix, 384). Matthews, one of Monmouth's agents in 1685, wrote his report “after the style of a merchant,” and appended another letter in invisible ink (Grey, , “Secret History,” 110)Google Scholar.

^{page 233 note 3} Carr to Blathwayt, March 14, 1681; MS. Add. 37981, f. 10.

^{page 233 note 4} Rutt, , “Life of Calamy,” i, 151Google Scholar.

^{page 233 note 5} The masters of merchant vessels were often informed against (Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666/7, 429; S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 435, No. 72). In 1683, according to Bampfield and Everest, there were few of those trading with Holland who could have pleaded not guilty (S.P. For., Holland, 217, pp. 233, 241, 261, etc.; 218, p. 216, etc.). Letters addressed to the British exiles at Utrecht rarely passed through the local post office, but were collected at Amsterdam, doubtless from the seamen who touched at that port (Carr to Col. Worden,

, 1683; S.P. For., German States, 86, p. 172).

^{page 233 note 6} Veitch and Brysson (1825), 292–3.

^{page 234 note 1} Howie. Shields, , “Faithful Contendings” (1780), 66Google Scholar.

^{page 234 note 2} D'Avaux (1755), iv, 182. The arrangements made by Ludlow for the safe conveyance of his mail were efficient, few of his letters being intercepted (e.g. Ludlow, ii, 484–5). They reached Ludlow by the ordinary post through Lyons and Geneva, enclosed in packets addressed to friends like Perrot, or to his landlords, Dubois and Binet. His money was often sent to a local banker named Lullien (Riordane's Correspondence; S.P. For., Switz., 6, pp. 251–4; ibid., France, 117, pp. 222–3; 118, p. 243). The Channel by which his letters got to the Continent is not known, but during the latter part of his exile they were perhaps sent in the first place to Binet's brother in Paris (S.P. For., France, 141, pp. 289, 291). Sir Wm. Waller's letters were addressed to the bookseller, Widow Browning, in Amsterdam, and marked so that she could easily recognize them (ibid., Holland, 217, pp. 197–8).

^{page 234 note 3} Ibid., 1661/2, 38, 55, 57, 92; 1663/4, 157; S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 40, No. 8.

^{page 234 note 4} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/1, 428; 1661/2, 250.

^{page 235 note 1} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/1, 570; “State Trials,” v, 1134.

^{page 235 note 2} Probably the Clement Oxenbridge whom L'Estrange was assured in 1683 was “much employed in copying things for some eminent fanatics” (S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 427, No. 32).

^{page 235 note 3} Cal. S.P. Dom., 1660/1, 409, 446, 570; 1661/2, 56, 71; S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 40, No. 8. Hyde, “The Post in Grant and Farm,” pp. i et seq., 47–8.

^{page 235 note 4} S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 41, Nos. 30, 32. Parker was arrested with Wildman in Feb. 1655, but escaped to the Continent, returning to England with letters from the Leveller, Col. Sexby (Thurloe, iii, 172; vi, 829–33; vii, 98).

^{page 235 note 5} Thurloe, i, 711; vi, 830; vii, 80, 93.

^{page 235 note 6} S.P. Dom. Car., ii, 40, No. 8.