^{page 17 note 1} ‘Lieutenant General Cromwell, alias Ironside, for that title was given him by Prince Rupert after his defeat neere York’ (Mercurius Civicus, September 19–26, 1644).

‘News being brought them, as a countryman told the General next day, that Ironsides was comming to joyne with the Parliament's Army’ (A more exact and perfect relation of the great victory in Naseby Field, 1645). Heath, , in his Flagellum, 1663Google Scholar, speaks of Cromwell, at Marston Moor as ‘gaining here the title of Ironsides from the impenetrable strength of his troops, which could by no means be broken or divided’ (p. 29)Google Scholar. Lilly, , in his Autobiography, written about 1667Google Scholar, says of the same battle: ‘The honour of that day's fight was given to Manchester, Sir Thomas Fairfax's brigade of horse, and Oliver Cromwell's ironsides; for Cromwell's horse in those times usually wore headpieces, back and breastplates of iron’ (p. 144, ed. 1774). The last passage, is, I believe, the first instance in which it is directly applied to Cromwell's soldiers. For a discussion of the term, see also Ross, Lieut.-Col., Oliver Cromwell and his Ironsides (p. 19)Google Scholar.

^{page 18 note 1} Cf. Carlyle, Letter xvii. ‘The business of Ireland and England,’ writes Cromwell, , ‘hath had of me in money between 1,100 and 1,200 pounds.’ Cromwell, promised 500l. for raising an army, 06 5, 1642 (Sanford, Studies and Illustrations, p. 491)Google Scholar. For the reduction of Ireland he subscribed another 500/. (Rushworth, v. 564).

^{page 18 note 2} Exchequer Papers.

^{page 18 note 3} A pamphlet published in 1652 contains a passage which doubtless refers to Cromwell's exhortations when he was collecting his volunteers. ‘Hear, my Lord Oliver Cromwell,’ says the author, ‘I claim protection from you by virtue of the oath you have sworn unto the people, and confirmed by many reiterations, vows and protestations, as that protest at Huntington in the Market House, myselfthere present, and these words I challenge you to make good which you declared, the words are these: you sought not ours but us and our welfare, and to stand with us for the liberty of the gospel and the laws of the land’ (Theauro john his Disputive Challenge to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, March 165½, p. 6. On Cromwell's doings at Cambridge, see Kingston, , East Anglia and the. vil War, pp. 50, 56, 57, 68Google Scholar, and Tangye, , Two Protectors, p. 59Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 1} Exchequer Papers. Desborough was paid 210l.;, a month's pay for 60 troopers, but nothing for the officers.

^{page 19 note 2} Sanford, , Studies and Illustrations, p. 519Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 3} Nathaniel Fiennes, in his account of the battle of Edgehill, says at the end: ‘These persons underwritten were of the right wing, and never stirred from their troops, but they and their troops fought till the last minute.’ Then follows a list of the regiments of the Lord General and Sir William Balfour, and in the list of the general's regiment which was commanded by Sir Philip Stapleton occurs the name of Captain Cromwell. On the other hand, in a letter to Lord Say, which serves as a preface to the same pamphlet, Nathaniel Fiennes gives a long account of the doings of his brother John, who, having been detached to Evesham a couple of days before the battle, did not arrive at Keynton till between three and four o'clock on the afternoon of the day when the battle was fought. There he met the flying cavalry of the Parliamentary left, and did his best to persuade some of them to stand. In time he ‘gathered a pretty body upon a hill together, and with them (there being Captain Keightlye's and Captain Cromwell's troope at length came to them also) he marched towards the town.’ Finally, says Fiennes, his brother joined Hampden's brigade, and they came to the army together. This statement is obviously very difficult to reconcile with the other statement about Cromwell and his troop which the same pamphlet contains. The only solution seems to be that Cromwell and his men, though not on the field when the battle began, yet came up in time to take part in the final struggle with the Royalists.

His absence at the beginning of the battle would to some extent explain the Royalist stories to the effect that he took no part in it at all. Holies, for instance, writing in 1647, accuses Cromwell of ‘base keeping out of the field at Keinton Battle; where he with his troop of horse came not in, impudently and ridiculously affirming, the day after, that he had been all that day seeking the army and place of fight, though his quarters were but at a village near hand, whence he could not find his way, nor be directed by his ear, when the ordnance was heard, as I have been credibly informed, 20 or 30 miles off’ (Memoirs, p. 17).

^{page 20 note 1} 'Theis are to will and require you forthwith out of the Treasure remayning in yo^r hands to paie unto Captaine Oliver Cromwell Captaine off a Troope of Eightie harquebuziers for one halfe monthes paie of the saide Troope commencing from the tenth daie of this instant December inclusive, the some of Two hundred and four Pounds and thirteen shillinges, and for soe doing this shal be yo^r Warrant.

'Dated this XVII^th daie of December 1642.

'Essex.

‘To Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Baron’.

'Trear. of the Army or his Deputie.

‘Ro: Chambers’.

Chambers was the secretary of the Earl of Essex, and the sum mentioned represented the pay of the officers of Cromwell's troop as well as the men. A letter from Cromwell to Captain Vernon, one of the paymasters cf the army, follows:

'Capt. Vernon: I desire you to pay this bearer George Barton my servant the monie accordinge to this warrant from his Excellency due to mee and my troupe, and I shall rest your lovinge freind,

'Oliver Cromwell.

‘Dec. 17, 1642.’

[On back]. ‘To Captayne Vernon—present theise.’

Note.—The Warrant No. 1 has at foot the following receipt:—

‘Rec^d this 19^th December 1642 by’ [‘virtue’or ‘force,’ a little indistinct] ‘of this Warr^t’ Two hundred and four Pounds XIII shillings £204 13.

'George + Barton (Mark).

‘By order of Capt. Cromwell.’

Notes and Queries, second series, xii. 285.

^{page 20 note 2} In the spring of 1644 the normal size of the troop in 'the army under Essex was fixed at 80. Iti s possible that the change may have begun at the end of 1642, or it may be that some weak troop of horse (of which there were many under Essex) had been reduced into Cromwell's after Edgehill. Possibly fresh recruits from the eastern counties may have swollen the numbers of Cromwell's troop.

^{page 21 note 1} ‘I had a very worthy friend then; and he was a very noble person, and I know his memory is very grateful to all—Mr. John Hampden. At my first going out into this engagement I saw our men were beaten at every hand. I did indeed; and desired him that he would make some additions to my Lord Essex's army, of some new regiments; and told him I would be serviceable to him in bringing in such men as I thought had a spirit that would do something in the work … Your troops, said I, are most of them old decayed serving men, and tapsters, and such kind of fellows. Their troops are gentlemen's sons, younger sons and persons of quality: do you think the spirits of such ase and mean fellows will ever be able to encounter gentlemen, that have honour and courage and resolution in them? … You must get men of a spirit …. that is likely to go on as far as gentlemen will do, or else you will be beaten still. … He was a wise and worthy person; and he did think that I talked a good notion but an impracticable one. Truly I told him I could do somewhat in it. I did so. … I raised such men as had the fear of God before them, as made some conscience of what they did, and from that day forward … they were never beaten’ (Carlyle's Cromwell, Speech xi.). Cf. Gardiner, i. 40.

^{page 22 note 1} Kingdom's Weekly Intelligence, 10–17 January. Cf. Kingston, , Herts during the Civil War, p. 31Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 2} See Letter iv. in Caryle's Collection, from Cromwell to his neighbour Barnard. The place is added by Carlyle, but there is little doubt it is correct.

^{page 22 note 3} See Carlyle's Cromwell, Appendix iv., two letters signed by Cromwell about January 27 from Cambridge.

^{page 22 note 4} Tanner MSS., lxiv. 125.

^{page 22 note 5} 'Gentlemen,—Having been requested by divers of the Deputy Lieutenants of Ihe Associated Counties, members of the House of Commons and others, to be present this day at their committee, the cheife matter in debate was the subject of a letter verie lately received from Collonel Cromwell concerning some present supply of forces, but, because none of the County of Hertford were present, and they not knowing what propositions would be made at your meeting or what proceedings other counties have made upon the order of the Association, have with my advice thought fit to desire Sir William Rowe and Sir Thomas Honywood to give you a meeting on the behalfe of the Essex Committee, to the end they may give you an account how far that businesse is advanced in Essex, and to receyve your resolutions therein, as you shall be pleased to offer them, and upon hearing (at their returne) what shall be propounded in any particular, we shall speedilie fall to a positive conclusion, conceyveing that the secureing of those passages mentioned by Collonel Cromwell and others, is of greate importance for the safetie of these five counties.

'His Majesty hath this day sent us propositions which fills both houses with businesse that denyes the absence of any member, otherwise divers gentlemen of the House of Commons would willinglie have attended this service, whose absence there from I know you will excuse, thus recommending the successe of your good intentions and endeavours to supreme blessing I rest

'Your verie affectionate friend,

'Grey of Wark.

'London, the 6th of Feb. 1642.

‘To my worthy friends the Deputye Lieutenants of the Associated Countyes of Northfolke, Suffolke, Cambridge, and Hartford.’—Tanner MSS., lxiv. 157.

^{page 24 note 1} Reliquiæ Baxterianæ, p. 98.

^{page 24 note 2} Whitelocke's, Memorials, i. 209 ed. 1853Google Scholar. A contemporary biographer gives the following fantastic account of the method in which Cromwell picked out his soldiers. It is a good example of the stories which grew up: ‘In listing, he picked out such only as he judged to be stout and resolute. But lest he might have been mistaken in his choice, as soon as he had filled up his troop he used this stratagem to try them, upon the first muster of them, he privily placed twelve resolute men inambuscado (it being near some of the King's garrisons) who upon a signal or at a time appointed, with a trumpet sounding a charge, galloped furiously to the body, out of which some twenty instantly fled for fear and dismay; from these he took their horses, and got them mounted with others more courageous.’—Fletcher, Henry, The Perfect Politician, 1660, p. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 3} Manchester's Quarrel with Cromwell, p. 72.

^{page 25 note 1} Letter of John Cory to Sir John Potts, March 17, 1643, printed in Carlyle's Cromwell.

^{page 25 note 2} Husbands, , Ordinances, etc., ii. 331, 10 20, 1643Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 3} Reliquiæ Baxteriaæ;, p. 98.

^{page 25 note 4} Oliver Cromwell and his Ironsides, by Ross, Lieut.-Col. W. G., 1889, p. 29Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 5} Exchequer MSS.

^{page 26 note 1} Berry is first mentioned as a captain in the accounts under August 1644, and Gladman as captain-lieutenant in September 1644. Cromwell's cornet in September 1644 was — Gething or Gethings.

In Cromwell's troop one of the corporals was a certain Peter Wallis, who was ordered on March 2, 1643–4, to be paid 30l. for discharging the quarters of the troop. He subsequently became major of Henry Cromwell's regiment of horse in Ireland.

^{page 27 note 1} Whalley is described as lieutenant-colonel on July 25, 1644, and earlier. He became colonel on the formation of the New Model, and his life is contained in the Dictionary of National Biography.

^{page 27 note 2} The proper spelling of his name is apparently Disbrowe, but the form given above is that generally used and that by which he is known to fame.

^{page 27 note 3} He is described as major in Gawsell's account of pay due to Manchester's army from April 29, 1644, to March I, 1645.

^{page 28 note 1} 'Worthie Sir,—I am sorry that I should have an occasion to write to Norwich concerning those which say they came from that noble Cittie, which hath furnished our armies (I can speak by experience) with Godly men, but indeed I suppose them rather spurious offspring of some ignoble place. Sir, thus it is that among many honest men some knaves have been admitted into my troope, which coming with expectation of some base ends, being frustrated of them and finding that this cause did not nourish their expectations, have to the dishonor of God, my dis-credit, and their own infamie, disserted the cause and me their Captayne, therefore Sir, looke upon them as dishonorers of God's cause, and high displeasers of my father, my selfe, and the whole regiment, in breife I would desire you to make them severe examples by takeing and returning the armes and horses of all that have not a Tickett under my hand and to clapp them upp into prison and inflicting of such punishment as you shall think fitt, especially I desire you would deale severely with one Robert Waffe and Symon Scafe. Pray Sir cause to returne speedily all that had libertie from me to go to their freinds. And likewise, I desire you would secure a good horse from some of your malignants to mount one of my souldiers John Manyng now at Norwich, who was lately taken prisoner by the Enemy, and by that means destitute and pray doe me the favour to mount such men as this bearer Richard Waddelow my Clerke shall procure and so I rest

'Yours to command

'Oliver Cromwell.

'From my quarters at Peterborough 15^th of August 1643.

‘To the right worp¹¹ and worthie freind Samuell Smythe Esq^re Steward of the Citty for Norwich these.’

^{page 28 note 2} The Parliament Scout, March 15–22, 1644; cf. Gardiner, , Great Civil War, i. 314Google Scholar.

^{page 28 note 3} The troop is mentioned as Captain Cromwell's in the account for January 1644, and as Cromwell's and Browne's in the account for the period for March 1644 to April 1645. Browne's cornet in January 1645 was Alexander Akehurst.

^{page 29 note 1} Walton became Governor of Lynn in September 1643. When his son's troop was raised he was a prisoner at Oxford, having been captured at Edgehill.

^{page 29 note 2} Gawsell's account for 1644–5 proves that Walton's troop went to Packer. William Pickering was the cornet of the troop in 1644. Walton's troop is mentioned in the accounts for January 1644.

^{page 29 note 3} Colonel Eyres was arrested in November 1647 for inciting the soldiers to mutiny at the rendezvous at Corkbush Field. Rushworth, vii. 875. He was imprisoned again in 1649 for complicity in the mutiny which was suppressed at Burford. The Moderate, August 7–14, 1649. In January 1655 he was a third time under arrest as an accomplice in Wildman's plot. Thurloe, iii. 124, 126, 146. In January 1660 the restored Long Parliament gave him command of the regiment, late Major-General Lambert's. Commons' Journals, vii. 815, 817, 818, 828. See also Clarke Papers, ii. 57.

^{page 29 note 4} On August 12, 1644, William Newman was paid 12l. as lieutenant of the troop formerly commanded by Captain Ayres, but now by Captain Berry. On Newman, see Clarke Papers, ii. 276Google Scholar; Scotland and the Protectorate, p. 249; Somers Tracts, vii. 532, ed. Scott, Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 1} On October 14, 1643, Lieutenant Russell was paid 14l. J6S. for the completing of forty horses and saddles for Captain Patterson's troop. This was evidently the balance of an account of which the rest had been paid earlier, so that the troop must have been raised in the summer, or at latest the autumn of 1643.

^{page 30 note 2} In the bill for quartering Patterson's troop at Ripton Abbotts in January 1644, he signs ‘Ro. Patterson’, and on April 1644 Robert Gethings was paid as cornet to Captain Robert Patterson's troop. There was also a Captain William Patterson of Norfolk in the army of the Eastern Association, commanding a troop of horse. It was doubtless this Captain William Patterson who is mentioned as an opponent of Cromwell's, .—Manchester's Quarrel with Cromwell, p. 60Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 3} Horsman's lieutenant in 1644 was Francis Lambe.

^{page 30 note 4} See Tanner MSS., lxii. 610.

^{page 30 note 5} Ludlow Memoirs, ed. 1894, ii. 393, 490.

^{page 31 note 1} An account of monies collected and paid by the constables of the Isle of Ely contains, under September 19, 1643, a payment of 10l. to Capt. Sam. Porter, captain in the regiment of Col. Cromwell, towards one month's pay for his troop.

^{page 31 note 2} This is proved inter alia by a bill for quartering his troop at Cambridge during the winter. ‘Due to the tapster at the Red Lyon for Capt. Lawrence's troopers, as followeth, from October 13 till February 12, 1643, 5l. 8s. 2d.’ The signature of ‘Adam Lawrence’ is appended. See also Tangye, , Two Protectors, p. 101Google Scholar.

^{page 31 note 3} Reliquiæ Baxterianæ.

^{page 31 note 4} Report on the Duke of Portland's MSS., i. 459.

^{page 28 note 2} ‘November 30, 1643, paid to Edmund Rolph, Colonell Cromwell his man, towards his charges, being sent by his colonell in the state service, 2l.’ Rolfe, is mentioned as cornet in 08 1644Google Scholar. On the accusation brought against him in 1648 see the old Parliamentary History, xvii. 243, 259, 268, 274,401: xviii. 293; xxii. 354, 357.

^{page 32 note 1} In this letter Cromwell evidently calculates the troop of horse as 80 men.

^{page 32 note 2} See Mercurius Aulicus, August 3, 1643.

^{page 32 note 3} Captain Swallow borrowed 184l. 17s. for the use of his troops from a relative, Richard Swallow. There was also paid on October 18, 1643, by the treasurer of the county of Norfolk, , ‘To Capt. Ro. Swallow and Mr. Sol. Camby his lieutenant by warrant of the deputy lieutenants at the request of Col. Cromwell.’ Tanner MSS., lxviGoogle Scholar. 9 G.

^{page 32 note 4} ‘Occurrences of Certain Special and Remarkable Passages,’ January 5–12, 1644. Another paper, ‘Certain Information,’ for August 29, 1643, says that on August 23, the ‘Virgin Troop,’ raised by the maids of Norwich, went out upon some design, ‘a brave company of about 80 men, honest men and good soldiers, their captain one Master Swallow’ (quoted by Mason, , History of Norfolk, p. 292Google Scholar).

^{page 32 note 5} There were two other Bethells in the Parliamentary army, Walter Bethell, a major in Col. Horton's regiment in the New Model, and Col. Hugh Bethell, who served under the Fairfaxes in the army of the Northern Association, and assisted Monck in bringing about the Restoration.

^{page 33 note 1} John Pitchford as Bethell's lieutenant, and Thoma Watkinson as his quarter-master, attest bills for the purchase of horses in April 1644. In Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1655, pp. 284, 332, a petition of Captain Richard Pechell is calendared which states that he served under Bethell in Cromwell's regiment, and was his executor. Pechell was perhaps Bethell's cornet.

^{page 33 note 2} Reliquiæ Baxterianæ, p. 53.

^{page 33 note 3} Ibid. p. 55; Sprigge, , Anglia Rediviva, pp. 126, 153Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 4} Margery certainly had. In February 1645 h'S troop contained 112 men, and was the largest in the regiment.

^{page 34 note 1} Letter xvi, mentions Cornet Boalry as one of Margery's officers.

^{page 35 note 1} Life of Col. Hutchinson, ed. 1885, i. 168, 199, 232.

^{page 35 note 2} Manchester's Quarrel with Cromwell, p. 73; cf. Carlyle's, Cromwell, Letter xxiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 35 note 3} A warrant for the payment of Ireton's troop is amongst the papers of the Ely Committee:

'These are to require you forthwith out [of] the treasure in your hands to pay to Sarj.-Maj. Henry Ireton the summe of seventye pounds upon accompt towards the paye of his troope and officers, and also the summe of thirtye pounds to bee by him payd over to Capt. Gervase Lomax upon accompt towards the pay of his foote company and officers: Hereof fayle not at your perill, and this shall bee your warrant.

'Given under my hand this 3rd daye of October 1643.

'Oliver Cromwell.

‘To Robert Brown, Deputy Treasurer of Ely.’

The letter is endorsed with a receipt showing that the money was paid on October 6. It is only signed by Cromwell, and apparently was written by Ireton.

^{page 35 note 4} In an account of the pay due to himself for his services in Manchester's army Ireton gives the date of his commission as June 25, 1644.

^{page 35 note 5} It is a question whether there may not have been another troop attached to the regiment. In the Calendar of State Papers for 1654 appears a petition presented on behalf of a MajorPoe, William to the Protector (p. 421)Google Scholar. It recites that by commissions from Cromwell, the Earl of Manchester, and Lord Grey of Wark, William Poe and his brother Anthony served in Cromwell's regiment in the Associated Counties as captain and lieutenant from 21 February 1642–3 to 19 April 1646, and disbursed therein 3201l. 14s. 4d, which they pray to be paid. They refer to an order of Parliament of December 10, 1646.

The accounts of the County of Norfolk, show that Poe collected 401l in that county during 1643, ‘which if it were for the use of his troop the County of Suffolk is to answer that sum out of their treasury’ (Tanner MSS., lxii. 348)Google Scholar. Poe, was ordered to be arrested and his troop disarmed in 02 1645(Commons' Journals, iv. 64)Google Scholar. It is evident that by that time his troop was not part of Cromwell's regiment, whatever it may have been originally. See also on Poe, , 8th Rept. Hist. MSS. Comm., ii. 62Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 1} Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter xiii.

^{page 36 note 2} Husbands, ii. 526. The strength of the troop of horse in the New Model was fixed at 100 originally.

^{page 36 note 3} The following is a summary of the strength of 11 troops of Cromwell's regiment on February 20, 1644–5, and the sum Paid each troop as a fortnight's pay:

Lieut.-Gen.'s own troop, lieut., cornet, 2 corporals, 81 troopers: paid 164l. 14s. 4d.

Capt. Bethell's troop, capt., lieut., cornet, quartermaster, surgeon, I trumpet, I corporal, 79 troopers: paid 189l. 4s.

Capt., Lawrence's troop, capt., lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 3 corporals, 2 trumpeters, 95 men: paid 220l. 8s.

Capt. Margery's troop, lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 2 trumpeters, 3 corporals, 112 troopers: paid 239l. 15s.

Capt. Swallow's troop, capt., lieut., quartermaster, 3 corporals, 2 trumpeters, 70 troopers: paid, 168l. 18s. 4d.

Capt. Browne's troop, lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 3 corporals, 2 trumpeters, 88 troopers: paid, 208l. 9s. 4d.

Capt. Packer's troop, lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 3 corporals, 1 trumpeter, 80 troopers: paid, 192l. 7s. 4d.

Capt. Horseman's troop, lieut., quartermaster, cornet, 2 corporals, 2 trumpeters, 51 troopers: paid, 141l. 12s. 4d.

Major Desborough's troop, lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 3 corporals, I trumpeter, 97 troopers: paid, 203l. 4s. 8d.

Lieut.-Col. Whalley's troop, lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 2 corporals, I trumpeter, surgeon, marshall, 88 troopers: paid, 214l. 13s. 0d.

Capt. Berry's troop, lieut., cornet, quartermaster, 2 corporals, trumpeter, surgeon, 73 troopers: paid, 180l. 16s. 4d.

Three other troops of horse belonging to Manchester's army were mustered with Cromwell's men, viz. those of Capts. Huntington, Hammond, and Sir John Norwich, numbering 67, 62, and 77 troopers respectively.—Exchequer Papers.

^{page 37} Heath, , in his Flagellum, p. 29Google Scholar, describing Marston Moor, speaks of ‘Cromwell with his Associated horse, most of them cuirassiers.’ Fletcher, in his Life of Cromwell, describes him as arming his men, ‘cap a pe, after the manner of the German crabats.’ But both used technical terms very loosely. Ross, Colonel argues that ‘when first raised, Cromwell's own troop was a body of cuirassiers proper,' that the horse of the Association, following this pattern, were most of them of this class of horse, but that when incorporated in the New Model they were transformed into a species of modified cuirassier horsemen, who, offensively armed as cuirassiers, no longer retained the heavy armour of cuirassiers proper’ (Oliver Cromwell and his Ironsides, p. 24)Google Scholar. But, as stated above, Cromwell's original troop were not cuirassiers proper, and there is no evidence for this supposed change in the armament of the horse at the formation of the New Model.

^{page 38 note 1} The lifeguards of general officers were usually cuirassiers; cf. Ludlow Memoirs, i. 44; Haslerig's, regiment consisted of cuirassiers (Clarendon Rebellion, vii. 104, 118Google Scholar; viii. 13). In the first passage it is said of Haslerig's regiment, ‘they were called by the other side the regiment of lobsters, because of their bright iron shells with which they were covered, being perfect cuirassiers, and were the first seen so armed on either side.’ Cuirassiers, , according to Brief Instructions for the Exercising of the Cavalry, by , J. B., 1661Google Scholar, were ‘neglected in our late English wars,’ though ‘some few troops of cuirassiers were in use at the first, but afterwards reduced, and the charge saved.’ (Quoted by Ross, Col. on p. 22 of Cromwell and the IronsidesGoogle Scholar.)

^{page 38 note 2} Ante, p. 20, note.

^{page 38 note 3} On the origin of Harquebusiers, see Scott, S. D. Sir, The British Army, ii. 267Google Scholar. The mounted harquebusier, according to Cruso's, Military Instructions for the Cavalry, 1632Google Scholar, ‘must have the harquebuse of two foot and a half long (the bore of 17 bullets in the pound), resting in’ [hanging on] ‘a belt by a swivell, a flask, and touch-box.’

^{page 38 note 4} Exchequer Papers.

^{page 38 note 5} On July 19, 1645, 3,100 swords and belts were bought for the New Model at 4s. 6d. apiece. In 1644 1,000 swords and belts for Manchester's army cost 6s. apiece. These were probably in both cases for infantry.

^{page 39 note 1} Exchequer Papers. On January 14, 1643–4, Col. Valentine Walton contracted with three London merchants for armour for 800 harquebusiers, consisting of ‘a breastplate (high pistol proof), a backe, and a pott headpeece with three barres,’ at 33s. per head. Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Rep. ii. 66.

^{page 39 note 2} A bill for arms for Manchester's army, dated April 6, 1664, includes 170 saddles and furniture at 20s. apiece, and 50 troop saddles with furniture for the New Model on July 2, 1645, cost 16s. 6d. apiece (Exchequer Papers, 31). On the other hand, in May 1643 the Norfolk Committee paid 20l. for 10 great saddles for Captain Wild.

^{page 39 note 3} A Parliamentary ordinance passed May 10, 1643, authorising Col. James Maleverer to raise a regiment of harquebusiers, estimates the cost of the soldiers' arms at 315l. per troop of 63, i.e. at 5l. per trooper. Husbands, , Ordinances, ii. 163Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 4} Cal. State Papers, Dom, . 1641–1643, p. 363Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 5} Markham, in his Souldier's Accidence, writing in 1643Google Scholar, speaks of ‘harque-bushes, which are now out of use with us.’

^{page 39 note 6} In the account for arms supplied for the use of Manchester's army, carbines are hardly ever mentioned: and though the Norfolk Committee bought 41 in April 1643, it is evident that the purchase was exceptional. Perhaps a single troop in Manchester's army, or an occasional officer, may have had carbines, but they were evidently not in ordinary use. Amongst the English army in Ireland, where cavalry was employed more to perform the functions of dragoons, firelocks, carbines, or musketoons were frequently used.

^{page 40 note 1} As to Cromwell's, regiment there is an entry in the Commons' Journals for 10 4, 1644Google Scholar: ‘Ordered that 300 pair of pistols with holsters, 100 heads, 100 backs, and 100 breasts be forthwith provided and sent to Lieut.-Gen. Cromwell to arm his regiment.’ No mention is made of carbines. As to the Association cavalry in general, see the description given by Symonds, in his Diary (p. 231)Google Scholar of the armament of the horse encountered in a skirmish at Huntingdon in 1645, who all had ' back and breast, headpiece, and brace of pistols,' but no other firearms are mentioned. Ross, Colonel, commenting on this passage, says, ‘Defensively, therefore, they carried no more armour than harquebusiers should wear, and yet in offensive arms they lacked the carbine which was a distinguishing feature of that trooper's armament’ (Cromwell and his Ironsides, p. 24)Google Scholar. This is true not only of the particular body of horse referred to by Symonds, but of Cromwell's regiment and Manchester's cavalry in general.

^{page 40 note 2} Husbands, ii. 73; see p. 39, note 3.

^{page 41 note 1} Exchequer Papers.

^{page 41 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 41 note 3} Husbands, i. 339, 358, 456, 773.

^{page 41 note 4} Ibid. ii. 275. The horse so raised were to be under the command of Manchester, and the ordinance of August 10, appointing him to raise a distinct army, may have superseded this.

^{page 42 note 1} ‘And it is also Ordained, that the respective Deputy Lieutenants, Committees, and persons imployed by them of the Counties of Huntingdon, Cambridge, and Isle of Ely, doe deliver the Horses of their severall Counties, unto the said Earl of Manchester, or in his absence to Collonell Oliver Cromwell, appointed hereby to command the said Horse under the said Earle of Manchester, and to Train and Exercise them, and to imploy them for the defence of the said Counties as cause shall require, untill such time as further Order shall be taken by the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament. And it is further Ordained, That the said Earle, or the said Collonel Cromwell, shall give in writing under his hand a perfect List of the number of Horses and Armes hee receives of the severall Counties; for the which Horse and Armes, the severall Counties and persons who furnish the same, shall have the Publiquefaith for repayment and satisfaction.’ Husbands, , Ordinances, ii. 277Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 2} Cromwell's letter to Mr. Barnard (Letter iv. in Carlyle's Cromwell) refers to this when speaking of sending a party to visit Barnard, and, hinting his suspicions of Barnard's loyalty to the Parliament, he concludes: ‘Be assured, fair words from me shall neither deceive you of your horses nor of your liberty’. Carlyle prints ‘houses,’ missing thus the point of the postscript.

^{page 43 note 3} April 25, 1643.

An Additionall Ordinance for seizing horsesand goods of Malignants according to a former Ordinance.

Whereas Authority was formerly given by Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament to Collonel Oliver Crumwell and others for the seizingof the Persons, Horses, Armes, Money and Plate, of Malignants and ill affected persons within the County of Cambridge, the Isle of Ely, and other Counties, Cities, and places in the said Ordinance mentioned. It is now further Ordeyned by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, that the said Collonel Crumwell, and other the Committees and Deputy-Lieutenants in the said Ordinance mentioned, as also Captain Charles Fleetwood, Captaine Edward Walley, and Captaine John Disborrough, or any two or more of them, together with any of the said Committees or Deputy-Lieutenants formerly appointed, shall have the like power and authority for the seizing of Horses, Armes, Money or Plate, the same to be disposed of, used and employed to the same uses, as in the said Ordinance is specified, upon accompt thereof to be made to both Houses of Parliament, or such asthey shall appoint; And that they and every of them for so doing shall be protected and saved harmlesse by the Power and Authority of both Houses of Parliament. Husbands, , Ordinances, ii. 44, 155Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 2} On March 21, 1643, Captain Whalley was called into the House of Lords, ‘being sent for to know why he seized the horses of the Earl of Carlisle, andspoke words that his lordship was a malignant. He said, “Coming to New-market, he was told by a constable that the Earl of Carlisle was a malignant, and that he had horses there. Upon this he seized the horses of the Earl of Carlisle, which he acknowledged he was too hastyin, and craved their lordships' pardon for the same, and professed his good affection to the Parliament’. The Earl of Carlisle moved the House, that what concerns him their lordships would please to remit; but desired that the constable that told him his lordship was a malignant, may be sent for, and the witnesses that heard him say so. Which the House ordered accordingly. The said Captain Whalley was called in, and told, in regard of his good service done tothe Parliament, and upon the mediation of the Earl of Carlisle, this House is willing to pass by what he hath hastily done; but do enjoin him to deliver in the name of the constable and the witnesses to this House'. — Lords’ Journal, v. 656.

^{page 44 note 1} Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter xvi.

^{page 45 note 1} Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter xviii.

^{page 45 note 2} Bates, Elenchus.

^{page 45 note 3} Vicars, , God's Ark, p. 45Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 1} Ashe, Simeon, Relation of Newbury, 1644, p. 6Google Scholar. I have quoted these passages before in an article on Cromwells Views on Sport, published in Macmillan's Magazine for October 1894, but it seems necessary to cite them once more, at the risk of repetition, in order to show Cromwell as a cavalry officer.

^{page 46 note 2} At the Committee for the Association. ‘These are to certifie that John Barfoote of Eltisley had a horse taken from him by Captain Jenkins for the service of the King and Parliament, and left with the said John Barfoote two poore horses in his sted, which hee is quietly to enjoy. But if in case that one of the said poore horses doe chance to dye of the disease he is nowe sick on, then wee thinke fitt that 30 shillings of lawful money shall be paid to the said John Barfoote toward the recompense of his losse’. This is dated March 22, 164¾, and signed by Manchester and eight other Committee men. Appended is a certificate that the horse is dead, and that Barfoote, was paid his thirty shillings on 05 11, 1644 (Exchequer Papers, Bundle 223)Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 1} Cromwell eventually borrowed 100l. or 115l. at Nottingham for the payment of these Essex men. Bailey, , Annals of Notts, ii. 682Google Scholar; cf. 7th Rep. Hist, MSS. Comm., p. 557.

^{page 47 note 2} Commons' Journal, iii. 193.

^{page 48 note 1} Letter xvii.

^{page 48 note 2} An account appended to this gives the following items as received by Col. Cromwell in Norfolk and from Norfolk Committee:

In another account (Tanner MSS., lxvi. I) the Committee mention a further payment made to Cromwell later, making a total of 1, 068l.

1643, May 22, to Col. Cromwell wch was sent by Major Sherwood 400l.

I cannot explain this discrepancy in the totals.

^{page 48 note 3} Tanner MSS., lxii. 349.

^{page 49 note 1} Husbands, , Ordinances, ii. 285Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 1} There are hundreds of bills for quarters and provisions in existence, but the following petition illustrates the subject discussed and is of more personal interest:

'Petition of Robert Coulson of Sleaford, co. Lincoln, to Lieutenant-General Cromwell.

‘At your worships last coming against Lincoln, Major Moore, Captain Bury, Captain Swallow, Captain Walton, and others, with their troops, were quartered in and about Sleaford, and 14 waggon loads of petitioners hay were eaten up by the horses. Your worship gave order that the hay should be prized and paid for, and accordingly it was valued at 7l., yet petitioner is ordered to pay 7l. to the [County] Committee.’

Endorsed.—‘The within mentioned 7l. to be charged on Colonel Cromwell's troop.’

Cal. 1625–1649, Addenda, , p. 689Google Scholar.

^{page 51 note 1} Commons' Journals, iii. 193.

^{page 51 note 2} Husbands, , Ordinances, ii. 414Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 1} Exchequer Papers.

^{page 54 note 1} Exchequer Papers.

^{page 54 note 2} Cal. State Papers, Dom, ., Addenda, , 1625–1649, p. 667Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 3} Exchequer Papers.

^{page 54 note 4} Ibid.

^{page 55 note 1} The following account shows the cost of burying those of the wounded who did not recover:—

'Moneyexpended by Anthony Solomon, a trooper in Lieut.-Generall Cromwell his troope, by him expended and ordered to be audited by the Committee:

both of Lieut.-Generall Cromwell's owne troope.'

^{page 55 note 2} Reliquæ Baxterianæ, pp. 51, 57.

^{page 56 note 1} 'Gentlemen,—If I have found any respect or favour from you, or may any wayes seeme to deserve any, I intreate you most earnestly and as for myselfe, that you will pay to Doctor Wells, and to Mr. William Sedgwick the money which the Earle of Manchester hath given them a warrant to receive. I am inform'd that moneyes are not very plentifull with you. Howbeit I intreate you to doe that for my sake, and for their sakes that should have it. For let me speake freely, whatsover the world may iudge they doe fully deserve what I desire for them. I have not been often troublesome to you, I have studyed to deserve the good opinion of honest men, amongst which number, As I have cause to account you, Soe I hope I have the like esteeme with you, which I desire you to testify by fulfilling this my request, giveing you the assurance of his unfained friendship, who is,

'Yor very loveing freind,

'Oliver Cromwell.

'London, Jan. 17th, 1644.

‘Dorso.—To the Sequestrators of the Isle of Ely, these.’—State Pafers, Dom, ., Chas, I, vol. 539, No. 256Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 2} Lilbtirne's Innocency and Truth Justified, 1645, p. 40.

^{page 57 note 1} Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter xvii.

^{page 57 note 2} Manchester's Quarrel tuith Cromwell, p. 59.

^{page 57 note 3} His name is given in the accounts for 1644.

^{page 58 note 1} Quoted in Kingston's, Civil War in East Anglia, p. 110Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 2} Quoted in Cromwelliana, p. 5.

^{page 58 note 3} Commons' Journals, iv. 20, 46. See also Gardiner, , Great Civil War, ii. 128, 178Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 1} Cal. State Papers, Dom, ., 1644–1645, 278, 291Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 2} Perfect Diurnal, January 30, 1645.

^{page 60 note 1} E. p. 131. Perfect Passages.

^{page 60 note 2} Commons' Journals, iv. 42, 56. The order to pay Cromwell's regiment was repeated on February 20, showing it had not been obeyed. On the same day the money was paid to Captain Berry on behalf of the regiment, but as the payment probably took place at the headquarters of the Association at Cambridge, the news could scarcely have reached either the House or the regiment. See p. 36, ante.

^{page 60 note 3} Whitacre's Diary; Add. MSS., 31, 116, f. 195; cf. Commons' Journals, iv. 60.

^{page 60 note 4} Diary of Sir S. D'Ewes; Harleian MSS., 166, f. 179.

^{page 61 note 1} Commons'Journals, iv. 63; cf. Cal. State Papers, Dom, ., 1644–1645, pp. 323, 331Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 2} ‘Perfect Occurrences,’ December 9, 1644, reprinted in Cromwelliana, p. 12.

^{page 61 note 3} It is difficult to see how Cromwell could have been much quicker, seeing that his three troops had to be got together, and preparations made for the expedition, but the Committee of Both Kingdoms and the House of Commons alike thought he was unnecessarily slow.—Cal. State Papers, Dom, ., 1644–1645, p. 334Google Scholar; Commons' Journals, iv. 67.

^{page 62 note 1} Perfect Diurnal, March 17–24; Cromwelliana, p. 13.

^{page 62 note 2} The Moderate Intelligencer, 13–20, March 1645.

^{page 62 note 3} Cf. Sprigge, , Anglia Rediviva, p. 11, ed. 1854Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 1} Reliquiæ Baxterianæ, p. 49. In Cromwell's letter to Fairfax, April 24, 1645, in relating his victory near Islip, he says: 'I drew forth your Honour's regiment lately mine own against the enemy … and commanded your Honour's own troop therein to charge a squadron of the enemy.

^{page 63 note 2} Sprigge, , Anglia Rediviva, p. 331Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 3} Henry Cannon and William Evanson. The latter is mentioned by Baxter as one of Cromwell's, original regiment, Reliquiæ Baxterianæ, pp. 51, 98Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 4} Thomas Ireton was severely wounded at the siege of Bristol, became in 1647 Quartermaster-General, and died governor of Landguard Fort in June 1652.—Sprigge, , Anglia Rediviva, 118, 121Google Scholar; Clarke Papers, i. 223; Leslie, , History of Landguard Fort, p. 92Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 5} The criticisms of the ‘Squire Papers,’ published by DrGardiner, and MrRye, Walter in the English Historical Review for 1886, pp. 517, 744Google Scholar, conclusively disprove their authenticity.

^{page 64 note 1} Ross, Lieutenant-Colonel W. G. in a pamphlet on Cromwell and his Iron-sides, published in 1889Google Scholar, proves this at length. Amongst other things he shows (p. 12) that no such officer as an ‘auditor’ was attached to any English regiments of the Civil War period: a statement which is fully confirmed by the army accounts.

^{page 64 note 2} This list is ‘scrap 2’ in Carlyle's appendix on the Squire Papers. ‘The names of the original Ironside captains, well worth preserving indeed!’ adds Carlyle. Of the forty-two names given in the list only eight (or possibly nine) are identical with the names of officers who actually served in Cromwell's regiment. The names of three of these eight were derived from Baxter's account of the regiment, the names of the other five were provided by Cromwell's genuine letters, already printed by Carlyle.

^{page 64 note 3} ‘Scrap 4’ in Carlyle's appendix.

^{page 64 note 4} The Two Protectors, p. 66.

^{page 65 note 1} English Historical Review, 1886, p. 313. There are some variations in the spelling and signature of the two versions.

^{page 65 note 2} Ibid. pp. 317, 318. The letter appears in its third state in Carlyle's, appendix on the ‘Squire Papers’ as letter No. xiGoogle Scholar., with the omission of the suspicious phrase ‘in Co. Suffolk.’

^{page 65 note 3} Ibid. 1886, p. 752.

^{page 66 note 1} Berry was not a captain in March 1643, when this letter is supposed to be written.

^{page 68 note 1} Tanner MSS., lxii. 205.

^{page 69 note 1} Tanner MSS., Ixii. 208.

^{page 70 note 1} Hole in MS.

^{page 70 note 2} Illegible through folding of the paper.

^{page 71 note 1} Tanner MSS., lxii. 224.

^{page 72 note 1} Tanner MSS., lxii. 232.