^{page 111 note 1} All dates are according to the New Style.

^{page 111 note 2} Macaulay, T. B., History of England (World's Classics ed.), v. 469–74;Google ScholarStanhope, Earl, History of England, 1701–1713 (1870), p. 29Google Scholar; Lodge, R., History of England, 1660–1714 (1910), pp. 434–46Google Scholar; Ogg, D., Europe in the Seventeenth Century (1925), p.267Google Scholar; Trevelyan, G. M., England under Queen Anne, i (1930), pp. 134–5Google Scholar; Reddaway, W. F., History of Europe, 1610–1715 (1948), p. 396Google Scholar; Saint-Léger, A. de and Sagnac, P., La preponderance francaise, 1661–1715 (vol. x of ‘Peuples et Civilisations’, Paris, 1935), p. 421Google Scholar, repeating the opinion already expressed by the former in Histoire de France (ed. Lavisse, E., viii, part ii, Paris, 1908)Google Scholar; Méhivier, H., Louis XIV (Paris, 1950), P. 78Google Scholar. Preclin, MM. E. and Tapie, V. L. in Le XVII siècle (Paris, 1949) are comparatively mild in their censures of Louis XIV; see pp. 355–6;Google ScholarBourgeois, E. in his Manuel historique de lapolitique itrangere (vol. i, 4th ed., Paris, 1906)Google Scholarcondemns Louis; see pp. 109–12, 232 sqq.

^{page 112 note 1} Legrelle, A., La diplomatie franfaise et la Succession d'Espagne, iv (Gand, 1892), pp. 5–173Google Scholar; Andre, L., Louis XIV et Europe (Paris, 1950), p. 304Google Scholar; Pinon, R., in vol. ix, Histoire diplomatique (Paris, 1929)Google Scholar, of G. Hanotaux, Histoire de la nation franfaise, is on the whole favourable to Louis, though he does not abstain from criticism; see pp. 264–6. SirClark, George, The Later Stuarts (Oxford, 1934), argues that Louis made certain blunders, but that it was not strange that he made them; see pp. 186 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 112 note 2} Zeller, M. G. makes some interesting remarks on Louis's character in ‘Politique extèrieure et diplomatie sous Louis XIV’, Revue a”histoire moderne, vi (1931). 124 sqqCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 112 note 3} Hippeau, C., Avènement des Bourbons au troône d'Espagne (2 vols. Paris, 1875)Google Scholar, prints the correspondence with Harcourt; that with Tallard may largely be found in Legrelle, op. cit., vols. ii–iii; in Reynald, H., Louis XIV et Guillaume III (2 vols. Paris, 1883)Google Scholar; and, in translation, in Grimblot, P., Letters of William III, Louis XIV, and of their Ministers (2 vols., 1848). Transcripts of Tallard's despatches are in P.R.O., Transcripts 3Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 1} Legrelle, , op. cit., ii. 363Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 1} For the treaties see Legrelle, , op. cit., vols. ii and iiiGoogle Scholar; Hippeau, op. cit.; Reynald, op. cit.; Klopp, O., Der Fall des Houses Stuart (14 vols. Vienna, 1875–1888), vols. viii and ixGoogle Scholar; Gaedeke, A., Die Politik Oesterreicks in der Spanischen Erbfolgfrage (2 vols. Leipzig, 1877)Google Scholar; Antal, G. H. van and de Pater, I. C. H., Weensche Gezantschapsberickten van 1670 to 1720 (2 vols. The Hague, 1929–1934), ii. 27 sqq.Google Scholar; Kramer, F. J. L., Archives de la maison d'Orange-Nassau (3rd series. 3 vols., Leiden, 1907–1909)Google Scholar, vols. ii and iii.

^{page 115 note 2} The documents printed by Gaedeke amply illustrate this point; see alsoLandau, M., Geschichte Kaiser Karls VI als König von Spanien (Stuttgart, 1889), pp. 58 sqq.Google Scholar;Feldüge des Prinfen Eugen von Savoyen (20 vols. Vienna, 1876–1892), iii. 358Google Scholar, a pitiful revelation of incompetence.

^{page 116 note 1} For the making of the will see Adalbert, Prince of Bavaria, , Das Ende der Habsburger in Spanien, ii (Munich, 1929), 198 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 116 note 2} Adalbert, Prince of Bavaria, and Gamazo, G. Maura, ‘Documentos referentes a las postrimerias de la Casa de Austria en España’, Boletin de la Real Academia de Historia cvi. 620–1; Relaiioni degli Stati Europei…dagli Ambasciatori Vemti nel Secolo Decimosettimo. Spagna, ii (Venice, 1860), pp. 697–703, illustrate feeling in Madrid and confirm French reportsGoogle Scholar.

^{page 115 note 3} Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 44 sqq.Google Scholar;Lamberty, G. de, Mémoires pour servir à. l'histoire du xviii^e siècle (2nd ed. 14 vols. The Hague, 1724–1940), i. 221 sqq.Google Scholar;de Closeburn, E. Kirkpatrick, Les renonciations des Bourbons et la Succession d'Espagne (Paris, 1907), pp. 151, 168Google Scholar.

^{page 116 note 4} Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 299–300Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 5} Most of the evidence bearing on Louis's decision is collected inLegrelle, , op. cit., ivGoogle Scholar. chap, i; see also de Dangeau, Marquis, Journal (19 vols. Paris, 1854–1866), vii. 415–16Google Scholar; Landosle, H. de, Vauban. Lettres intimes (Paris, 1924), pp. 49–50Google Scholar; and Peres, D., A Diplomacia Portuguesa e a Successo de Espanha, 1700–1704 (Barcelos, 1931), pp. 32, 33Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 1} Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 2} Kramer, , op. cit. iii. 235, 252Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 3} Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 299. Vauban at first thought the acceptance of the will would avert war; seeGoogle ScholarLandosle, , op. cit. p. 100Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 4} Hippeau, , op. cit. ii. 391, 433, 448, 456Google Scholar;Recueil des Instructions donnies aux Ambassadeurs de France. Hollande, ii (Paris, 1923), 21, 43.Google Scholarde la Tremoille, Due,Madame des Ursins et la Succession d'Espagne, ii (Nantes, 1903)Google Scholar,

^{page 117 note 5} The same view was taken by Fénelon and Vauban. See Fénelon, , Euvres, xxii (Paris, 1824), 486, andGoogle ScholarLandosle, , op. cit., p. 108Google Scholar. Gualtieri, the nuncio in Paris, held it too; see Add. MSS. 20269, fos. 78V–79r.

^{page 118 note 1} Reynald, , op. cit., ii. 337Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 2} Printed in Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 404–7Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 3} Arneth, A., ‘Hauptbericht des Grafen P. L. von Sinzendorff’, Archhv fur Kunde Oesterreichischer Geschichtsquellen, xiii. 50–1Google Scholar; Kramer, , op. cit., iii. 334Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 1} The relevant article of the will is No. 13; see Legrelle, , op. cit., iii. 718–19Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 2} Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 322–4Google Scholar. Shortly afterwards the nuncio was informed of the protest; see Add. MSS. 20268, fo. 122.

^{page 119 note 3} de Saint-Simon, Duc, Memoires, ed. Boislisle, (41 vols. Paris, 1879–1928), ix. 33–4Google Scholar; Baudrillart, A., Philippe V et la Cow de France (5 vols. Paris, 1890–1901), i. 45Google Scholar, and ii. 18 sqq.

^{page 119 note 4} Lafuente, M., Historia general de España, xii (Barcelona, 1922),330Google Scholar;Saint-Simon, , op. cit., viii. 299–300;Google ScholarHippeau, , op. cit. ii. 310Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 1} Legrelle, , op. cit. iv. 103Google Scholar; Byvoegsels en aanmerkingen voor het zeventiende deel der Vaderlandsche Historie van Jan Wagenaar (Amsterdam, 1795), 21–3Google Scholar; Kramer, , op. cit. iii. 300Google Scholar; Riezler, S., Geschichte Bayerns, vii (Gotha, 1913), 413–14Google Scholar; Pirenne, H., Histoire de Belgique, v (Brussels, 1920), 46Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 2} de Vault, F. E. and Pelet, J. G., Memoires militaires relatifs à la Succession d'Espagne (11 vols. Paris, 1835–1864), i. 5 sqq., 433 sqq.Google Scholar; Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 307, 342, 360–1, 411–12, 469Google Scholar;Legrelle, , op. cit. iv. 100 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 120 note 3} Raa, F. J. G. Ten, Het Staatsche Leger, vii (The Hague, 1950), 151 sqq., 208 sqq., 351 sqq.Google Scholar; Jonge, M. J. C. de, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Zeewesen, iii (2nd ed. Haarlem, 1860), 560 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 120 note 4} There are accounts in Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 77 sqq., and inGoogle ScholarKlopp, , op. cit., ix. 187 sqq.Google Scholar; Krämer prints the correspondence of William and Heinsius, which makes their policy plain. Lamberty, op. cit., reprints some important documents.

^{page 121 note 5} Picavet, C. G., La Diplomatic franfaise au temps de Louis XIV (Paris, 1930), p. 175: ‘Négocier en tout temps est pour Louis XIV un principe essentiel.’Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 1} Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 330 sqq.Google Scholar; La Tremoille, , op. cit., ii. 56–65, 79, 107Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 2} Klopp, , op. cit., ix. 245–6Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 3} Baudrillart, , op. cit., i. 70Google Scholar; Memoires du Marquis de Louville, i (Paris, 1818), 163Google Scholar; Scelle, G., La traite negriere auxlndes de Castille, ii (Paris, 1906), 83 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 121 note 4} Saint-Simon, , op. cit., ii. 223, 458–68Google Scholar; Landosle, , op. cit., p. 86Google Scholar.

^{page 122 note 1} Lamberty, , op. cit., i. 390Google Scholar; Saint-Simon, , op. cit., viii. 246–7 and 595–7Google Scholar; Cole, C., Memoirs of Affairs of State (London, 1733), pp. 279, 333–5Google Scholar. Cole prints the correspondence of Manchester during his embassy in Paris. See alsoCorrespondence des Controleurs Gene'raux avec les Intendants, ed. de Boislisle, A. M., ii (Paris, 1883), 504–8Google Scholar.

^{page 122 note 2} Lamberty, , op. cit., i. 403 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 122 note 3} Krämer, , op. cit., iii. 415 sqq.Google Scholar; Cole, , op. cit., p. 346Google Scholar.

^{page 122 note 4} de Sourches, Marquis, Mémoires (13 vols. Paris, 1882–1893), vii. 39–40Google Scholar; Dangeau, , op. cit., viii. 67–8Google Scholar; Kramer, , op. cit., iii. 490Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 1} Feldzüuge des Prinen Eugen, iii. 63.

^{page 123 note 2} Hippeau, , op. cit., ii. 485–6Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 3} There was a large deficit in 1699; the imminence of war and the consequent expenditure made it much larger. According to a rough calculation, expenditure on the forces rose from 55 million livres in 1700 to 104 million in 1701. See Correspondance des Controleurs Généraux, ii. 472–3, 579 sqq. Saint-Germain, J., Les financiers sous Louis XIV (Paris, 1950), p. 58Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 4} P.R.O. Transcripts 3, 187, fo. 333V. Tallard's despatch of 3 March 1701.

^{page 123 note 6} d'Auriac, J., ‘Le Marquis de Chamlay’, Revue Historique, ixx (1899), 301 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 124 note} Vault, and Pelet, , op. cit., i. 648 sqq.Google Scholar; Esnault's, G. Michel Chamillan (2 vols. Paris, 1885)Google Scholarcontains four memoranda of Chamlay dated February 1702 which embody criticisms of Louis's policy in 1701; see i. 104 sqq.

^{page 124 note 2} Auerbach, B., La France et le Saint Empire (Paris, 1912), pp. 254 sqq.Google Scholar; Vault, and Pelet, , op. cit., i. 119, 141, 498Google Scholar; La Tre'moille, , op. cit., ii. 24, 25Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 3} Ennen, L., Der spanische Erbfolgkrieg und der Churfurst Joseph Clemens von Coin (Jena, 1851), pp. 52 sqq.Google Scholar; Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 216 sqq.Google Scholar;Riezler, , op. cit., vii. 467 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 24 note 4} Felaüge des Prinzen Eugen, iii. 131 sqq.

^{page 125 ntoe 1} Fenelon deplored the recall of Avaux as unduly provocative; his opinion is all the more interesting because he was opposed to any cession of Spanish territory. See Euvres, xxii. 471–2.

^{page 125 note 2} Cole, , op. cit., 419Google Scholar. Manchester to Blathwayt, 16 September: 'There is now in the press an edict to prohibit all trade with England, but, that it may not look like a declaration of war, they do permit the bringing in of beer, syder, glass bottles, and wool.' The edict was published in October.

^{page 125 note 3} Though apparently there were some restraints on Dutch trade; at least the Dutch complained of them in their declaration of war.

^{page 125 note 4} Langlois, M., Madame de Maintenon. Lettres, v (Paris, 1939)Google Scholar, 603. Maintenon to Noailles, 1 September, 1701: ‘II (sc. the King) a rayé ce qu'il croit qu'il vaudrait mieux oster pour ne rien exciter en Angleterre et ne leur donner aucun pretexte de se plaindre.’

^{page 126 note 1} Grimblot, , op. cit., ii. 277 and 299Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 2} William admitted this in a circular sent to foreign courts protesting at the recognition of the Pretender. See de Flassan, Count G. R., Histoire de la diplomatic franfaise, iv (Paris, 1809), 207–8Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 3} Sourches, , op. cit., vii. 31, 85, 113, 117.Google Scholar; Dangeau, , op. cit., viii. 139,145. More detailed information about James's health is to be found in Add. MSS. 20268, which contains the despatches of Gualtieri, the nuncio in Paris, to the Cardinal Secretary of State for the year 1701Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 4} Dangeau, , op. cit., viii. 174Google Scholar, 186, 222, 226, 232; Sourches, op. cit., vii. 88, no, 137–9, 148, 183,238.

^{page 126 note 5} Boislisle has collected much of the evidence in his edition of Saint-Simon, ix. 286–92 and 433–5; see also Cole, , op. cit., 415 sqq.Google Scholar, and Gualtieri's ‘Relazione della Morte del Re Brittannico’ in Add. MSS. 20268, fos. 337–42. Manchester said Louis's ministers were opposed to recognition, but that the dauphin and Madame de Maintenon were for it. Gualtieri said Louis had gone against the advice of his ministers, or, at least, that of the majority, but that the princes of the blood, especially Burgundy, had been in favour of recognition; of Madame de Maintenon Gualtieri says nothing.

^{apge 126 note 8} In her letters William is always called ‘le Prince d'Orange’.

^{page 127 note 1} Add. MSS. 20268, fo. 340r. In his despatch to the pope of 16 September 1701, Gualtieri again stated that Louis had been moved by religious considerations alone; see Add. MSS. 20242, fos. 13–4.

^{page 127 note 2} Clement's policy is examined in Landau, M., Rom, Wien, Neapel wrend des spanischen Erbfolgkrieges (Leipzig, 1885)Google Scholar, and Pometti, F., ‘Studi sul Pontificato di Clemente XI’, Archivio delta reale Societa Romano, di Storia Patria, xxi (1898), 279 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 127 note 3} Add. MSS. 20268 contains a good deal about Gualtieri's pacific efforts; see especially fos. 101–2, 257, 405; a curious conversation with Manchester is recorded in fos. 242–3.

^{page 128 note 1} Landau, , op. cit., pp. 252 sqq.Google Scholar; Hantsch, H., Reichsvizekcuvler Friedrich Karl von Schönborn (Augsburg, 1929), pp. 91–119Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 2} Add. MSS. 20268, fos. 2–4, 13 sqq., 28–32, 161, 225, 227V–230V, 2391; Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 181 sqq.Google Scholar; Pometti, op. cit.

^{page 128 note 3} Langlois, , op. cit., v. 618 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 129 note 1} The evidence is contained in the drafts of Gualtieri's despatches to the pope in Add. MSS. 20242; interesting extracts from these have been printed by Head, F. W., The Fallen Stuarts (Cambridge, 1901), pp. 337–43Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 2} Add. MSS. 20268, fos. 369V–370V, 418v–42ir, 428r.

^{page 129 note 3} Add. MSS. 20268, fo. 383VJ 20269, fo. 5jr.

^{page 130 note 1} Article IV of the Anglo-French Treaty of Ryswick pledged Louis 'de ne ny troubler ny inquieter en quelque fagon que ce soit le Roy de la Grande Bretagne dans la possession de ses Royaumes'. It is to be noted that Louis never denied William the title of king of England; William was so described in Torcy's letter to Gualtieri of 27 March 1702, in which his death was announced. See Add. MSS. 20318, fo. 42. The Treaty of Ryswick had said nothing about William's successor.

^{page 130 note 2} Louville, , op. cit., i. 198Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 3} Klopp, , op. cit., ix. 325Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 4} Jonge, De, op. cit. iii. 566–7;Google ScholarKramer, , op. cit., iii. 549–55Google Scholar, 566–70. Bonet, the Prussian Resident in London, reported many rumours in London about the movements of the Anglo-Dutch fleets, one of which was that an attack on the Spanish fleet was designed; see Add. MSS. 30000 E., fo. 321, Bonet's despatch of 8-19 August. Louis probably heard of this rumour.

^{page 130 note 5} Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 341 sqq.Google Scholar; Baudrillart, , op. cit., i. 90Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 1} La Tremollle, ii. 17; Relazioni…Spagna ii. 708.

^{page 131 note 2} Landosle, , op. cit. pp. 107–9Google Scholar.

_{page 131 note 3} Vault, and Pelet, , op. cit., i. 115 sqq., 648 sqq.Google Scholar;Lamberty, , op. cit., i. 665 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 131 note 4} Klopp, , op. cit., ix. 411Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 1} For Louis's plans see the documents printed by Vault and Pelet, vols. i and ii, and Chamlay's memoranda in Esnault, , op. cit., i. 104 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 132 note 2} Kramer, , op. cit., iii. 608–9Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 3} Dangeau, , op. cit., viii. 366Google Scholar; Sourches, , op. cit., vii. 238Google Scholar; Saint-Simon, , op. cit., ix. 134–6, 421, 497–8Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 4} La Tre'moille, , op. cit., iiGoogle Scholar. 27, 29, 35; Louville, ,op. cit., i. 222Google Scholar.

^{page 132 noe 5} Legrelle, , op. cit., iv. 259 sqq.Google Scholar; Lamberty, , op. cit., ii. 90 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 132 note 6} Vault, and Pelet, , op. cit., ii. 6 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 133 note 1} Lamberty, ,op. cit., ii. 107Google Scholar sqq., prints the declarations of 15 May; the French declaration of war did not follow until July; Ibid., 200–1.