¹ My primary debt is to the conversation and writing of K. B. McFarlane. I am also overdrawn on the critical kindness of Dr R. R. Davies. Since I hope to treat the subject more at length elsewhere, I offer here only a selective annotation.

² Soudek, Josef, ‘Leonardo Bruni and his Public: a statistical and interpretative study of his annotated Latin version of the (pseudo-) Aristotelian Economics’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, ed. Bowsky, W. M., v (Nebraska, 1968)Google Scholar; Menut, A. D., ‘Maistre Nicole Oresme: Le Livre de Yconomique d'Aristote’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series, vol. 47, pt 5 (1967)Google Scholar. On an example of the genre which shows particularly well the relationship to the ‘mirror of princes’ type of writing on the one hand, and to the household ordinance and etiquette book on the other, see Pelzer, A. and Kaeppli, Th., ‘L' Oeconomica de Conrad de Megenberg retrouvé’, Revue d' histoire ecclésiastique, 45 (1950)Google Scholar, and Krüiger, Sabine, ‘Zum Verständnis der Oeconomica Konrads von Megenberg: Griechische Ursprünge der spätmittelalterlichen Lehre vom Hause’, DeutschesArchiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 20 (1964)Google Scholar. Cf. Myers, A. R., The Household of Edward IV; the Black Book and the Ordinance of 14.78 (Manchester, 1959), pp. 76et seq.Google Scholar, for the introduction to the Black Book. In its general aspects the whole topic is illuminatingly treated in various writings of Brunner, Otto, e.g. ‘Das “ganze Haus” und die alteuropäische Ökonomik’, now available in his Neue Wege der Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte (Göttingen, 1968)Google Scholar.

³ I use here the terminology of the Black Book, in A. R. Myers, op. cit.

⁴ P.R.O., Exchequer, King's Remembrancer Memoranda Rolls, E.159/239, Brevia Directa, Hilary m. 28, gives the privy seal writ of 3 December 1462 for the hearing of the treasurer of the household's account ‘as reason conscience and the order of accompte requiren’. Cf. P.R.O., Chancery, French Rolls, C.76/148 m. I for the formality of Geoffrey Garnet's surrender of ‘totum ius suum statum et titulum’ as serjeant of the chandlery.

⁵ Supplementary to both the general household and specifically chamber ordinances was a less formal instructional literature, whose key text would seem to be the ‘Ryalle Book’ of those things ‘whiche bene necessary to be had in the remembrance of the Kings Chambrelayne and to his Usehers off the Chambre and appertenyn unto the offices’, printed in Grose, F. and Astle, T., The Antiquarian Repertory, i (1807–1809 edn), pp. 296–341Google Scholar. This includes the note: ‘The Book whiche all thes things bene enactid in was wont allwey to be in ye houshold. Of the last man yt I undirstand that had it was Hampton squyere for the body in all thes offices and maters’ (this referring to John Hampton temp. Henry VI). There are several variant sixteenth- and seventeenth-century copies, e.g. Magdalene College Cambridge MS. Pepys 2516, Bodleian MS. Ashmole 804, MS. Ashmole 1116 fos 83–93, MS. Rawlinson B.47. Some of the contemporary etiquette-books are in effect manuals of ‘above stairs’ service, e.g. A Fifteenth-century Courtesy Book, ed. Chambers, R. W. (Early English Text Society, o.s. 148, 1914)Google Scholar, corresponding to ‘the booke of vrbanitie’ used by the master of the king's henchmen (Myers, A.R., op. cit., p. 127)Google Scholar.

⁶ The term ‘esquire of the household’ was applied to categories of servant even more loosely attached to the court, e.g. serjeants-at-arms and members of the ‘offices outward’ of the Great Wardrobe and Works. ‘Aula’ and ‘Camera’ seem to have been amalgamated into a single office for purposes of household accounting in the 1360s.

⁷ Although after 1445 the spate of anti-purveyance statutes stops, the issue was still live: e.g. the London proclamations of March-April 1469 and November 1481 in Calendar of Letter-Books of the City of London: Letter-Book K. ed. Sharpe, R. R. (London, 1911), pp. 84Google Scholar, 188; the manifesto of 1469 (below, note 23); the preamble to the 1483 Household assignment in Rotuli Parliamentorum, vi (London, 1783), p. 198Google Scholar.

⁸ The figure is calculated from the treasurer of the household's account book for 1463–64, P.R.O., Exchequer, Accounts Various, E. 101/411/13, making allowance for categories of servant not there included.

⁹ This figure is calculated in the same way as the preceding from E.101/ 410/6. For the intervening years the household records do not permit such computation.

¹⁰ Rot. Parl., v. 462–63.

¹¹ de Waurin, Jean, Recueil des Croniques …, ed. , W. and Hardy, E. L. C. P. v. (Rolls Series, 1891), p. 318Google Scholar; State Papers and Manuscripts existing in the Archives Collection of Milan, ed. Hinds, A. B. (London, 1913), nos 64, 65Google Scholar.

¹² Emden, A. B., A Biographical Dictionary of the University of Oxford toA.D. 1500, iii (Oxford, 1959), pp. 1501–2Google Scholar; Harrison, F. LI., Music in Medieval Britain (London, 2nd edn, 1963), p. 159Google Scholar. The evidence for his identification with the treasurer of the chamber, though not conclusive, is stronger than Emden indicates.

¹³ E.159/243, Brevia Directa, Mich. m. I^d.

¹⁴ P.R.O., Exchequer, Enrolled Accounts (Wardrobe and Household), E.361/6, m. 54d. 15E.IOl/4I2/2.

¹⁶ Rot. Parl., v. 616–17. In his case continuing attachment to Lancaster proved fatal in 1471.

¹⁷ Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477 (London, 1900), pp. 97, 271Google Scholar. He went on to be knight of the body to both Richard III and Henry VII.

¹⁸ Fulman, W., Rerum Anglicarum Scriptorum Veterum Tom. I (Oxford, 1684), p. 581Google Scholar. I borrow the translation but not the interpretation of Riley, H. T., Ingulph's Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland (London, 1854), pp. 511–512Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Statutes of the Realm, ii (London, 1811), p. 568Google Scholar.

²⁰ Historical Manuscripts Commission, Fifth Report (London, 1876), pp. 590–92Google Scholar.

²¹ P.R.O., Privy Seal Office, Warrants for the Privy Seal, P.S.0.I/ 27/1403, 1434; P.R.O., Exchequer, Warrants for Issue, E.404/73/1/101.

²² Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, ed. Davis, N., i (Oxford, 1971), no. 320Google Scholar, letter of 11 December 1462 from John Paston II I to John Paston II: ‘I am well aqueyntyd wyth my Lord Hastyngys and my Lord Dakarys whyche be now gretest a-bowt the Kyngys person.’

²³ Warkworth, John, A Chronicle of the First Thirteen Years of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth, ed. Halliwell, J. O. (Camden Society, 1839), pp. 46–51Google Scholar.

²⁴ Fogge did not account at all during his period of office, his accounts for 1461–63being heard in 1469–70 and those for 1463–68 in 1472. E.101/412/4, a roll of 34 membranes, is the accumulated list of ‘creditores diversorum officiorum hospicii’ outstanding from his time as treasurer, compiled seemingly in 1472.

²⁵ Les Reports des Cases en Ley en le Cinque An Du Roy Edward le Quart (London, 1680), pp. 127–29Google Scholar, shows Fogge and Scott acting as spokesmen of the shire community in 1465 when, backed by twenty esquires, theychallenged the earl of Warwick's jurisdiction as constable of Dover, . Cf. Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477, pp. 42–43Google Scholar.

²⁶ The reasons for John lord Audley being singled out for mention are not altogether clear. Indeed, this is not the only moment of puzzlement in a long and complicated political career which seems to begin with his indenture of retainer with James earl of Wiltshire at 20 marks a year for life on 18 March 1457 (E. 159/257, Recorda, Easter m. 2b) and to culminate with some odd behaviour in 1483–84 (Calandarof Close Rolls 1476–1485 (London, 1954), no. 1218Google Scholar, Calandar of Patent Rolls 1476–1485 (London, 1901), pp. 415, 488, 558–77)Google Scholar.

²⁷ de Waurin, Jean, op. cit., v, p. 581Google Scholar.

²⁸ Paston Letters … (ut sup.), no. 245.

²⁹ Warkworth, John, op. cit., p. 8Google Scholar; Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshire, 1470, ed. Nichols, J. G. (Camden Society Miscellany, 1, 1847), p. 22Google Scholar.

³⁰ Hearne, T., Thomae Sprotti Chronica … et Alia Quaedam Opuscula (Oxford, 1719), p. 306Google Scholar.

³¹ Historical Manuscripts Commission, Various Collections, iv (London, 1907). pp. 207–8Google Scholar.

³² Weever, J., Ancient Funeral Monuments (London, 1631), pp. 834–40Google Scholar.

³³ Paston Letters … (ut sup.), no. 345, letter of 12 October 1470 from John Paston II I to his mother: ‘John Pylkyngton [esquire of the body], Mastyr W. Attclyff [king's physician and secretary], and Fowler [probably Thomas, usher of the chamber] ar takyn and in the castyll of Pomfrett, and ar lyek to dye hastyly, wyth-owte they be ded. Syr T. Mongomeré [knight of the body] and Jon Done [esquire of the body] be takyn; what shall falle of hem I can not sey.’

³⁴ Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV in England, ed. Bruce, J. (Camden Society, 1838), pp. 9–10Google Scholar. The 100 men with whom Henry Pierrepoint served at Barnet and Tewkesbury were no doubt the sort of contingent making up the Leicester influx (E.404/75/1/60).

³⁵ Aylmer, G. E., The King's Servants the Civil Service of Charles I, 1625– 1642 (London, 1961), pp. 26–27, etc.Google Scholar; Beattie, J. M., The English Court in the Reign of George I (Cambridge, 1967)Google Scholar; Baillie, H. M., ‘Etiquette and the Planning of the State Apartments in Baroque Palaces’, Archaeologia, ci (1967)Google Scholar.

³⁶ E.361/7, mm. 71–74. John Lord Howard's accounts as treasurer of the household 1468–74 were never rendered: he was allowed exemption from them in pardons of 1 April 1473 and 20 May 1475 (Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477, pp. 387, 516; P.S.O.1/37/1941).

³⁷ Preamble to the 1478 household ordinance, Myers, A. R., op. cit., pp. 211–212Google Scholar.

³⁸ Rot. Parl., vi. 71–72, the preamble to the Act of Resumption. P.R.O., Exchequer, Exchequer of Receipt Miscellanea, E.407/6/136, a fragmentary bundle of 49 documents mentioning th e list of household creditors (above, note 24), shows the process of settlement under way in 1474–75, although the general warrant to the Exchequer in pursuance of the 1473 Act ‘for the more nere and shortere contentacon of oure detts’ only issued on 20 July 1478 (P.R.O., Exchequer, Treasury of Receipt, Council an dPrivy Seal Records, E.28/91/72).

³⁹ Other sections which disappear from the household accounts at the same time are Vadiafalconariorum and Empciones equorum, and it may be that the change should be seen merely as administrative streamlining, restricting the treasurer of the household's expenses almost exclusively to the wages and provisions grouped under Diete. On the other hand, it is not clear that Feoda et Robe payments were transferred to any other source, and the Oblaciones et Elemosina section shows streamlining of a straightforwardly enconomizing kind. In 1466–67 Feoda et Robe payments amounted to £727. 4s. ou t of a total expense of £12,247. 11s. 3¾d.

⁴⁰ The matter is discussed by Myers, A. R., op. cit., pp. 44–45Google Scholar. By 1482 the Stable had been assigned an annual income of £500 (P.R.O., Exchequer, Tellers Rolls, E.405/70, mm. I, 7).

⁴¹ E. 101/412/5, fos 25–34^v.

⁴² Myers, A. R., op. cit., pp. 199–202Google Scholar. Such occasional ordinances were a feature of the Burgundian court, e.g. those printed in Mélanges d' histoire offerts à Henri Pirenne (Bruxelles, 1926), pp. 267–70Google Scholar. But Olivier de la Marche's exposition of the Burgundian household, though occasioned by English interest in the early 1470s, makes clear the structural differences of the two households (Mémoires d'Olivier de la Marche, ed. Beaune, H. and D'Arbaumont, J., iv (Société de l'Histoire de France, 1888), pp. 1–94)Google Scholar.

⁴³ E.361/7, m. 70 shows that the 1466–67 list remained unchanged in 1467–68.

⁴⁴ These relate to the territorial re-ordering of 1473–78, which I adumbrate below, but which needs examining in a closer family and local focus.

⁴⁵ Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477, p. 297; British Museum, Egerton Charter8779; P.R.O., P.S.O.I/18/920, P.S.O.I/22/1176A, E.36/207, p. 39, C.67/48, m. 20, C. 67/51, mm. 20, 33, Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Probate II/II (Register Home).

⁴⁶ Rot. Parl., vi. 220–21. There are also more general provisos, such as the stipulation that esquires of the body enjoy some of the show appropriate to knights, which relate to the various contemporary attempts to conflate into a precedence code the different hierarchies of rank, e.g. those transcribed in Bodleian MS., Ashmole 857, pp. 139–43.

⁴⁷ A classic case of the obscurity which lies in wait for social mobility which combines geographical migration with later failure to maintain a family identity, his derivation perhaps comes out best from P.R.O., Probate 11/7 (Register Logge) f. 59, Probate 11/9 (Register Dogett) f. 193, C. 71/105, m. 8, C. 67/48, m. 32, S.C.6/1140/25, 26, 27; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Third Report, p. 109.

⁴⁸ Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshire (ut sup.), pp. 14–16.

⁴⁹ After 1476, when William Dudley (dean of the chapel) became bishop of Durham, Lee (clerk of the closet by 1466, sub-almoner by 1469) became, in addition to his direct involvement in the king's affairs, a key man in the secular administration of his native diocese (University of Durham, Dept. of Palaeography, Church Commission Deposit 189830, 189761, 221161).

⁵⁰ Peyrègne, A., ‘Les emigrés gascons en Angleterre, 1453–1485’, Annales du Midi, lxvi (1954)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ A fragment of his correspondence survives among the Hastings MSS in the Huntington Library, San Marino California (HA 13879, headed ‘Copies de plusieurs lettres envoyees au Roy Loys et a ladmiral de France a Calais Ian’ 1477).

⁵² P.S.O.I/45/2337, 5 July 1478: ‘… Lord Hastyngs oure Chambreleyne by oure comaundement at divers seasons late sente certeyne secrete persounes into the parties beyonde the see to bringe us knowlege of certeyne matieres suche as they were sente thider for, wherof we have the perfytenes to oure grete pleasir.’

⁵³ Immediately after the English battles of 1471 Hastings took up his Calais post with 1500men retained with the king and wearing royal livery (E. 405/55, m. 6^v).

⁵⁴ E. 159/253, Brevia Directa, Trinity m. 10; E. 405/53, m. 1. Predictably, Thwaites's rôle in the 1475 French expedition was in the 1482 Scottish expedition taken by Alexander Lee, again as part of a household commissariat headed by Elrington.

⁵⁵ Proclamation of 27 April 1471, entered on the Close Roll (Foedera, ed. Rymer, T., xi (London, 1710), p. 709)Google Scholarand also—with a few verbal differences. and a delay in transmitting it to the sheriff of Durham for publication until 13 May when the political trend was clearer—on the Durham patent roll (P.R.O., Palatinate of Durha m 3/49, mm. 4, 5).

⁵⁶ P.R.O., King's Bench, Coram Rege Rolls, K.B. 27/839, m. 82.

⁵⁷ British Museum, Additional Charter 56425.

⁵⁸ E. 405/57, m. 5; E. 404/75/3/69, 70; Roth, Cecil, ‘Sir Edward Brampton, alias Duarte Brandão: governor of Guernsey, 1482–1485’, Transactions of La Sociite Guernesiaise (1956)Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ P.S.O. 1/43/2204.

⁶⁰ Rot. Parl., vi. 8; E. 404/75/3/52 for the payment to the Speaker of 40 marks for his attendance during the summer's progress.

⁶¹ Calendar of Close Rolls 1468–1476 (London, 1953), nos 136, 278, 900, 1155Google Scholar; Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477, pp. 241, 426–27; P.R.O., Duchy of Lancaster Chancery Rolls, D.L. 37/48, no. 12, D.L. 37/49, no. 36; E. 28/89/22.

⁶² Bentley, S., Excerpta Historica (London, 1831), pp. 370–72Google Scholar; Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477, p. 508; Rot. Parl., vi. 168–70, 205–07; B.M., Additional MS 6113, fos 72^v–73.

⁶³ I have not seen the original, but I assume the correct date for the ‘appointment’ reached by the king between Gloucester and Northumberland (on which their indenture of 28 July 1474 was based) is 12 May 1473, as given in Percy Bailiffs Rolls of the Fifteenth Century, ed. Hodgson, J. C. (Surtees Society, 1912), p. 106Google Scholar, and in Historical Manuscripts Commission, Sixth Report (London, 1877), pp. 223–24Google Scholar, not 12 May 1474 as given in the transcript in Dunham, W. H., Lord Hastings' Indentured Retainers 1461–1483 (New Haven, 1955), p. 140Google Scholar. The central and local interlock of the resulting northern situation is best shown by Plumpton Correspondence, ed. Stapleton, T. (Camden Society, 1839), pp. 31–33Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ His exclusion from the commissions of the peace in all shires except Stafford is the most obvious sign, and calls to mind the date of the heraldic decree allowing him the undifferenced arms of Thomas of Woodstock, since he has ‘ascended to a coate neire to the king and of his royall bloude’ (Bodleian MS., Ashmole 857, fos 50–51, 18 February 1474). Thereafter the only favour that came his way coincided with his involvement as Steward of England in the trial of Clarence: the 7 February 1478 conversion of his 4 March 1477 lease of the manor of Ebbw in Newport into a grant in tail male (D.L. 37/46, no. 20, D.L.36/57, no. 27); and the king's baptismal sponsorship of his son born on 3 February 1478, bringing with it a gold cup worth £i. 15s. (E. 405/65, m. 1).

⁶⁵ This was intricately linked with the 1473–74 re-grouping in the midlands (Rot. Pad., vi. 106–08, 215–17; E. 404/75/4/32; Calendar of Patent Rolls 1467–1477, p. 460).

⁶⁶ Behind Stanley's ambivalent political behaviour in 1470–71 lay a quarrel resulting from the way Edwaxd brought forward Gloucester in 1469, and further involving John Pilkington, a retainer of both Edward, and Gloucester, (Foedera xi. 654Google Scholar; P.S.O. 1/36/1893A).

⁶⁷ The only land grant—Chirk and Chirkland in tail male—came to him in lieu ofthe lordship of Skipton in Craven, which was transferred to Gloucester, 5 March and 12 June 1475 (B.M., Cotton MS. Julius B. XII, fos 246–52. The greater part of this volume, fos 108–316, apart from some later additions consists of Gloucester's 1469–83 evidences).

⁶⁸ The key appointment was the stewardship of Tutbury for life on 30 March 1474, coinciding with the conclusion of his first large batch of indentures of retainer with esquires and gentlemen of the area(Dunham, W. H., op. cit., p. 119)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Anstis, J., The Register of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, ii (London, 1724), pp. 187–212Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Jones, E. D., ‘The Parentage of Sir Thomas Vaughan (d. 1483)’ National Library of Wales Journal, viii (1954)Google Scholar. The exceptions were Thomas Burgh and William Parr.

⁷¹ E.g. Hunter, J., South Yorkshire: the history and topography ofthe deanery of Doncaster in the diocese and county of York, ii (London, 1831), p. 54Google Scholar; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Eleventh Report, vii (London, 1888), pp. 93–94Google Scholar.

⁷² Calendar of Patent Rolls 1476–1485 (London, 1901), p. 37Google Scholar. It seems likely that the large crop of Edwards produced by household men were similarly sponsored.

⁷³ E.g.Historical Manuscripts Commission, Ninth Report, i (London, 1883), pp. 106, 116Google Scholar, for Christ Church Canterbury's fulfilment of a promise to give Thomas Saintleger, in return for his advocacy at court of their claim to a manor, the stewardship of it.

⁷⁴ Harley MS. 4780, f. 44^v. A contemporary pedigree was drawn up to demonstrate his multiple relationship to his ducal charge (Visitations of the North, Part III: a Visitation of the North of England circa 1480–1500, ed. Blair, C. H. Hunter (Surtees Society, 1930), pp. 53–54)Google Scholar—entirely consistent with his life-long exploitation of his genealogy for patronage, beginning in the 1450s with the duke of York and the bishop of Ely (P.R.O., Ancient Correspondence, S.C. 1/51, no. 92; Cambridge University Library, Ely Diocesan Records, Register Gray, fos 7^v–8, 75^v, 77^v).

⁷⁵ P.R.O., Duchy of Lancaster Miscellanea, D. L. 41/42/4. Cf. the general commentary of the Croyland Chronicle, on the 1473 Resumption as the beginning of Edward's attempt to ground his kingship ‘de propria substantia propriaque industria sua’, and on the post-1478 phase in which his authority rested on the local estate network of his ‘fiducialiores servitores’ (Fulman, W., op. cit., pp. 559, 564)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Harriss, G. L., ‘Medieval Government and Statecraft‘, Past and Present, 25 (1963), 31 (1965)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Keen, M. H., ‘Brotherhood in Arms’, History,xlvii (1962)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Armstrong, C. A. J., ‘The Piety of Cicely, Duchess of York: a study in late mediaeval culture’, For Hilaire Belloc, ed. Woodruff, D. (London, 1942)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ B.M., Harley MS. 7353. Cf. Lancashire Record Office, Crosse of Shaw Hill papers, D D Sh. 15/2, a long illuminated roll, datable 1461–64 and showing a strong Bourchier interest, relating Edward IV backward to the kings of Judah by a skeletal ‘polychronicon’ which turns into a family tree.

⁸⁰ Above, note 55.

⁸¹ Burns, J. H., ‘John Ireland and The Meroure of Wyssdome’, Innes Review, 6 (1955)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I retail one sentence: ‘And gif you spere at me… quhat thing is polite, I ansuer that it is a congregacioun of men or persounis in this mortal lif that are ordenit togidder be law or commandiment and obedienceressonable to live togeddir in pes and sufficience ether in temporalite or in spiritualite.’

⁸² The Floure and the Leafe and The Assembly of Ladies, ed. Pearsall, D. A. (London and Edinburgh, 1962), pp. 19, 117, 126Google Scholar.

⁸³ Bodleian MS., Rawlinson G. 47. His brother and executor left a copy of that pre-eminent treatise ‘de nugiscurialium’, the Policraticus (Emden, A. B., A Biographical Dictionary of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, ii (Oxford, 1958), pp. 783–86)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Bodleian MS. Arch. Selden B. 25; this was subsequently owned by Friis's colleague William Hobbes (surgeon successively to Richard duke of York, Edward IV and Richard III, as in 1488 he insisted should be recorded on his tomb, P.R.O., Probate 11/8 (Register Milles), fos 136–37); c. 1514 the work was Englished by Alexander Barclay. To the brief account of Friis in Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge to 1500 (Cambridge, 1963), p. 243Google Scholarshould also be added the interesting ‘forma indenturae inter duos fratres conjuratos’—a close civilian equivalent of a brotherhood-in-arms pact—which he concluded with an Oxford apothecary in 1447 (Munimenta Academica, ed. Anstey, H. (Rolls Series, 1868), pp. 554—55)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ The Curial made by maystere Alain Charretier, ed. Furnivall, F. J. (Early English Text Society, 1888)Google Scholar. It would be worth knowing more about the provenance of British Museum, Harley MS. 1883, a late fifteenth-century Low Countries collection which includes the Hiero, the De Curialium Miseriis, and the De Vita Curiali. On the genre in general see Pauline Smith, M., The Anti-Courtier Trend in Sixteenth-century French Literature (Geneva, 1966), pp. 13–54Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Cf. the conclusion to McFarlane, K. B., ‘The Wars of the Roses’, Proceedings of the British Academy, I (1965)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ For one of several recent attempts at a ‘political’ reading of Malory see Pochoda, Elizabeth T., Arthurian Propaganda ‘Le Morte Darthur’ as an historical ideal of life (Chapel Hill, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Hope, W. H. St John, ‘On the Funeral Effigies of the Kings and Queens of England’, Archaeologia, lx (1907), p. 538Google Scholar; College of Arms, Arundel MS. 51, fos 14–17^v. The latter necessitates more correction to Kantorowicz, Ernst H., The King's Two Bodies: a study in mediaeval political theory (Princeton, 1957), pp. 411–12Google Scholar, than is suggested by Giesey, Ralph E., The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva, 1960), p. 140Google Scholar. The fact that the public acts of Edward V's reign begin on 21 April, the day after the burial, seems relevant to Giesey's interesting theory of the ‘ceremonial interregnum’, ibid., pp. 125, 183, 188 etc.

⁸⁹ Perceval, C. Spencer, ‘Notes on a selection of ancient charters, letters and other documents from the muniment room of Sir John Lawson of Brough Hall near Catterick, in Richmondshire, Baronet’, Archaeologia, xlvii (1882), p. 189Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ The Stonor Letters and Papers, 1290–1483, ed. Kingsford, C. L. (Camden Series, 1919), no. 331Google Scholar.