¹ Green, Alice Stopford, The Old Irish World (Dublin and London, 1912), 9Google Scholar.

² Mitchel, John, Jail Journal (Dublin, 1918 edn.), xlviGoogle Scholar. All the Young Irelanders adopted this approach; see also SirDuffy's, Charles Gavan ‘A Birdseye view of Irish History’, interposed as chapter 4 of Young Ireland: a fragment of Irish History (1880)Google Scholar.

³ Parnell with Grattan, for instance, and Pearse with Emmet; see Ryan, D., Remembering Sion (1934), 119Google Scholar.

⁴ Cronin, S., Irish Nationalism: a history of its roots and ideolgy (Dublin, 1980)Google Scholar; Garvin, T., The Evolution of Irish nationalist politics (Dublin, 1981)Google Scholar; Boyce, D. G., Nationalism in Ireland (1982)Google Scholar.

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⁷ See Vance's, Norman pioneering article ‘Celts, Carthaginians and constitutions: Anglo-Irish literary relations, 1780–1820’ in Irish Historical Studies, xxii, no. 87 (1981), esp. 220 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Especially O'Conor, Charles, Dissertations on the ancient history of Ireland (1780)Google Scholar and O'Halloran, Sylvester, Introduction to the study of the history and antiquities of Ireland (1772)Google Scholar.

⁹ Vallancey, Charles, An essay on the antiquity of the Irish language, being a collation of the Irish with the Punic languages (1772)Google Scholar: see Vance, , op. cit., 226–7Google Scholar.

¹⁰ See Sheehy, J., The rediscovery of Ireland's past: the Celtic Revival 1830–1930 (1980), 62Google Scholar. An antiquarian priest, Father Horgan of Blarney, finally in desperation built one himself, ‘to puzzle posterity as antiquity has puzzled me’. See Fanu, W. R. Le, Seventy years of Irish Life (1893), 175–6Google Scholar.

¹¹ Comerford, Thomas, History of Ireland from the earliest accounts of time to the invasion of the English under King Henry II (1751)Google Scholar.

¹² See Grannell, F., ‘Early Irish ecclesiastical studies’ in Irish Anglicanism 1869–1969 (ed. Fr.Hurley, M., , S.J.) (Dublin, 1970), 39–50Google Scholar.

¹³ See Parsons, Sir Laurence, Bt, Observations on the bequest of Henry Flood (Dublin, 1795)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Leland, Thomas, The history of Ireland from the invasion of Henry II (London, 1773)Google Scholar; Curry, John, An historical and critical review of the civil wars in Ireland (1775)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See my Charles Stewart Parnell: the man and his family (Brighton, 1976)Google Scholar, chap. 3. Parnell used illustrations from early Gaelic customs and history which show familiarity with the historiographical developments of the day.

¹⁶ See Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Ireland, i (1808)Google Scholar. Other societies included the Iberno-Celtic Society (1818), the Irish Archaeological Society (1848), the Celtic Society (1848), and the Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society (1853).

¹⁷ See Grannell, op. cit., for a consideration of this.

¹⁸ Rev. Ledwich, Edward, The antiquities of Ireland (1790Google Scholar). For a full critique see Macartney, D., ‘The writing of history in Ireland 1800–1830’, Irish Hist. Stud., x, no. 40 (1957), 347–63Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Lebow, , op. cit., 33–5Google Scholar.

²⁰ On ballads see Zimmerman, G. D., Irish political street ballads and rebel songs 1780–1900 (Geneva, 1966)Google Scholar and Murphy, M., ‘The Ballad singer and the role of the seditious ballad in nineteenth-century Ireland: Dublin Castle's view’, Ulster Folklife, xxv (1979), 79–102Google Scholar.

²¹ Duffy, Gavan, Young Ireland, 280Google Scholar.

²² Sheehy, , op. cit., 37Google Scholar. Also see ibid. on subjects of Irish historical painting at this time.

²³ The Patriot Parliament of 1689, with its statutes, votes and proceedings, edite d with an introduction by SirDuffy, Charles Gavan (New Irish Library, Dublin, London and New York, 1893)Google Scholar.

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²⁵ See Rev. Taaffe, Denis, An impartial history of Ireland, from the time of the English invasion to the present time, from authentic sources (4.Vols., Dublin, 1809–1811Google Scholar); cf. Plowden, Francis, An historical review of the state of Ireland, from the invasion of that country under Henry II, to its union with Great Britain on the first of January 1801 (2 vols., London, 1803)Google Scholar.

²⁶ Macartney, , op. cit., 359Google Scholar.

²⁷ Dublin Evening Mail, 27 Mar. 1844.

²⁸ ‘Habits of the people. Note the general style of the cottages, as stone, mud, slated, glass windows, one story or two, number of rooms, comfort and cleanliness. Food; fuel; dress; longevity; usual number in a family; early marriages; any remarkable instances on either of these heads? What are their amusements and recreations? Patrons and patrons' days; and traditions respecting them? What local customs prevail, as Beal Tinne, or fire on St John's Eve? Driving the cattle through fire, and through water? Peculiar games? Any legendary tales or poems recited around the fireside? Any ancient music, as clan marches or funeral cries? They differ in different districts, collect them if you can. Any peculiarity of costume? Nothing more indicates the state of civilisation and intercourse.’ Andrews, J. H., A paper landscape: the Ordnance Survey in nineteenth-century Ireland (Oxford, 1975), 148Google Scholar.

²⁹ Colby, T. F., Ordnance Survey of the county of Londonderry, volume the first: memoirs of the city and north-western liberties of Londonderry, parish of Templemore. See Andrews, , op. cit., 57ffGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Green, A. S., op. cit., 56–61Google Scholar. Also see Tierney, M., ‘Eugene O'Curry and the Irish tradition’ in Studies, li (1962), 449–62Google Scholar.

³¹ Andrews, , op. cit., 173–7Google Scholar.

³² Young Ireland, 75, n.

³³ Ibid., 289. See also Banim, John, The Boyne Water (1826)Google Scholar, reprinted in 1976 by the Université de Lille with an introduction by Bernard Escarbelt. On the Library of Ireland see also Buckley, M., ‘John Mitchel, Ulster, and Irish nationality, 1842–1848’, in Studies lxv (1976), 30–44Google Scholar, which analyses Mitchel's contribution to the series, and Boyce, , op. cit., 161–2Google Scholar. Duffy, Gavan remarked that Irish history was ‘ransacked’ for suitable examples and arguments; Toung Ireland, 104Google Scholar.

³⁴ Dowling, P.J., The Hedge Schools ofIreland (1935), 111–12Google Scholar.

³⁵ See Mr and MrsHall, S. C., Ireland, its scenery, character etc. (3 vols., 1841–1843)Google Scholar; Carlyle, Thomas, ‘Reminiscences of my Irish Journey’ in Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine xxiv (1882), 05–07Google Scholar; Thackeray, William, The Irish Sketch Book (1843)Google Scholar. On this Irish, tendency see my article ‘Parnell and his people: the Ascendancy and Home Rule’, Canadian Jnl. of Irish Studies vi, no. 1 (1980), 110–11Google Scholar.

³⁶ Tocqueville, Alexis de, Journeys to England and Ireland, ed. Mayer, J. P. (1958)Google Scholar; Beaumont, Gustave de, L'Irlande sociàle, politique et religieuse (Paris, 1839)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Young Ireland, 167; Thierry, Augustin, Histoire de la Conquête de l'Angleterre par les Normands (Paris, 1825)Google Scholar.

³⁸ Marx, notably in his articles in the New York Tribune: ‘A small caste of robber landlords dictate to the Irish people the conditions in which they are allowed to hold the land and live on it’ (11 07 1853)Google Scholar; ‘the Irish landlords are confederated for a fiendish war of extermination against the cottiers’ (11 Jan. 1859), etc. Engels's view was that ‘Irish history shows one what a misfortune it is for a nation to have subjugated another nation; all the abominations of the English have their origin in the Irish Pale’: Engels, to Marx, , 24 Oct. 1869, in Ireland and the Irish Question (Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1971), 274Google Scholar. Both Marx and Engels laid heavy emphasis on Irish ‘national character’ as a motive force in Irish history; see Cummins, I., Marx, Engels and National Movements (1980), 109Google Scholar.

³⁹ See especially History of England from the Accession of James II, ii. 128.

⁴⁰ In May 1885 Lytton sent Churchill, as commissioned, 'The Lay of the Primrose', of which the last verse ran:

When, O say, shall the Celt put his blunderbuss down,

Cease to bully the Commons, and menace the Crown?

When shall Erin be loyal, and Britain repose,

Neither fawning to rebels, nor flying from foes?

That shall be, saith the Primrose, nor ever till then,

When the country is honestly governed again,

When the realm is redeemed from the Radical's hand

And the Primrose comes blossoming back to the land.

(Lytton to Churchill, 18 May 1885; Churchill MSS., Churchill College, RCHL v/601.) It does not appear to have found its way into print.

⁴¹ Smiles, Samuel, History of Ireland and the Irish people, under the government of England (1844), ivGoogle Scholar. Cf. Duffy, Gavan, Young Ireland, 81Google Scholar: ‘Many men refrain from reading Irish history as sensitive and selfish persons refrain from witnessing human suffering. But it is a branch of knowledge as indispensable to the British statesman or politician as morbid anatomy to the surgeon.’

⁴² See especially Solow, B., The land question and the Irish economy 1870–1903 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973)Google Scholar.

⁴³ Carlyle, predictably, was the exception. Towards the end of his Irish tour he concluded: ‘Remedy for Ireland? To cease generally from following the devil…no other remedy that I know of…’ (‘Reminiscences of my Irish Journey’, iii, 440). Earlier he had, however, been impressed by the Royal Irish Academy museum: ‘really an interesting museum, for everything has a certain authenticity, as well as national or other significance, too often wanting in such places’. Ibid, 27.

⁴⁴ J. S. Mill to J. E. Cairnes, 29 July 1864, quoted in Steele, E. D., ‘J. S. Mill and the Irish Question: The Principles of Political Economy 1848–1865’ in Hist. Jnl. xiii, no. 2 (1970), 231Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ As incisively demonstrated in ibid., and in ‘J. S. Mill and the Irish question: reform and the integrity of the Empire, 1865–1870’, Hist. Jnl., xiii, no. 3 (1970), 419–450.

⁴⁶ See Kelleher, J. V., ‘Matthew Arnold and the Celtic Revival’ in Perspectives of Criticism, ed. Levin, H. (Cambridge, Mass., 1950), 197–221Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ His preface to the separate edition of the History of Ireland considers at some length the problems of writing Irish history and the steps he had taken to obviate them.

⁴⁸ See Wyatt, A., ‘Froude, Lecky and the humblest Irishman’, Irish Hist. Stud., xix, no. 75 (1975), 267–85Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Froude, J. A., The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (1872–1874)Google Scholar. There is a large secondary literature of refutation by Thomas Burke, W. H. Flood, John Mitchel, J. E. McGee, and others.

⁵⁰ Until, that is, Norman's, E. R.History of Modern Ireland (Harmondsworth, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Hyde, H. Montgomery (ed.), A Victorian historian: private letters of W. E. H. Lecky, 1859–1878 (1947), 41–2Google Scholar.

⁵² Letter to The Times, 9 June 1886.

⁵³ ‘The trouble with Ireland was not only social and racial. It could not be explained by unjust land laws or the sway of an alien established church. These were superadded embroilments. The root cause was English autocracy.’ Gladstone, H., After Thirty Tears (1928), 263–4Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ See Churchill to Harcourt, 29 Nov. 1889, Harcourt MSS. 217/63, writing ‘in support of a plea of “not guilty” to your charge of “bumptious ignorance”’, and enclosing a pamphlet based on a speech at Perth (5 Oct. 1889) which involved a lengthy historical exegesis on the Union. Harcourt, who had earlier stated that not ‘one honest man’ in Ireland approved of the measure, replied at great length, with much historical reference to back up his case (Churchill MSS., RCHL xiv/3340).

⁵⁵ Young Ireland, 93.

⁵⁶ Derby's diary, quoted in Vincent, J. R., ‘Gladstone and Ireland’, Proc. Br. Academy, Ixiii (1977), 223Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ A good example is Irvine's, H. M. D'ArcyLetters to the rt. hon. W. E. Gladstone on the Irish Land Bill (1870)Google Scholar, which speaks on behalf of ‘the descendants of the Irish patriots of 1800, and the great body of the middle classes of all creeds’, invoking the hallowed date of 1782.

⁵⁸ In Wicklow and West Kerry (Dublin, 1912), 17Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ For Parnell's knowledge of Irish history see Lyons, F. S. L., Charles Stewart Parnell (1977), 37–8Google Scholar, and ‘The political ideas of Parnell’, Hist. Jnl., xvi, no. 4 (1973), 749–75Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ The Anglo-Irish quarrel: a plea for peace (1880).

⁶¹ The Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation (Paris, 1933)Google Scholar.

⁶² Newenham, T., A series of suggestions and observations relative to Ireland submitted to the consideration of the Lord President and Council (Gloucester, 1825Google Scholar); for Newenham' s ideas and influence see Gribbon, H. D., ‘Thomas Newnham 1762–1831’ in Irish population, economy and society: essays in honour of the late K. H. Connell, ed. Goldstrom, J. M. and Clarkson, L. A. (Oxford, 1982), 231–47Google Scholar. His ideas were repeated in Murray's, Alice influential Commercial and financial relations between England and Ireland from the period of the Restoration (London, 1903)Google Scholar.

⁶³ ‘One of the capital acts in Irish history; in a few years it changed the face of the land and made Ireland to a great extent an arable instead of a pastoral country.’ The case against this and other misconceptions is trenchantly summarised by Joseph Lee, ‘Grattan's Parliament’, in Farrell, , op. cit., 149–50Google Scholar. ‘Foster's Corn Law did not reverse an existing trend; at the very most it slightly accentuated it.’

⁶⁴ First published 1867; acutely analysed in Boyce, , op. cit., 247 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁵ Hennessy, J. Pope, ‘What do the Irish read?’, Nineteenth Century, xv (01–06 1884), 920 ffGoogle Scholar. ‘Abbé MacGeohegan's History of Ireland from the earliest times to the Treaty of Limerick, with John Mitchel's continuation; D'Arcy McGees's History of Ireland to the Emancipation of the Catholics; Duffy's Four Years of Irish History, with the preceding fragment, Young Ireland; A. M. Sullivan's Story of Ireland; Justin H. McCarthy's Outline of Irish History; Lecky's History of the Eighteenth Century; Walpole's History of Ireland to the Union; O'Callaghan's History of the Irish Brigade in France; Justin McCarthy's History of our own Times—, these are the most read; but the works of Macaulay, Hallam, Froude, with Father Tom Burke's Refutation of Froude, are read also. In biography Madden's lives of the United Irishmen, The Life and Times of Henry Grattan, Moore's Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Wolfe Tone's Memoirs, Mitchel's Jail Journal, Maguire's Father Mathew, seem to be favourites.’ Ibid., 926.

⁶⁶ United Ireland, 13 Aug. 1881.

⁶⁷ See Fitzpatrick, D., Politics and Irish Life 1913–1921: Provincial experience of War and Revolution (Dublin, 1977)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ See Macartney, D., ‘The political use of history in the work of Arthur Griffith’, in Jnl. of Contemporary Hist., 8 (1973), 67Google Scholar. It is worth, however, quoting Griffith's utilitarian view of the ends of education: ‘The secondary system of education in Ireland…was designed to prevent the higher intelligence of the country performing its duty to the Irish State. In other countries secondary education gives to each its leaders in industry and commerce, its great middle class which as society is constructed forms the equalizing and harmonizing element in the population. In Ireland secondary education causes aversion and contempt for industry and “trade” in the heads of young Irishmen, and fixes their eyes, like the fool's, on the ends of the earth. The secondary system in Ireland draws away from industrial pursuits those who are best fitted to them and sends them to be civil servants in England, or to swell the ranks of struggling derkdom in Ireland.’ The Sinn Fein Policy (Dublin, n.d., but delivered as a speech to the first annual conference of the National Council, 28 Nov. 1905).

⁶⁹ Birmingham, George, An Irishman looks at his world (London, 1919), 12–13Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ In 1868 Gerald FitzGibbon's pamphlet Ireland in 1868 (noted by Marx as the distillation of the Ascendancy case) emphasised the complete lack of tension between Protestant and Catholic at university, on the Bench, and in professional life; but the same author's Roman Catholic priests and national schools (1871) held that the denominational nature of national schools had bred the idea of the true Irishman as Catholic and Celtic, and driven a wedge between those whose interests were objectively identical. The polarisation of politics in the 1880s saw the solidifying of this process.

⁷¹ See especially Lyons, F. S. L., Culture and Anarchy in Ireland 1890–1939 (Oxford, 1979)Google Scholar.

⁷² Shaw, G. B., Prefaces (1938), 443–4Google Scholar. Cf. Evans, E. E., The Personality of Ireland: habit, heritage and history (revised edn., Belfast, 1981), 43–4Google Scholar, where an elegant demonstration is given of the ‘mongrel’ nature of the Irish ‘race’.

⁷³ See Fr. Shaw, Francis, ‘The Canon of Irish History: a challenge’ in Studies, lxi (1972), 113–52Google Scholar; Edwards, R. Dudley, Patrick Pearse: the triumph of failure (1977)Google Scholar; Kelleher, J. V., ‘Early Irish history and pseudo-history’, Studia Hibernica, 3 (1963), 113–27Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ On MacNeill see Tierney, Michael, Eoin MacNeill: scholar and man of action, ed. Martin, F. X. (Oxford, 1980), esp. 90–6Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ He identifies Davis, with a commitment to physical force (Political Writings and Speeches (Dublin, 1924), 323–4)Google Scholar; but Davis, especially in a celebrated essay on ‘Moral Force’, specifically denied that this was an answer. See Farrell, B., op. cit., 19Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ See for instance A history of the Irish State to 1014, ix, 85, etc.

⁷⁷ Cf. Moore, George on Hyde, Douglas: ‘By standing well with … MPs, priests, farmers, shopkeepers … Hyde has become the archetype of the Catholic Protestant, cunning, subtle, cajoling, superficial and affable.’ Vale (1914), 249Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ This was, however, a process of some antiquity; see Sheehy, J., op. cit., 26–7Google Scholar, for a delightful description of Sir William Wilde's journey to the Aran islands in 1857 with a ‘freight of Ethnologists and Antiquarians’.

⁷⁹ History of the Irish State, chap. 6.

⁸⁰ See especially Irish Nationality, 13, 14, 20–1, 28, 76, 95, 165.

⁸¹ Notably the work of Kathleen Hughes; for a summary see Evans, , op. cit., 58–9Google Scholar.

⁸² See especially Binchy, D. A., ‘The origins of the so-called High Kingship’, Statutory Lecture, Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1959Google Scholar.

⁸³ Kelleher, , ‘Irish History and pseudo-history’, 120–2Google Scholar, for the case against the ‘Book of Rights’ and other sources as twelfth-century creations. ‘So extensive was the revision of historical evidence that we have, I would say, about as much chance of recovering the truth about early Christian Ireland as a historian five hundred years from now would have if he were trying to reconstruct the history of Russia in the twentieth century from broken sets of different editions of the Soviet encyclopaedia.’

⁸⁴ Æ (Russell, G.W.), ‘Nationality and Cosmopolitanism in Art’, 1899, printed in Some Irish Essays (Dublin, 1906), 18Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Catholic Bullein, Feb. and June 1925, quoted in O'Callaghan, M., ‘Language and religion: the quest for identity in the Irish Free State’ (M.A. thesis, University College, Dublin, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Edwards, Ruth Dudley, op. cit., 341Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ ‘We think that the powers of the Ministy to regulate and to supervise the books used in schools should be very strictly exercised in the matter of historical textbooks. No books bearing on the subject of history should, without previous official sanction, be permitted to be used in any schools under Ministry.’ Quoted in Magee, John, ‘The teaching of Irish history in Irish schools’, The Northern Teacher, x, no. 1 (1970)Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ This is reflected by the adoption among historians of George Russell's Irish Statesman as the agreed source for quotations showing the sanity and cosmopolitanism of the Anglo-Irish in the Free State; but as O'Callaghan (loc. cit., note 85) reminds us, it spoke for far fewer of them at the time than did the less liberal Church of Ireland Gazette orIrish Times.

⁸⁹ For a retrospect and a commentary see Edwards, R. Dudley, ‘Irish History: an agenda’ in Irish Hist. Stud., xxi, no 81 (1978), 319Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ The case for interpreting the Land War of 1879–82 as a revolution of rising expectations has been established by Solow, op. cit.; Bew, P., Land and the national question in Ireland 1858–82 (Dublin 1978)Google Scholar; Vaughan, W. E., ‘An assessment of the economic performance of Irish landlords 1851–81’ in Ireland under the Union: varieties of tension (Oxford, 1980), ed. Lyons, F. S. L. and Hawkins, R. B., 173–200Google Scholar; Donnelly, J., The land and the people of nineteenth-century Cork (1974)Google Scholar, and others. But it is also to be found in Parnell's, Anna astringent ‘Tale of a Great Sham’ (N.L.I. MS. 12,144)Google Scholar and in McGrath's, TerencePictures from Ireland (1880)Google Scholar which described the Land War in terms of an adroit takeover by the middling tenantry, manipulating a credit squeeze.

⁹¹ See report on ‘The Teaching of History in Irish Schools’, 1966, in Administration (Journal of the Institute of Public Administration, Dublin), Winter, 1967, 268–85Google ScholarPubMed. This committee included historians who were influential in the new school of history-writing, and emphasised throughout the need for impartiality and an international perspective. Also see John Magee, op. cit.

⁹² Moody, T. W. and Martin, F. X., The course of Irish History (Dublin, 1966)Google Scholar. Previously the field had been held by Hayden, M. and Moonan, G. A., A short history of the Irish people from the earliest times to 1920 (Dublin, 1921)Google Scholar, and Carty, J., A junior history of Ireland (Dublin, 1932)Google Scholar.

⁹³ Broin, L. Ó, Dublin Castle and the Easter Rising (1966)Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ See Fr. Francis Shaw, op. cit.; and for comments, Lyons, F. S. L., ‘The dilemma of the Irish contemporary historian’, Hermathena, cxv (1973), 53Google Scholar; Edwards, Ruth Dudley, op. cit., 341–2Google Scholar; Brown, T., Ireland: a social and cultural history (1979), 287–9Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ See Green, A. S., The old Irish World, 38–9Google Scholar, which attacks as unhistorical the propositions that there was no national sense in early Ireland; that early Irish society had no parliament; and that the Celtic ‘race’ in Ireland was inextricably mixed with immigrant stock.

⁹⁶ A useful commentary is to be found in Moody, T. W., ‘Irish history and Irish mythology’, Hermathena, cxxiv (1978), 7–24Google Scholar; and a guide to recent research in Irish historiography 1970–79, ed. Lee, J. (Cork University Press, for the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences, 1979)Google Scholar. Also see Waters, M. J., ‘Irish history without villains: some recent work on the nineteenth century’, Victorian Studies, xvi, no. 2 (1972), 223–4Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ See for instance Miller, D. W., Queen's Rebels: Ulster Loyalism in Historical Perspective (1979)Google Scholar and ‘Irish Catholicism and the Great Famine’ in Jnl. of Soc. Hist., 9 (1975), 81–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Larkin, E., ‘The devotional revolution in Ireland, 1850–75’, in Amer. Hist. Rev., 77 (1972), 625–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the work of the late Connell, K. H., in Irish peasant society: four historical essays (Oxford, 1968)Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Evans, , op. cit., 59Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Lucas, A. T., ‘Plundering of churches in Ireland’ in North Munster Studies, ed. Rynne, E. (Limerick, 1967), 172–229Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ F. X. Martin's 1975 O'Donnell lecture presented this unexpected picture.

¹⁰¹ See Comerford, R. V., ‘Patriotism as pastime: the appeal of Fenianism in the mid-1860s’ in Irish Hist. Stud., xxii, no. 87 (1981), 239–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰² D. Fitzpatrick, op cit.

¹⁰³ Solow, B., op. cit., 204Google Scholar, and Crotty, R. D., Irish agricultural production: its volume and structure (Cork, 1966)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Lee, J., ‘Continuity and change in Ireland, 1945–70’ in Ireland 1945–70 (Dublin, 1979). 177Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ S[haw], G. B., ‘On Throwing out Dirty Water’, in Irish Statesman, 15 09 1923Google Scholar; quoted in Lyons, , Culture and Anarchy, 165Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Dedicatory Preface to A history of Ireland under the Union (Dublin, 1952)Google Scholar. It might be added that this is a work of wide reading and dense texture, in which original documentation and personal reminiscence is used to powerful effect; but it is nonetheless pervaded with an obsession.

¹⁰⁷ See for instance S. Cronin, op. cit., and R. Kee, ‘Ireland: a television history’.

¹⁰⁸ See Glassie, H., Passing the time: folklore and history of an Ulster community (Dublin, 1982), 83Google Scholar, which records the ‘education’ transmitted in rural Fermanagh. ‘”It took the boys in Fenian days to carry it on until the Men Behind the Wire came…The old fight had to be fought, and it had to be fought from the days of eighteen and sixty-seven, and indeed it went back further. Seventeen and ninety-eight, that was the first Rising. That's what you want to know: the background to everything.”’ Also see ibid., 639 ff., for observations about the keeping of ‘alternative history’ in local communities. In a similar manner, the memory of dispossession lasted on at atavistic levels, noted by Arthur Young, and often since (see for instance Garvin, T., op. cit., 16)Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁰ The work of Heslinga, M. W., The Irish border as a cultural divide (Assen, Netherlands, 1962)Google Scholar has received less attention than might be expected; and Rumpfs, Erhard pioneering Nationalism and socialism in twentieth-century Ireland, published in German in 1959, had to wait until 1977 for an English translation (under the imprint of Liverpool University Press)Google Scholar. When carrying out research, Dr Rumpf was told ‘by an authority on Irish politics’ that he could not hope to analyse the dynamic of Irish nationalism: ‘There was no sociological, sectarian or class problem or angle in the Sinn Fein movement, or any part of it, from beginning to end’ (xv).

¹¹¹ Adamson's, I. book Cruithin: the ancient kindred (Newtownards, 1974)Google Scholar is interpreted by Unionist ideologies as arguing for an indigenous ‘British’ people settled in Ulster before the plantations.

¹¹² Elegantly mocked by Curtis, E. in the Irish Statesman, 7 11 1925Google Scholar: ‘We must beat our harps into harpoons and our wolfdogs into walruses.’

¹¹³ Smith, Goldwin, Irish History and Irish Character—‘an expansion of a lecture delivered before the Oxford Architectural and Historical Society at their Annual Meeting in June 1861’— (1861), preface, and 193Google Scholar.