^{page 21 note 1} Quoted from Carlo De Lellis' extracts from the Angevin archives by Mommsen, T. E., Italienische Analekten zur Reichsgeschichte des 14. Jahrhunderts (Schriften der M[onumenta] G[ermaniae/ H[istorica], xi. Stuttgart, 1952), nr. 160, p. 75Google Scholar.

^{page 21 note 2} Cf. the instruction given to the Angevin envoys to the Curia after the death of the Henry, Emperor VII in August 1313, MGH Const[itutiones], iv, nr. 1253, p. 1369Google Scholar, and a similar memorandum from 1334 printed by Miiller, C., Der Kampf Ludwigs des Baiern mit der römischen Curie, i (Tübingen, 1879), p. 393Google Scholar. The so-called ‘bull’ Ne praetereat, which is either an exercise in style or a hasty Angevin draft in the same sense, has provoked an enormous literature, out of proportion to its importance. The most recent discussion is by Tabacco, G., ‘Un presunto disegno per l'unificazione dell'Italia’, Rivista storica italiana, lxi (1949), 509Google Scholar.

^{page 21 note 3} This scheme was adumbrated by Bernard Gui in his Extractiones from the Opusculum tripartitum of Humbert de Romanis: Durand, Martene et, Collectio Amplissima, vii. 198Google Scholar. It was suggested again in the report which Bernard and Bertrand de la Tour sent to the Curia from Lombardy in 1317, Riezler, S., V[atikanische] A[kten zur deutschen Geschichte in der Zeit Kaiser Ludwigs des Bayern] (Innsbruck, 1891), nr. 50, p. 37Google Scholar. It came into the realm of practical politics in 13 30–1, when there was a serious proposal to create a kingdom in Lombardy for Philip VI of France. Cf. Otto, H., ‘Zur italienischen Politik Johanns XXII’, Quellen undForschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotkeken, xiv (1911), 189Google Scholar; Bock, F., ‘Kaisertum, Kurie und Nationalstaat im Beginn des 14 Jahrhunderts’, Römische Quartalsckrift f. christliche Altertumskunde, xliv (1936), 204Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 1} See Zeller, G., ‘Les rois de France candidats à l'empire’, Revue histortque, clxxiv (1934), 273Google Scholar sqq., and for a sceptical view Fawtier, R., Les Capetiens et la France (Paris, 1942), p. 87Google Scholar. Philip VTs concern to secure and to project his eastern frontier at the expense of the empire is illustrated by the terms of his treaties with John of Bohemia at Fontainebleau in January 1332 and with Henry XIV of Lower Bavaria at Frankfort in December 1333: Emler, J., Regesta diplomatica necnon epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, iii (Prague, 1890), nr. 1867, p. 727Google Scholar; Boehmer, J. F., Actalmperii Selecta (Innsbruck, 1870), nr. 1033, p. 724Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 2} Gregorovius, F., Rome in the Middle Ages, xi. 3, trans, by Hamilton, A., vi (i) (London, 1906), p. 114Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 1} Cf. Erdmann, C., ‘Vatikanische Analekten zur Geschichte Ludwigs des Baiern’, Archivalische Zeitschrift, xli (1932)Google Scholar; Mommsen, T. E., Italienische Analekten (above, note 1), which publishes the result of researches carried out in 1933–1935Google Scholar; and the numerous papers by Dr. Friedrich Bock cited in his book (note 3 below).

^{page 23 note 2} Cf. Pelster, F., ‘Die zweite Rede Markwarts von Randeck fur die Aussöhnung des Papstes mit Ludwig dem Bayern’;, Historisches Jahrbuch, lx (1940), 88 sqq.Google Scholar; Mercati, A., ‘Dall'Archivio Vaticano. Proposte di Giovanni, il francofilo re di Boemia, a Giovanni XXII’, Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire, lxi (1949), 195 sqq.Google Scholar; Offler, H.S., ‘Über die Prokuratorien Ludwigs des Bayern für die römische Kurie’, Deutsches Archiv für die Erforschitng des Mittelalters, viii (1951), 476 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 23 note 3} Carl Müller's valuable book (p. 21, n. 2 above) was published before the material in the Vatican Archives was readily available. Bock's, Friedrich Reichsidee und Nationalstaaten vom Untergang des alten Reickes bis zur Kundigung des deutsch-englischen Bundnisses im Jahre 1341 (Munich, 1943)Google Scholar is based on an unrivalled knowledge of the sources, but not all its judgements have found or are likely to find acceptance. There is a balanced account of Lewis' reign by Grundmann, Herbert in the new edition of Gebhardt, B., Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte, i (Stuttgart, 1954), pp. 427–58Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 1} MGH Const., v, nr. 792, p. 617; for the force of the phrase in discordia see Mitteis, H., Die deutsche Königswahl (Baden bei Wien, 1938), pp. 168, 185Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 2} Bock, , ‘Studien zum politischen Inquisitionsprozess Johanns XXII’, Quellen u. Forsch. aus italien. Archiven u. Bibliotheken, xxvi (1936), 21 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 24 note 3} See, e.g., Baethgen, F., ‘Der Anspruch des Papsttums auf das Reichsvikariat’, Zts. d. Savigny-Stiftung f. Rechtsgeschichte, xli, Kan. Abt., x (1920), 168 sqq.Google Scholar; H. E. Feine, ‘Die Approbation der Luxemburgischen Kaiser in ihren Rechtsformen an der Kurie’, ibid., xxvii (1938), 364.

^{page 24 note 4} MGH Const., v, nr. 729, p. 568.

^{page 25 note 1} J. G. Herwart von Hohenburg, Ludovicus Quartus Imperator defensus; Bzovius injuriarum postulatus (Munich, 1618), p. 173Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 2} An edition of a copy of the Liber processuum is given in Durand, Martène et, Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum, ii. 641 sqqGoogle Scholar. Clement's, collatio is to be found in Paris, Bibliotheque Ste Geneviève, cod. 240Google Scholar, and the phrase cited at fo. 64.

^{page 26 note 1} von Viktring, Johann, Lib. certarum historiarum, ed. Schneider, F., ii (MGH SS. in usum scholarum, 1910), p. 228Google Scholar; cf. Offler, , ‘England and Germany at the beginning of the Hundred Years' War’, English Historical Review, liv (1939), 619–22Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 2} Werunsky, E., Geschichte Kaiser Karls IV und seiner Zeit, i (Innsbruck, 1880), p. 435Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 3} Lewis' attitude is plainly expressed in his instruction for his envoys to the Curia dated 28 October 1343: ‘Item der artikel dar inn wir uns verbinden solten daz wir gen Ytali nicht chomen solten e wir von dem stuol approbiert wuerden, der wirt auch abgant’, in Munich, Geheimes Haus-Archiv, 1/5 259 fo. 15 = Reizler, S., Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers (Leipzig, 1874), p. 333Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 4} Kraack, E., Rom oder Avignon? Die römische Frage unter den Päpsten Clemens V und Johann XXII (Marburg, 1929), pp. 57–8Google Scholar. I cannot share the negative judgement of Dupre-Theseider, E., I papi di Avignone e la questione romana (Florence, 1939), pp. 49, 73–5Google Scholar.

^{page 27 note 1} Between the financial years 1320–1 and 1325–6 it increased from 112,490 to 528,857 florins: Schäfer, K. H., Die Ausgaben der apostolischen Rammer unter Johann XXII (Vatikanische Quellen zur Geschichte der päpstlichen Hofund Finanzverwaltung 1316–1378, ii, Paderborn, 1911), p. 13*Google Scholar. A rough calculation from Schäfer's sources, ibid., pp. 470–6, shows that about 336,000 florins of the total for 1325–6 were assigned to the war in Lombardy.

^{page 27 note 2} MGH Const, v, nr. 443, p. 367, reviving the intention of Clement V, i bid., iv, nr. 1164, p. 1205. On the problems concerning the date and text of Robert's appointment, see most recently Tabacco, G., La Casa di Francia nell' aione politica di papa Giovanni XXII (Rome, 1953), pp. 161, n.3, 164Google Scholar. John's, negotiations with Philip of Maine are to be found in MGH Const., v, nr. 577, pp. 462–3Google Scholar; with Habsburg ibid., nrs. 655–7, pp. 520–2.

^{page 27 note 3} Dumontel, Carla, L'impresa italiana di Giovanni di Lussemburgo, re di Boemia (Turin, 1952), pp. 114–15Google Scholar.

^{page 28 note 1} Raynaldus, , Annales ecclesiastici, 1339, § 65Google Scholar.

^{page 28 note 2} See Schrohe, H., Der Kampfder Gegenkönige Ludwig und Friedrich um das Reich bis zur Entscheidungsschlacht bei Mühldorf (Hist. Studien, xxix. Berlin, 1902), pp. 45 sqq.Google Scholar; Lucas, H. S., ‘The Low Countries and the disputed imperial election of 1314’, Speculum, xxi (1946), 72–114Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 1} Undoubtedly there were passing disagreements between Frederick the Fair and his brothers; cf. MGH Const., vi, nr. 402, p. 303. But they never threatened to compromise the substantial unity of the family against the outside world.

^{page 29 note 2} Salchow, G., Der Übergang der Mark Brandenburg an das Wittelsbachse House (Halle, 1893), pp. 42–4Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 3} A comprehensive study of Berthold would be valuable. Fusslein's, W. Berthold VII, Graf von Henneberg (Hamburg, 1905)Google Scholar is more concerned with Berthold's local activjties as a dynast than with the part he played in national politics and covers only the earlier part of his career.

^{page 29 note 4} Lippert, W., Wettiner und Wittelsbacher sowie die Niederlausitf im XIV Jahrhundert (Dresden, 1894), p. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 5} So Bock, , ‘Politischen Inquisitionsprozess’, p. 58Google Scholar; cf. Meltzer, Franz, Die Ostraumpolitik König Johanns von Böhmen (Jena, 1940), p. 28Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 1} Perhaps it was Baldwin's political perplexities at this time which caused him to think of resigning his archbishopric; cf. Riezler, , VA, nrs. 2199, 2211, pp. 795, 799Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 2} MGH Const., vi, nrs. 834, 882–6, pp. 701, 734 sqq.

^{page 30 note 3} von Viktring, Johann, Lib. certarum historiarum, ed. cit., ii. 165–7Google Scholar.

^{page 31 note 1} Bresslau, Harry, Urkundenlehre, i (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1912), pp. 133–6Google Scholar; Erben, W., ‘Berthold von Tuttlingen, Registrator und Notar in der Kanzlei Kaiser Ludwigs des Baiern’, Denkschriften d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien, phil.-hist. Kl., lxvi (1923), 49 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 31 note 2} The early appearance of Boehmer's, J. F. Regesta Imperii inde ab anno 1314 usque ad annum 1347 (Frankfort, 1839; supplements 1–3, 1841–63)Google Scholar means that a good deal of revision of the details of Lewis' itinerary still needs to be done. But it seems unlikely that such a revision would invalidate the generalization in the text.

^{page 31 note 3} 4 May 1331, printed by Oefele, A. F., Rerum Boicarum Scriptores, i (Augsburg, 1763), p. 758Google Scholar; cf. von Freeden, E., Die Reichsgewalt in Norddeutschlandvon der Mine des 13. bis zur Mine des 14. Jahrhunderts (Gottingen, 1931), pp. 90–3Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 1} This is the figure suggested by Werunsky, , Geschichte Karls IV, ii. 31Google Scholar. J. Knöpfler's reckoning of the taxes from the imperial towns in Swabia, Alsace and the upper Rhineland indicates a total of about 12,500 florins a year from this area: ‘Die Reichsstadesteuer in Schwaben, Elsass und am Oberrhein zur Zeit Kaiser Ludwigs des Baiers’, Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte, Neue Folge, xi (1902)Google Scholar. I have not seen the Erlangen dissertation by Gradenwitz, H., Beiträge z. Finanzgeschkhte d. deutschen Reichs unter Ludwig. d. B. (1908)Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 2} See the complaint of von Selbach, Heinrich Taube in his Chronica, ed. Bresslau, H. (MGH Scriptores, nova series, i, 1922), p. 58Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 3} On the ruinous device of the ‘unabniezendes Pfand’ see Werminghoff, A., Die Verpfändungen der mittel- und niederrheinischen Reichsstädte während des13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (Breslau, 1893), pp. 30 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 32 note 4} Chronica de Gestis Principum, ed. Leidinger, G., in Chronicae Bavaricae Saeculi XIV (MGH Scriptores in usum scholarum, 1918), p. 94Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 5} As, for example, his vain attempt to capture Burgau, in 1324–5, Chronica de Gestis Principum, pp. 100–3Google Scholar, and his futile intervention on behalf of Albrecht von Hohenberg in the struggle for the see of Constance in 1334, on which see Bock, , Reichsidee und Nationalstaaten, pp. 353–5Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 1} Leicht, P. S., ‘Staatsformen in der italienischen Renaissance’, Quellenu. Forsch. aus italien. Archiven u. Bibliotheken, xxxi (1940), 207–22Google Scholar; Simeoni, Luigi, Le signorie, i (Milan, 1950), pp. 52, 87Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 2} As, for instance, Florence, when she was trying to organize a combined Guelf force to oppose Lewis, in January 1329, MGH Const., vi, nr. 539, p. 449Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 3} Schäfer, K. H., Deutsche Ritter und Edelknechte in Italien während des14. Jakrhunderts, i (Quellen und Forschungen aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte, xv (i). Paderborn, 1911), pp. 75–9Google Scholar. For the fear that German mercenaries in Guelf service might fall away to Lewis there is evidence in a letter dated 22 April 1342 from Florence to Robert of Naples, summarized by Mommsen, , Italienischen Analekten, nr. 267, p. 112Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 4} It would seem that this offer was made to Azzo Visconti by John of Bohemia on Lewis' behalf: Riezler, , VA, nr. 1386a, p. 482Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 1} Mommsen, T. E., ‘Castruccio e l'impero’, Attl della R. Accademia Lucchese, nuova serie, iii (1934), 33 sqq.Google Scholar; Jones, P. J., ‘The Vicariate of the Malatesta of Rimini’, English Historical Review, lxvii (1952), 321–51Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 2} See the memorandum of Ugolino of Celle dated April 1323, printed by Stengel, E. E., N[ova] A[lamanniae], i (Berlin, 1921), nr. 123, p. 73Google Scholar, or the memorandum composed some ten years earlier and printed MGH Const., iv, nr. 1248, pp. 1308–17; Bock, , Reichsidee, pp. 210–101Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 3} Villani, Giovanni, Cronaca, lib. x, c. 203Google Scholar; cf. Dumontel, , op. cit., pp. 99–101Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 4} Rodolico, N., Dal Comune alia Signoria (Bologna, 1898), doc. 73, p. 273Google Scholar; other documents concerning this league are printed by Mommsen, , Italienische Analekten, nrs. 252–62, pp. 107–10Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 5} MGH Const., v, nr. 676, p. 539. On Frederick the Fair's Italian interests see Mommsen, T. E., ‘Das Habsburgisch-Angiovinische Ehe-Bundnis von 1316’, Neues Archiv d. Gesellschaft f. ältere deutsche Gesckichtskun.de, 1. (1935), 600–15Google Scholar; Tabacco, G., ‘La politica italiana di Federico il Bello, re dei Romani’, Archivio storico italiano, cviii (1950), 3–77Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 1} MGH Const., v, nr. 723, p. 564.

^{page 35 note 2} The most recent discussion of Lewis' appeals is by Bock, F., ‘Die Appellationschriften König Ludwigs IV’, Deutsches Archiv f. Gesch. d. Mittelalters, iv (1941), 179 sqqGoogle Scholar. The problem of the interpolation in the Sachsenhausen appeal of 22 May 1324 (MGH Const., v, nr. 909, p. 722) of the extreme Franciscan Tractatus de paupertate Christi remains obscure.

^{page 35 note 3} Manfred's, manifesto of 25 May 1265, MGH Const., ii, nr. 424, p. 559Google Scholar, is discussed by Folz, R., L'Idée d' Empire en Occident du V^e au XIV^e siecle (Paris, 1953), pp. 138–42Google Scholar. A clear indication of the nature of Lewis' coronation is given in the encyclical issued by Castracani, Castruccio on 17 January 1328, MGH Const., vi, nr. 383, p. 286Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 4} See Dupre-Theseider, E., Roma dal Comune di Popolo alla Signoria Pontificia (1252–1377) (Bologna, 1952), p. 467Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 1} This is Lewis', own account, MGH Const., vi, nr. 241, p. 158Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 2} Ibid., nr. 266, p. 174. Simeoni, , Le Signorie, i. 105Google Scholar emphasizes that not all the signori welcomed Lewis' coming. It may well have been made clear to Lewis at Trent that if he delayed his Italian expedition there was the danger that the signori would come to terms with the papacy.

^{page 36 note 3} So the Aragonese proctor at the Curia, had reported to his master, 26 September 1325, Ada Aragonensia, ed. Finke, H., i (Berlin, 1908), nr. 274, p. 416Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 4} That Lewis himself recognized that this must be so appears from his reply to the envoys of the Estensi, on 19 October 1324, MGH Const., v, nr. 1006, p. 835Google Scholar. For the way in which the obligation of the German estates to help the crown ‘uber daz gebirge gegen Lamparten’ was being whittled away by royal privileges, see ibid., nr. 25, § 3, p. 24; nr. 191, § 8, p. 177.

^{page 36 note 5} See MGH Const., vi, nrs. 266, 289–91, 326–9, pp. 173, 205, 238. By the end of August 1327 Lewis' father-in-law, William of Holland, had bound himself by oath to the pope not to aid Lewis, ibid., nrs. 335–6, pp. 245–7.

^{page 37 note 1} Ibid., vi, nrs. 390, 395, 401, pp. 293, 297, 300.

^{page 37 note 2} These figures are those of Villani, , Cronaca, lib. x, cc. 17, 31, 47, 53, 54, 146Google Scholar. Collateral evidence suggests that they were not much exaggerated. While Villani, x. 47, says that the advance guard on Lewis' march to Rome in December 1327 consisted of 700 horse and 2,000 foot, Robert of Naples writing to the Justiciar of the Terra di Bari on 22 December puts the numbers at 400 horse and 2,000 foot, Mommsen, , Italienischen Analekten, nr. 158, p. 74Google Scholar.

^{page 37 note 3} In 1337 Edward III was offering 15 florins a month for a mounted man-at-arms, Rymer, , Foedera, ii (ii), 984Google Scholar. Schäfer, , Deutsche Ritter und Edelknechte, i. 45 sqqGoogle Scholar. gives Italian rates from the ‘twenties to the’ fifties which are considerably lower: 10, 8, 7, 6, even 5 florins a month for a simple man-at-arms; a troop leader might get three times this. MGH Const., vi, nr. 513, p. 423, suggests that Lewis could get men at 6 florins a month.

^{page 37 note 4} Simeoni, , op. cit., i. 106–7Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 1} Erdmann, C., ‘Vatikanische Analekten’, pp. 14, 22Google Scholar; Mommsen, , Italienischen Analekten, nr. 190, p. 84Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 2} MGH Const., vi, nr. 486, p. 399, gives the report sent to Frederick III of Sicily by an anonymous observer with the Sicilian fleet during the last week of August.

^{page 38 note 3} Ibid., vi, nrs. 512–13, pp. 421–3; cf. Davidsohn, R., Geschichte von Floreni, iii (Berlin, 1912), pp. 851 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 38 note 4} John, XXII had heard this rumour of Lewis', intentions before 28 October 1329, MGH Const., vi, nr. 658, p. 556Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 5} By Villani, , for instance, Cronaca, lib. x, cc. 31, 47Google Scholar, and by Bock, , Reichsidee, p. 284Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 1} On the use of Marsilio by Matteo Visconti in the spring of 1319, see Previté-Orton, C. W., ‘Marsilius of Padua and the Visconti’, English Historical Review, xliv (1929), 278–9Google Scholar. Marsilio seems to have been known in Milan. The two witnesses who testified before the papal inquisitor at Bologna in December 1329 as having recognized Marsilio riding with Lewis in Parma on 28 November were both Milanese, Bock, , ‘Politischen Inquisitionsprozess’, p. 68Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 2} They are discussed by Bock, F., ‘Die Prokuratorien Kaiser Ludwigs IV an Papst Benedict XIP’, Quellen u. Forsch. aus italienischen Archiven u. Bibliotheken, xxv (1933), 251 sqqGoogle Scholar.; Offler, , ‘Die Prokuratorien Ludwigs des Bayern’ (above, p. 23, n. 2)Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 1} A good example of this is offered by the tentative negotiations for an alliance between Hungary and England in 1345–6. See Trautz, F., ‘Die Reise eines englischen Gesandten nach Ungarn im Jahr 1346’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschicktsforschung, lx (1952), 359 sqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 40 note 2} Munich, Geheimes Haus-Archiv 1/5 256 has the instruction for October 1331, imperfectly printed in Ch. Gewold, , Defensio Ludovici imperatoris ratione electionis contra Abr. Bzovium (Ingolstadt, 1618), pp. 118–20Google Scholar. At fo. 12 of 1/5 259 is the instruction for October 1336, and at fos. 14–15 that for October 1343. Both are printed in Riezler, , Literarischen Widersacker, pp. 328, 332Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 3} Clement VI's demands in 1344 survive in a contemporary German translation presumably made in Lewis' chancery, Munich, Geheimes Haus Archiv, 1/5 260; cf. Offler, , ‘Die Prokuratorien Ludwigs des Bayern’, pp. 480–3Google Scholar. The 20th article of Clement's political demands was that Lewis' proctors should be empowered to swear on his behalf that he would perform no actions under the imperial or royal title without the special permission of the pope (fo. 9v.). In the margin is the note (which presumably represents the decision of Lewis and his counsellors): ‘Das urlop sol der bapst geben das er under den kuenklichen titel sinen gwalt ueben und gefuern mueg des tags und der wil so des keisers procurator vor den Bapst in dem consistori fuerlegent und tuend als begriffen ist in den artikeln der procuratorien und sol auch sinen brief geben mit der bulle was der keiser daran tuet daz dem stuol und dem rich keinen schaden bringen mueg.’

^{page 41 note 1} This is clear from the terms of Lewis' instructions to his envoys in 1331 and 1336 (above, p. 40, n. 2). See also Riezler, , VA, nrs. 1748a, 1842, pp. 592, 651Google Scholar, and the documents preserved in the register of Jean de Revets, Marseilles, Archives departmentales des Bouches du Rhone, B. 176, fos. 113–14, referred to in my paper ‘Die Prokuratorien Ludwigs d.B.’, pp. 476–7.

^{page 41 note 2} Stengel, E. E., Avignon und Rhens (Weimar, 1930), pp. 40–59Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 1} Stengel, E. E., Avignon und Rhens pp. 60 sqq.Google Scholar; Bock, , Reichsidee, pp. 348 sqq.Google Scholar, and in Historische Zeitschrift, cxlvii (1933), 398Google Scholar. The tension between John and Robert of Naples is discussed by Léonard, E. G., Les Angevins de Naples (Paris, 1954), pp. 267–9Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 2} See his care to avoid using the royal and imperial titles in his letter to Benedict dated 2 August 1335, Riezler, , VA, nr. 1748, p. 592Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 3} On 23 December 1336 Miles of Noyers swore on behalf of Philip that he would make no hindrance to Lewis' reconciliation, Riezler, , VA, nr. 1876, p. 668Google Scholar. Lewis ratified the agreement in February 1337 and denounced it on 7 July, Bock, , Rekhsidee, pp. 375, 386Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 4} I have not been convinced by the learned attempt of Pelster, F., art. cit. (above, p. 23, n. 2), pp. 102–9Google Scholar, to minimize the effect of French pressure and place the main responsibility for the break on Benedict's rigour for what he considered to be papal rights in the matter of Lewis' approbation. The decisive document seems to be Benedict's letter to Philip of 4 April 1337, Riezler, , VA, nr. 1876, p. 668Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 5} Stengel, , NA, i, nr. 408Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 1} Benoît XII {1334–1342). Lettres closes, patentes et curiales se rapportant à la France, ed. Daumet, G. (Paris, 1920), nr. 832Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 2} As I have tried to show in my paper, ‘A political collatio of Pope Clement VI’, Revue Bénedictine, lxv (1955), 127–9Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 3} For Clement's demands, see p. 40, n. 3 above. An electoral commentary on them is printed by Stengel, , NA, ii, nr. 773, p. 495Google Scholar. Another opinion of them (presumably that of some representative of the imperial towns) was published by von Weech, F., Kaiser Ludwig der Bayer und König Johann von Böhmen (Munich, 1860), pp. 126–30Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 1} Early in 1340 Benedict XII seems to have been unmoved by the fears of Florence that Lewis was planning a new descent on Italy: Gorrini, G., ‘Lettere inedite degli ambasciatori fiorentini alia corte dei papi in Avignone anno 1340’, Archivio storico italiano, iv^a serie, xiv (1884), 166Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 2} The account by Hauck, A., Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, v (i) (Leipzig, 1911), pp. 491–7, 557Google Scholar, is still valuable.

^{page 44 note 3} See, for instance, the form of absolution of Baldwin of Trier, 24 Nov-ember 1342, Reizler, , VA, nr. 2134, p. 768Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 1} Offler, , ‘England and Germany at the beginning of the Hundred Years' War’, p. 616Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 2} In declaring that it was old and approved law that he whom the electors or a majority of them had chosen might take the royal title and administer the Empire, ‘nulla approbatione vel licencia dicte sedis apostolice super hoc habita et obtenta’ (Krammer, M., Quellen zur Geschichte der deutschen Königswahl und des Kurfürstenkollegs, ii (Leipzig, 1912), p. 91)Google Scholar the electors in their Weisthum at Rhens were not going substantially beyond the position of Lewis in his Sachsenhausen appeal in 1324, MGH Const., v, nr. 909, § 12, p. 726.

^{page 45 note 3} The highly favourable view of Baldwin taken by Stengel, E. E. in Avignon und Rhens and his Baldewin von Luxemburg. Ein grenzdeutscher Staatsmann des 14. Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1937)Google Scholar is sharply criticized by implication by Bock, , Reichsidee, pp. 396–405Google Scholar. The document printed by Stengel, , NA, i, nr. 547, p. 365Google Scholar, seems to show Baldwin as something less than a whole-hearted supporter of the Rhens declarations. Stengel's, attempts to explain it away, Avignon und Rhens, pp. 142 sqq.Google Scholar, are not wholly convincing.

^{page 46 note 1} See NA, ii, nr. 773, p. 495, and Stengel's, comments, Avignon u. Rhens, p. 202, n. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 2} Offler, , ‘Meinungsverschiedenheiten am Hof Ludwigs des Bayern im Herbst 1331’, Deutsches Archiv f. Erforschung des Mittelalters, xi (1954), 191–206Google Scholar. The rediscovered Oeconomica of Conrad of Megenberg even brings a charge of disloyalty against Lewis' experienced protonotary and diplomatic agent Ulrich Hoftnaier of Augsburg: Käppeli, Th., ‘L'Oeconomica de Conrad de Megenberg retrouvée’, Revue d' histoire ecclésiastique, xlv (1950), p. 618, n. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 3} Bock, F., ‘Die Gründung des Klosters Ettal’, Oberbayerisches Archiv, lxvi (1929), pp. 78, 84Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 4} Offler, , ‘England and Germany’, p. 619, n. 3Google Scholar. When under the papal sentences Lewis remained an extremely generous Landesherr to the regular clergy in Bavaria: Bornhak, O., Staatskirchliche Anschauungen und Handlungen am Hofe Kaiser Ludwigs des Bayern (Weimar, 1930), pp. 102–3Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 5} Chronica de Gestis Principum, ed. cit., p. 89; MGH Const., vi, nrs. 140–1, pp. 96–7 (cf.Regesta Habsburgica, iii, ed. Gross, L., nr. 1636, p. 202); p. 42, n. 1 aboveGoogle Scholar.

^{page 47 note 1} See the passages collected by Stengel, , Avignon und Rhens, pp. 78–80Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 2} Op. cit., p. 582.