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The Emergence of an Urban Ideology at Florence c. 1250–1450

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

George Holmes
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Every city must in a sense have a city culture. Florence, however, was the only place in which there arose at the end of the Middle Ages what one might call a city ideology, that is to say a set of developed ideas as distinct from a way of living, which was particularly designed by and for city-dwellers. Much of the modern historical interest in Florence has centred around these ideas which emerged in the first half of the fifteenth century, the more so because even the innovations in the visual arts introduced at the same time by Donatello and his contemporaries are in part a by-product of them. The theme which I would like to develop in this paper therefore is the relationship between the city society and its ideology. This is of course a very old and well-worn theme. One of the common presuppositions of Renaissance historiography has been the understandable assumption that the ideology fitted the city, and a good deal of historical analysis has been applied to identifying the congruences between them and illustrating the growth of the humanist school out of the circumstances of Florentine life. The ideology, however, was created in the early fifteenth century, at the end of the period which I am going to discuss, when Florence had already been a great centre of industry and commerce and an independent republic for a very long time. Fruitful as it has been, this approach therefore leaves one with the disquieting feeling that a place which has been for so long and so conspicuously a centre of throbbing urban life ought to have had its ideological revolution much earlier, particularly since economic historians have emphasized the elements of commercial contraction rather than expansion in the early Renaissance period. Some historians have found themselves driven into the paradoxical position of regarding the early Renaissance as a symptom of economic decline. I would therefore like to look at the old theme obliquely by deflecting attention from the great innovations themselves and concentrating it on the factors which favoured or hindered ideological innovation in the century and a half before they appeared.

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Research Article
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Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , Volume 23 , January 1973 , pp. 111 - 134
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1973

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References

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61 The political explanation of the humanist revolution has been developed at length by H. Baron in The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance. One important part of his argument, the ascription of a primarily political inspiration to Bruni's early works, the Laudatio Florentinae Urbis and the Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Istrum has been criticized by Seigel, J. E. ‘“Civic Humanism” or Ciceronian Rhetoric?’, Past and Present, no. 34 (1966)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reply by Baron, , ‘Leonardo Bruni: “professional rhetorician” or “civic humanist”?’, no. 36 (1967)Google Scholar. Seigel rightly points out that Bruni was primarily a rhetorician. This does not necessarily reduce the importance of the political background, though it does change the nature of its impact on Bruni. Faith in republicanism is certainly an important element in Florentine humanism throughout the first half of the fifteenth century, but not a sufficient explanation for the prestige and success of the humanist school.

62 Charles of Valois's entry into Florence (see Davidsohn, , Storia, iv, 213–285)Google Scholaris described by Dino Compagni, one of the priors at the time, whose narrative vividly conveys the feeling of impotence in the city partly because of fear of papal and French power, partly because of political divisions within the city (Compagni, Dino, Cronica, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, IX, ii, pp. 118–35)Google Scholar.

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64 I have sketched some aspects of the relations between Florence and the papacy at this period in The Florentine Enlightenment (1969).