^{page 121 note 1} See below, p. 137.

^{page 121 note 2} See below, pp. 131, 162.

^{page 122 note 1} The history of Wales as a distinct principality begins with the battle of Chester, about 613.

^{page 122 note 2} Traill's, Social England, p. 21Google Scholar. Only two ancient British coins have been found in Wales (The Coins of the Ancient Britons (Evans), Supplement, pp. 433, 437). On the question of Welsh coinage, see below, p. 134, note 6.

^{page 122 note 3} See Mr. F. Haverfield's map of Roman Britain (Hist. Atlas, ed. R. L. Poole, i. no. xv.). Cf. Arch. Camb. 3rd series, vi. 186.

^{page 122 note 4} Social England, p. 86. and British Mining (Hunt, J.), p. 20Google Scholar.

_{page 122 note 5} Proofs of the successful working of Welsh copper mines by the Romans are found in the cakes of copper found ‘impressed with a Roman stamp’ in the celebrated Paris mines of Anglesea (Arch. Camb. 4th series, iii. 180), and in the elaborate Roman coins and mining tools found in and near the old Roman levels at Llanymynech, on the eastern border of Montgomery (Powysland Club Collections, xi. 186). Cinder-beds, accompanied with Roman coins, evince the early origin of iron furnaces at Miskin in Glamorgan (Hunt, , op. cit. p. 44)Google Scholar, as also at Caerleon (The South Wales Coal Trade and its Allied Industries (by Wilkins, C.), p. 5)Google Scholar, Monmouth, Hadnock (Hist. of Monmouth (Williams, D.), p. 67)Google Scholar, and particularly in the Forest of Dean, the chief centre of the industry (Hunt, , op. cit. p. 28)Google Scholar. Cinder-heaps, the supposed refuse of old Roman bloomeries, have been found at Marteg, on the left bank of the Upper Wye, in Radnorshire (Hist. of Agriculture &C. in S. Wales (Davies, W.), ii. 452)Google Scholar, and at Crickhowell and Llanfrynach in Breconshire (Jones's, Hist. of Breconshire, pp. 538–9)Google Scholar. Evidences of Roman lead-mining are chiefly confined to the North Welsh counties, especially to the district of the Decangi or Cangi tribe, corresponding to a parcel of the modern Flintshire (Arch. Camb. 3rd series, ii. 309). Curious hammers and tools as well as the massive hilt of a Roman sword testify to the ancient working of the Abergele mines in Denbigh (Hunt, , op. cit. p. 39)Google Scholar, as do the old vestiges of imperial mining at Llandudno and Caerhun (Conoviutti) in Carnarvonshire (ib. p. 29). A Roman and even a British genesis is claimed for the lucrative mines of Cardiganshire, but upon doubtful evidence (Hist. of Agriculture &c. in S. Wales (Davies, W.), ii. 320Google Scholar, and Hunt, , op. cit. p. 20)Google Scholar. The same may be said of the Montgomeryshire mines, save that a pick, undoubtedly Roman, has been discovered in the mines near Machynlleth (Hunt, , op. cit. p. 40)Google Scholar. Scoriae of ancient smelting hearths have also been found at Llanfyllin, (Powysland Club Collections, iii. 59)Google Scholar, Llanwyddyn (ib. vii. 68), and at Newtown Park, near the traditional mining-town of Caersws (Hunt, , op. cit. pp. 28–9)Google Scholar. The ‘Ogofau’ gold mines, with their wide Roman levels, near Llanpumpsaint, co. Carmarthen, are unique of their kind (Arch. Journal, vii. 173; Hunt, , op. cit. p. 43)Google Scholar. It is a matter of doubt whether the Romans knew of the golden treasure embedded in the Merionethshire hills, and the minerals of Pembrokeshire were apparently untouched. Evidences in many places of the use of coal in Romantimes have been found in the Forest of Dean, (Archceologia (1900), p. 316)Google Scholar. The above references throw little light upon the extent of Roman mining in Wales. With the departure of the Romans the industry would be limited rather than suspended. The mines would no longer be worked for the purposes of a transmarine trade on imperial profit, but would be worked, as far as the disturbed state of the country allowed, to meet local requirements. Comparatively little has been written on mining in Wales from the departure of the Romans until the arrival of the German miners in the sixteenth century. See below, p. 142.

^{page 123 note 1} Hist. of Monmouth (Williams, D.), p. 62Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 2} Gomme, (G. L.), Village Community, pp. 60–IGoogle Scholar.

^{page 123 note 3} See Nennius (E.H.S. ed. Stevenson), p. 62, and Kemble, , Saxons in England, ii. 169Google Scholar. The disappearance of Roman towns in Wales is attributed by Wright to the devastating policy of the Welsh (comparing the case of the Saxon in England): The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon, pp. 453–4. More in harmony with the testimony of Giraldus of the abundant Roman remains at Caerleon, (Itin. Camb. (Rolls Series), p. 58Google Scholar) and Carmarthen (ib. p. 80) is the view of Kemble, (op. cit. ut supra, p. 291)Google Scholar, who attributes the decay of Roman towns to (I) time, (2) natural causes, (3) neglect. It should be remembered that the Welsh were unable to repair with stone material (Clark's, (G. T.) Medieval Architecture, i. 12–13)Google Scholar, and the art of brickmaking was long since lost(Gomme, G. L., op. cit. supra, p. 47)Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 1} The men of Edeyrnion buy their necessaries at Chester, (Myvyrian Archaiology (Denbigh, edition), p. 728Google Scholar; The Welsh People (ProfRhys, and Jones, Brynmôr), p. 168)Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 2} Lysons's, Mag. Brit. ii. pt. 2, 409–10Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 3} Cf. ib. p. 606, and Social England, p. 87.

^{page 124 note 4} See Wales Past and Present (Wilkins, C.), pp. 240–1Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 1} Eccles. Hist. of Ireland (Killen, W. D.), i. 26, 159Google Scholar; History of the Welsh Church (Newell, E. J.), p. 173Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 2} E.g. see lolo MSS. (pub. 1848 by the Welsh MSS. Soc.), p. 636Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 3} See Brut y Tywysogion (Rolls Series), s.a. 991 and 1087, where the ‘Pagans’ are employed as mercenaries by the Welsh.

^{page 125 note 4} An Account of the Danes in England, &c. (Worsaae, J. J. A.), p. 7Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 5} Norse Settlements round the Bristol Channel (by DrBugge, Alexander), pp. 1–11Google Scholar; Videnskabsselskabets Skrifter II. Historisk-filosofisk Klasse, 1900, no. 6. Cf. Worsaae, , op. cit. pp. 8, 23Google Scholar; Land of Morgan (Clark, G. T.), p. 16Google Scholar; Concise Hist, of Glamorgan (Phillips, J. R.), p. 26Google Scholar; Arch. Camb. 4th series, ii. 247–8; Engl. Hist. Review (note by MrStevenson, W. H.), xvi. 551Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 6} Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Soc., Session 1899–1900, The Coming of the Normans (by ProfLloyd, J. E.), p. 137Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 1} Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (Rec. Com.), p. 16.

^{page 126 note 2} Ib. p. 155.

^{page 126 note 3} Ib. p. 158. Cf. pp. 163, 275.

^{page 126 note 4} Ib. p. 127 (‘weaving women’). Cj. p. 155 below.

^{page 126 note 5} Ib. p. 14.

^{page 126 note 6} Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (Rec. Com.), p. 17.

^{page 127 note 1} E.g., ib. p. 135: ‘The teithi of a sheep: to give milk and to bear lambs; to be warranted against the rot until the calends of May, when she shall have satiated herself three times with the new herbage.’

^{page 127 note 2} Cf. The Welsh People, p. 248.

^{page 127 note 3} E.g. Llanbadarn, Llandaff, &c.

^{page 127 note 4} Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (Rec. Com.), p. 651.

^{page 128 note 1} Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (Rec. Com.), p. 416.

^{page 128 note 2} Descr. Kamb. (Rolls Series), pp. 179–180.

^{page 128 note 3} See below, p. 142.

^{page 128 note 4} The Expensa (Q. R. Accts., Miscellanea, Works), the Liberate and Pipe Rolls, together with the Ministers' Accounts (General Series) from this point on-wards, exhibit in a precise way the industrial economy of the time, the rate of wages, the prices of materials, the cost and means of transit, &c. For example, see Archaologia, xxviii. 221; copy and translation of a Roll of Expenses of King Edward, I. at Rhuddlan, , 1281–1222, and Arch. Journal, vii. 237 et seq.Google Scholar; Carnarvon Castle (by Hartshorne, C. H.); also pp. 142–7 belowGoogle Scholar.

^{page 129 note 1} Bruty Tywysogion (Rolls Series), s.a. cit..

^{page 129 note 2} , Matt.Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series), ii. 332Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 3} Gross, , Gild Merchant, p. 261Google Scholar. See ‘The Laws of Breteuil’ (by MissBateson, Mary), Engl. Hist. Review, vols. xv. & xvi.Google Scholar, invaluable to students of the Welsh boroughs.

^{page 129 note 4} Cf. p. 125, note 5, above.

^{page 129 note 5} There were not many Jews in Wales beyond those radiating from the Jewries of Hereford and Bristol in the Marcher towns. The typical charter of the North Welsh boroughs includes the clauseprohibiting the residence of Jews within their liberties. Jewish merchants and axtisans hailing from South Walesare to be found among the free citizens of Dublin early in the thirteenth century. We find Solomon of Cardiff, Abram the son of Bernard of Cardigan, Adam of Newport, and Adam of South Wales (Hist. and Municip. Documents, Ireland, 1172–1230 (ed. Gilbert, ), p. 2 et seq., and p.136)Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 6} See note I on next page. Cf. Freeman's, English Towns and Districts, p. 16Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 1} Annales Cambrige (Rolls Series), pp. 36, 58, 59, 63, 71, 74, 78, 92, 93, 98; and Brut y Tywysogion (Rolls Series), pp. 250–1, 318, 320.

^{page 130 note 2} I. P. M. 4 Ed. I. No. 84 (s.n. Kidwelly); History of Neath Abbey (Birch, W. de Gray, F.S.A.), p. 235Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 3} Cardiff Records (ed. Matthews, John Hobson), i. 26Google Scholar, and Dillwyn's, (L. W.) Contributions to the History of Swansea, p. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 4} Prcestita Roll 1211 (Rec. Com.), p. 245 (four ships bring corn to Wales), and Pipe Roll, 3 H. II. (Pipe Roll Soc.), p. 108, for a ship hired to take provisions from Winchester to Pembroke.

^{page 130 note 5} Calendar of Documents, Ireland (1171–1251), Nos. 2108 and 2733; alsoPipe Roll, 18 H. II. (Pipe Roll Soc.), p. 119.

^{page 130 note 6} E.g. Patent Roll, 26 H. III. m. 8. The bishop of St. Asaph to be free from all toll in the towns of Salop, to buy whatsoever for his own use and that of his family. A like concession to David the son of Llewelyn ‘as long as he faithfully serves us.’ On the same membrane the king expresses his wish that ‘our land of England and our land of Wales’ should be common to English and Welsh merchants for purposes of trade. Notification to this effect is sent to J. Extraneus, the Justiciar of Chester, and J. de Monmouth, the constable of Carmarthen and Cardigan. Cf. note 8 on next page.

^{page 130 note 7} Owen, and Blakeway's, Hist, of Shrewsbury, i. 87Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 8} Ib. p. 103.

^{page 130 note 9} Royal and Hist. Letters (ed. Shirley, ), ii. 156–7Google Scholar. The merchants of Builth, Elvael, Warthrinnion, and Cardigan, attending the fairs of Leominster, complain of the tyranny of Mortimer's servants; cf. Ancient Correspondence (P.R.O.), vol. xxiii No. 1891Google Scholar, where Llewelyn ap Grufudd complains of the harm done to his people whilst attending the fairs at Montgomery und Leominster.

^{page 131 note 1} Letters of safe conduct to the men of Carmarthen (1220) in going, staying, and returning to the fair of St. Egidius at Winchester, (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1216–1225, p. 252Google Scholar; Munimenta Gildhallce Londoniensis (Rolls Series), ii. 2, 655). Welshmen among others permitted (5 Ric. I.) to go to Boston, Lincoln, and Winchester fairs. Cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1317–21), p. 21. Tin and steel bought in the markets of Boston and elsewhere for the works and munition of the king's castles in North Wales.

^{page 131 note 2} The Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, 1208–1209, Introd. xviii. Cf. ib. p. 23.

^{page 131 note 3} Welsh mountain sheep were sometimes bought in the Marcher districts of the low-lying English pastures (Roll of the Household Expenses of Bp. Swin-field (Camden Soc.), i. 188–9)Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 4} The merchants of St. Omer (de Sancto Homero) dealt in Welsh wool as early as 1205 (Cal. Rot. Lit. Clans. (Rec. Com.), p. 55), and the men of Carmarthen brought their wools to Bristol before 1218 (ib. p. 353).

^{page 131 note 5} For Welsh, arrows see Publications of the Selden Soc. xiii. 80Google Scholar, 96, 101, 152.

^{page 131 note 6} Spears (hastce) were brought from Wales to Taunton (co. Somerset) asearly as 1209 (note 2 above).

^{page 131 note 7} Descr. Kamb. (Rolls Series), pp. 218–9. ‘Interim autem cuncta mercimonia ferri, panni, salis, et bladi, quibus ab Anglicana copia sustentare solent, arctius eis inhibeantur.’ Cf. Pipe Roll, 13 H. II. (Pipe Roll. Soc), p. 77; ib. 16 H. II. p. 154 (re corn), and Cal. Pat. Rolls (1225–32), p. 203; also Pipe Roll, 18 H. II. p. 119 (re salt).

^{page 131 note 8} Close Roll, 16 H. III. Grant (dated August 8) to the men of Llewelyn, Prince of Aberfraw, Lord of Snowdon, to trade freely in all the markets and fairs held in the bailiwicks of Salop, Stafford, Hereford, and Worcester, until Michael-mas next following and as long as the friendly relations which now exist between the Lord King and Llewelyn should last.

^{page 131 note 9} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1216–1225), p. 386, re men of Maelgwyn, son of Rhys, &c., in South Wales.

^{page 131 note 10} Cal. Close Rolls (1272–79), p. 51. Inhibition of Llewelyn ap Grufudd erecting a castle and market at Abermule, near Montgomery.

^{page 132 note 1} Frontier towns like Shrewsbury, (Royal and Hist. Letters (Rolls), ii. 310–11)Google Scholar, and Hereford (Pipe Roll, 14 H. II. p. 117; 15 H. II. p. 28; 18 H. II. p. 3) suffered from depression of tradeduring a Welsh war. For temporary suspension of markets see Cal. Pat. Rolls (1225–32), pp. 81–2, 584.

^{page 132 note 2} Cal. Close Rolls (1227–31), pp. 537, 588; also Cal. of Documents, Ireland,.a. 1231, no. 1930; s.a. 1233, no. 2073.

^{page 132 note 3} See note 7 on the preceding page.

^{page 132 note 4} Cal. Close Rolls (1272–79), p. 410.

^{page 133 note 1} Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Society, Session 1902–3.

^{page 133 note 2} Rec. of Carn. p. 132. ‘Item ordinatum fuit per conquestorem [i.e. Edw. I.] quod nulli Wallenses facerent aliquas mercandizas extra villas merca-torias nec brasearent ad vendendum sub forisfactura mercandizarum et imprisona-menti ac redempcionis faciendi.’ Ib. p. 223 (Beaumaris market district). Cal. Pat. Rolls (1476–1485), p. 504 (Denbigh, )Google Scholar.

^{page 133 note 3} E.g. Shrewsbury, in consideration of its nearness to Wales, and of its consequent need to be very well fortified, received a grant of murage in 1423 (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1422–1429, p. 140).

^{page 133 note 4} Ancient Petitions (P.R.O.), No. 2683. The men of Carmarthen pray for a grant of murage to repair the town walls, ‘pur les Galeies que lour manacent de jour en autre de prendre ladite ville.’

^{page 134 note 1} Cf. Rec. of Carn. p. 131. ‘Item Wallenses non portabunt aliquaarma in-vasiva nec defensiva ad villas mercatorias, nundinas, ecclesias, seu congregaciones, sub pena amissionis huiusmodi armaturae et imprisonamenti per unum annum.’

^{page 134 note 2} Ib. p. 213. ‘Ad communem peticionem factam quod non distringantur ad solvendum tolnetum nisi eodem modo quo fieri consueverunt temporibus regis et principis, videlicet in nundinis tamen. Praeceptum est quod tolnetum capiatur nundinis et mercatis secundum quod hactenus est alibi a burgis villis mercatoriis.’

^{page 134 note 3} Court Rolls (P.R.O.), Portf. 215, No. 53, m. 2(dorse).

^{page 134 note 4} Rec. of Carn. p. 213.

^{page 134 note 5} Brut y Tywysagion (Rolls Series), s.a. 1279. Annals of theCoinage (Ruding, R.), i. 195.

^{page 134 note 6} Powell's, (D.) Hist. of Wales (1812 edition), App. p. 358Google Scholar. One Cadvan Ddu was fined 6s. 4d, because he refused to take the old money for the new (sic). No coins which can be supposed to have been issued by Welsh princes are at this time known to exist. A vague account has been given of some triangular silver coins with a hole in the centre and a circular inscription found in Cardiganshire and Carmarthen, and conjectured to have been the money of some Welsh prince (Annals of the Coinage (Ruding, R.), i. 195)Google Scholar. The right of coining, we know, was included among the prerogative powers of the Welsh prince (Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (Rec. Com.), p. 573), and fines imposed in the laws are sometimes rated in money alone (ib. p. 141), and sometimes in cattle and money jointly (ib. p. 252). King Athelstan imposed on the Welsh an annual tribute in money and kind (Register of Malmesbury, Rolls Series, i. 53; cf. Notes and Queries (Series I.), ii. 231, 346; The Cambrian and Caledonian Quarterly Magazine, v. (1883)251–255)Google Scholar. It has been suggested that the Welsh made use of Saxon and Norman pennies during the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries (Arch. Camb. 3rd series, v. 151–2). Mints were established at Chester, Hereford, and Shrewsbury in Athelstan's reign, and at Ludlow and Bristol soon after (Ruding, , op. cit. sup. ii. 157, 175, 176, 209, 212)Google Scholar. Rhuddlan mint is referred to in Domesday (ib. p. 240) and coins were struck at Cardiff by Stephen, Henry II., and Henry III. The privilege of a ‘mint (bathoriaiyth) at Llandaff’ is included among the old privileges of Teilo (Book of Llandav (ed. Rhys, and Evans, ), p. 120)Google Scholar. Flemish coins (brass pieces) have been found near Caerphilly Castle, which bear the trace of the Flemish artisan (Archaologia, ii. 12). In the Pipe Roll of 31 H. I. (Rec. Com.) p. 136, a moneyer (monetarius) appears in Pembroke.

^{page 135 note 1} Rec. of Carn. p. 212. ‘Ad communem peticionem factam quod singuli possint emere et vendere victualia, equos, boves, et vaccas pro sustentatione sua quilibet vicinus de alioin patria extra mercata et nundinas. Ita quod pro huius empcionibus vel vendicionibus non occasionentur seu amercientur et similiter.’ Concurrent with this there was a general outcry against the obvious inconvenience occasioned by the ordinance that one from each house should attend the market once a week, whether he had business or not, the express object being to add to the number of people in the market (ad multiplicandum populuvm in foro). The reply to both these petitions was in the form of a compromise; those having no business to transact were not forced to attend, and in the case of travellers and those far removed from markets, necessaries of life, as milk, butter, and cheese, could be sold in patria.

^{page 135 note 2} See below, p. 139.

^{page 135 note 3} See Royal Charters and Hist. Documents of Carmarthen (1878), by Daniel-Tyssen, J. R., p. 24Google Scholar; Rec. of Cam. p. 139; and Min. Acc. 1219–13 (date 1322), where John ap Saer and four othersare fined because they brewed beer and mead within five miles (teucte) of the town of Carmarthen. In North Wales brewing for purposes of sale was forbidden in districts within eight miles (leuctz) of a borough (Additional MS. 33372, f. 8). Cf. Dugdale's, Monasticon, vi. pt. 2 p. 1898Google Scholar.

^{page 136 note 1} See Owen's, Pembrokeshire (Cymmrodorion, Record Series, No. I., ed. Owen, Dr. Henry), p. 61Google Scholar, for a suggested influence of the laws of primogeniture and gavelkind upon agricultural economy.

^{page 136 note 2} P. 139 below.

^{page 137 note 1} See History of Margam Abbey (Birch, ), pp. 14, 46, 60, 180, *230Google Scholar.

^{page 137 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1272–81), p 256.

^{page 137 note 3} Ib. (1292–1301), p. 499.

^{page 137 note 4} Williams's, Hist. of Monmouthshire, p. 357Google Scholar. For the influence of the monk on the moor- and marsh-lands of Glamorgan, see note 1 above.

^{page 137 note 5} Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I. (RollsSeries), i. 107.

^{page 137 note 6} See Min. Ace. 1170–4–5 as to the revolt of Madoc ap Llewelyn in the North, 1294; for the similar influence of the rising of Llewelyn Bren in the South (1316) see Min. Ace. 1202–6–9. Copious extracts of the latter accounts are given in the Cardiff Records, i. 107–49. The widespread influence of the national rebellion under Glyndwr may be gathered in great part from the Ministers Accounts (P. R.O. General Series) relating to Wales from 1400 to 1420.

^{page 138 note 1} Acts of the Privy Council, 1417, p. 231. Petition from the bond-tenants of Merioneth, Carnarvon, and Anglesey who fled to the Marches in the time of war, that they may return and inhabit the seignory where they were born. Cf. Min. Acc. 1305–8.

^{page 138 note 2} Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Society, 1902–3.

^{page 138 note 3} Cal. Close Rolls (1330–33), p. 284.

^{page 138 note 4} Min. Ace. Bundle 1202–1. Compotus Roll of the ‘Lands of Richard de Clare in Glamorgan’ in the custody of Humphrey de Bohun.

^{page 138 note 5} Cf. Hist. Essays (Owens College, 1902), p. 117Google Scholar.

^{page 138 note 6} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1330–34). P. 80.

^{page 138 note 7} Ib. (1377–1381), P. 237.

^{page 138 note 8} E.g. Min. Ace. 1305–17, and other Chamberlain accounts of North Wales.

^{page 139 note 1} Brut y Tywysogion (Rolls Series), p. 201.

^{page 139 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1216–25), P. 414.

^{page 139 note 3} Ib. (1272–81), p. 270. Cf.ib. (1216–25), p. 424.

^{page 140 note 1} Dillwyn's, L.Contrib. to the Hist, of Swansea, pp. 4–5Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 2} Fenton's, Hist. Tour through Pembrokeshire, p. 465Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 3} Ckronicon Monast. de Abingdon (Rolls Series), ii. 122.

^{page 140 note 4} See next page.

^{page 140 note 5} Cal. Close Rolls (1272–79), p. 434.

^{page 140 note 6} Ib. (1330–33), p. 223. For similar instances see Roll of the Hotisehold Expenses of Bp. Swinfield (Camden Soc.), i. 153Google Scholar; also Hereford MSS. (Rep. of Hist. MSS. Com.), p. 286.

^{page 140 note 7} E.g. Min. Acce. 1227–7, 1223–8, 1224–6; Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 486–9, 487–1.

^{page 140 note 8} Exchequer Q.R. Acc. (Bundle 486–9), circa 23–29 Ed. I.

^{page 141 note 1} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 487–19; Min. Ace. 1223–6, 1306–7.

^{page 141 note 2} Royal boats were commonly kept at Carmarthen, Carnarvon, and other castle towns to facilitate the victualling, &c. Like those in use on the important ferries, they were frequently farmed at an annual rent. Private boats engaged in the coasting trade between the Welsh ports were sometimes hired for this purpose.

^{page 141 note 3} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 485–30, 487–1, 3, 8.

^{page 141 note 4} Ib. 485–26.

^{page 141 note 5} Ib. 487–9.

^{page 141 note 6} Jones, and Freeman, , Hist. of St. Davids. ‘Liber Communis of St. Davids.’ App. IV. p. 320Google Scholar. This ‘book’ throws goodly light upon the many wants of the Cathedral Church of St. Davids, and themanner in which they were supplied (pp. 369–89).

^{page 141 note 7} Min, Acc. 1305–17. Three thousand boards bought at Chester andLancashire, and conveyed to Beaumaris in a Liverpool ship, 1399.

^{page 141 note 8} Cardiff Records (ed. Matthews, ), i. 106, 137Google Scholar (tolls of timber sold there in 1314, 2s. 50d.), 162.

^{page 141 note 9} See p. 147, note I, below.

^{page 141 note 10} History of Neath Abbey (Birch, ), p. 237Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 11} E.g. p. 146, note 4, below.

^{page 142 note 1} Monastic Annals (Rolls Series, ed. Luard, ), i. 70Google Scholar.

^{page 142 note 2} History of Margam Abbey (Birch, ), pp. 197Google Scholar, 257, 274.

^{page 142 note 3} See pp. 144–5 below.

^{page 142 note 4} E.g. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1476–85), p. 60. Reservation of mining rights in Warthrinnion, Cwmtauddwr, and other Marcher districts granted by Edward IV. to his eldest son, the Prince of Wales.

^{page 142 note 5} See pp. 146–7 below.

^{page 143 ntoe 1} Min. Acc. 1202–7. Account of Bartholomew de Badelesmere of thelands of G. de Clare, 1316.…‘Exitus forestae [of Senghenydd]:—Idem respondet de iiij l. xviij s. de diversis carpentariis operantibus in bosco hoc anno. Et de xix s. receptis de diversis cariagiis mortui bosci hoc anno. Et non plus quia operatores in puteis carbonum recesserunt de foresta in guerra Hawysise.…

‘…Exitus forestæ [of ‘Maghay’]. Et de xx l. xv s. iiij d. ob. de Dccc et xxx. duodenis et lx. summagiis carbonum factis et venditis in bosco hoc anno pro duodena vj d. Et sciendum quod minus respondetur de exitu eiusdem forestæ hoc anno quia plures homines qui solebant exercere dictam forestam destruebantur tempore guerræ’. See also Rot. Parl. i. 62.

^{page 143 note 2} Cal. Ctose Rolls (1313–23), p. 127. Order to the keeper of theforest of Dene to deliver to Hugh le Despenser, the younger, lord of Glamorgan, in Wales, twelve of the king's iron-miners in his bailiwick fit for the work of iron-mines in Glamorgan at Hugh's expense. The like tothe sheriffs of Somerset and Devon for twelve lead-miners each.

^{page 143 note 3} Cf. p. 145, note 2, below.

^{page 143 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1422–29), p. 265.

^{page 143 note 5} The application of the above-quoted instance of this to Wales in general ismodified by the fact that the lords of the West and Marcher districts, as compared with those of other districts, are said to have kept a firmer grip upon their bondmen.

^{page 144 note 1} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. (P.R.O.) re works of Welsh castles, e.g.Bundle 486–29—stone acquired for the building of Carnarvon Castle and the repairing of the town quayfrom six local quarries, three of which were situated in Anglesea; and Bundle 485–23—limestone brought from Talgarth to Builth. The castle of Drussellan in South Wales was built from stone found in a quarry near by (ib. 487–9). The Abbey of Llanthony was constructed from the freestone of the surrounding mountains (Itin. Kamb. (Rolls Series), p. 45).

^{page 144 note 2} Min. Acc. 1226–5.

^{page 144 note 3} Ib. 23–24 H. VII., No. 1621.

^{page 144 note 4} Rot. Part. iv. 184a. The ‘querrera molarium’ in the commote in 1422 was worth 71. yearly.

^{page 144 note 5} A pair of millstones from the quarry of Mathavarn was conveyed in 1338 by sea to the port of Barmouth and thence by land to the mill of Llanegrin (Min. Ace. 1232–10). Anglesea millstones were brought to the mill of Carreghova, in Denbigh 1505 (Min. Ace. 20, H. VII., No. 1659).

^{page 144 note 6} Min. Ace. 1202–7—millstones brought from St. Briavel to Newport (Mon.); cf. Cal. Close Rolls (1227–31), p. 373. Cardiff Records (ed. Matthews, ), i. 106Google Scholar —for millstones bought at Tintern for the mill of Rhymney; Rogers, Thorold, Hist, of Agric. Prices, i. 511Google Scholar, re Trillek quarries; cf. Min. Ace. 1208–5 for millstones sent to Pembroke from Chepstow.

^{page 144 note 7} Min. Ace. 1209–6.

^{page 144 note 8} Ib. 24 H. VII. No. 1684.

^{page 144 note 9} Ib. No. 1685.

^{page 144 note 10} Calendar of Ancient Records 0f Dublin (ed. Gilbert, ), i. 16Google Scholar, 246.

^{page 145 note 1} Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1281–92, p. 69. For this privilege the minersof Englefield pay an annual fine of 20s., and in return for the wood employed in smelting the Crown took a sixth part of the profit made. The chief mines were at Holywell and Vaynol, the annual profits before the pestilence being about 5l. Only 4s. is returned for the year following the pestilence, and no more because the greater part of the miners were dead, and those that survived were unwilling to work (Min. Ace. 1186–4). The Crown profits (29–31 Edw. III.) amounted to 13l. 13s. 7d. (Min. Ace. 1186–13). In the reign of Richard II. no lead was sold, the lead smelted being reserved for the garnishment of the castles and manors of Chester, Flint, and North Wales (Min. Ace. 1488–8, 1489–5). Similarly lead was smelted with fuel from the royal woods at Ewloe and Baghegre (Min. Ace. 1186–13). One John Hokes farmed the lead-mines of the entire county in 1423 at 3l. 18s. 9d. (Min. Ace. 1191–11). The mines of Holywell and Vaynol yielded no profit in 1509, because no one wished to arrent them (Min. Ace. 24 H. VII. No. 1590).

^{page 144 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1281–92), p. 133.

^{page 144 note 3} Min. Ace. 1218–1. Among the necessary expenses of the Chamberlain appears the following entry: ‘Et in conductione diversorum operariorum fodien-tium et aliis necessariis expensis appositis mense Junii anno prsesenti [1301] circa mineram plumbi scrutandam et demum inventam in comoto de Geneurglyn iuxta Lampadarvaur—xiij s. iiij d.’

^{page 144 note 4} Min. Ace. 1218–9. The following note follows a detailed account of the ead-mine near Llanbadarn: ‘Memorandum quod per totum prædictum tempus [referring to a period of five years] non fuerunt nisi quatuor operarii quia plures inveniri non potuerunt. Et cum minera est bona si invenirentur operarii suffi-cientes.’ It is rather disappointing to find no early references to other Cardigan-shire lead-mines. These apparently began to be developed at a later date. Lead from the district of Strata Florida was used in repairing the castle of Cardigan in 1451 (Min. Ace. 1224–4). See also Black Book of St. Davids (ed. Willis-Bund, J. W.), p. lxxGoogle Scholar.

^{page 145 note 5} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 485–20.

^{page 146 note 1} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 485–21, 486–6; Min. Ace. 1212–1. Cf. Cal. Rot. Pat. (1281–92), p. 358. Safe-conduct for Thomas le Lou of Newark, Robert his son, Ralph de Byrtune, and other tenants of the county of Chester and the March of Wales, trading to the Isle of Man for lead (minera) for the works of the castles in Wales. The lead produced in the Flintshire mines was sometimes specially reserved for this purpose (Min. Ace. 1186–13, and 1188–8). Cf. note I on the preceding page.

^{page 146 note 2} Arch. Journal, vii. 239. Lead brought from Bristol to Criccieth and Carnarvon.

^{page 146 note 3} Min. Ace. 1305–18.

^{page 146 note 4} Coal was raised mostly in the demesne lands there, and in the freehold lands of one Blethin ap Ithel Ammel. The mines were farmed in 1349 at 5l. 6s. 8d. (Min. Ace. 1186–4), rising in 1358 to 6l. 6l. 4d. (Min. Ace. 1186–13). A similar rent was returned in 1382 (Min. Ace. 1188–8), which was increased in 1393 to 9l. 13s. 40d. (Min. Ace. 1189–9). At a later date the coal profits were included in the general farm of the manors, thereby rendering the coal returns indistinct (Min. Ace. 1–2 H. VII. No. 1565).

^{page 146 note 5} The coal-mines of the Hopedale district were arrented at 3l. in 1393 asin 1359 (Min. Ace. 1189–9); those of Mostyn in 1423 at 3l. 6s. 8d. (Min. Ace. 1191–1).

^{page 146 note 6} Min. Acc. 16–17 H. VII. No. 1654. Farm of the sea-coal there let to John Puleston at 3s. 4d.

^{page 146 note 7} Min. Acc. 1153–6, s.n. ‘Meney.’

^{page 146 note 8} Coal and limestone, of local production, were brought by sea from Pem-broke to Cardigan in 1418 (Min. Ace. 1222–14). The coal profits at Coedtraeth n 1454 (Rot. Parl. v. 260) were worth (beyond reprisals) 2l. 3s. 4d., which were farmed thirty-eight years later (1492) at 2l. 13s. 4d. by R. Robyn and Jankyn More. Similar mines were worked at Roch and Pulle, the annual rent in 1478 being 3l. 6s. 8d. (Min. Ace. 1208–1). One D. Bowen farmed the same in 1492 at 13s. 4d. (Min. Ace. 16–17 H. VII. No. 1650). Interesting and valuable notices of the coal industry in Pembrokeshire will be found in Owen's Pembroke-shire (Cymmrodorion Record Series, No. 1, ed. Dr. Henry Owen).

^{page 147 note 1} Min. Ace. 1202–7. The fact that the South Wales coal field layso much within the Marcher districts explains the sparse references we have of its early development. The few glimpses we have occur during the minority of an heir, or upon the permanent reversion of a lordship by forfeitureor otherwise into the hands of the Crown. From an inquisition taken upon the death of Gilbert de Clare, it will be seen that the mines at Cevenkarnau were farmed at 20s. a year in 1307 (CardiffRecords, i. 262). The coal-pits of Llannedu, in the district of Senghenydd, let at 57s. in 1314, produced the increased rent of 26s. 8d. in 1316 (Mitt. Ace. 1202–7). 3s. 4d. was the total rent of the lower Neath mines in 1492 (Cardiff Records, i. 173). Coal was more successfully worked at Wendraeth Vawr, in the lordship of Kidwelly, before 1533, the normal rentof 53s. 40d. falling to 28s. during the year (Min. Ace. 24 Hen. VIII. No. 755).

^{page 147 note 2} Min. Ace. 1202–15. Cf. Inq. post mortem, 3 H. VI. No. 25.

^{page 147 note 3} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 485–27, 486–1 (from Halston), 487–2 (from Tranmere). Cf. Galloway's, Hist, of Coal Mining, p. 11Google Scholar, and the Chamberlain Accounts of North and South Wales, passim.

^{page 147 note 4} The native production of iron was sporadic. See Jones's, Hist, of Breconshire, p. 538Google Scholar, as to its domestic character. The ironworks of Rhuddlan are first men-tioned in Domesday (Ellis's, Introduction to Domesday, i. 138)Google Scholar. Local furnaces are occasionally referred to in connection with the profits of the forest. The royal forges at Dolpenmaen and Penmaghno in Nantconway were farmed by one John Lylie during the reign of Richard, II (Min. Ace. 1215–1211)Google Scholar. The forge of Ardudwy (co. Merioneth) was successfully worked during the years 1418–20 (Min. Ace. 1203–10–11). Two Welshmen farmed the iron ‘minera’ of Ewglysegle (parish of Ruabon, co. Denbigh) at a yearly rent of 3s. 4d. before 1492 (Min. Ace. 17 Hen. VII. No. 1654), and iron ore was extracted from the district of South Irvon (co. Brecon) before, but not during, the year 1509 (Min. Ace. 24 H. VII. No. 1607).

^{page 148 note 1} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 486–1, 16–27.

^{page 148 note 2} Ib. 485–27, 16–27; Min. Ace. 1215–5 (iron from the Forest of Dean).

^{page 148 note 3} Cal. Close Rolls (1339–41), p. 396.

^{page 148 note 4} Landsd. Coll. (Museum, British), 55, pp. 81–82Google Scholar.

^{page 148 note 5} Itin. Kamb. (Rolls Series), p. 137.

^{page 148 note 6} See p. 142 above.

^{page 149 note 1} P. 123 above.

^{page 149 note 2} Ellis, , Introduction to Domesday, i. 142Google Scholar.

^{page 149 note 3} Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I. (RollsSeries), iii. 11; William of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), p. 308, ‘ [Wallia]… piscium ferax;’ Eulog. Hist. (Rolls Series), ii. 123, ‘[Wallia] terra foecunda… piscibus’.

^{page 149 note 4} Itin. Kamb. (Rolls Series), pp. 33, 114, 136, 171.

^{page 149 note 5} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1422–29), p. 295. Inspeximus of a charter (circa 1184) including a grant of this privilege.

^{page 149 note 6} History of Margam Abbey (Birch, ), pp. 14Google Scholar, 123, 317–8.

^{page 149 note 7} Iolo MSS. (Welsh MSS. Soc), p. 700. A poem to Ivor of Llanufydd requesting a fishing net, by Meredydd ap Rhys, an eminent poet and clergyman who lived at Ruabon in Denbighshire about 1440(Williams's Eminent Welshmen, s.n.)

^{page 150 note 1} Min. Ace. 1218–1.

^{page 150 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1313–17), p. 99.

^{page 150 note 3} Min. Ace. 1221–7.

^{page 150 note 4} Ib. 1221–8. Ten years previous to this the ‘prisa allecium’ was only 135., Ib. being charged on each meise (meisa).

^{page 150 note 5} Hereford MSS. (Rep. of Hist. MSS. Com.), p. 287.

^{page 150 note 6} Min. Ace. 1208–1–5.

^{page 150 note 7} See p. 169, below.

^{page 151 note 1} History of the Customs Revenue (Hall, Hubert), ii. 17Google Scholar.

^{page 151 note 2} Haverford is the only Welsh staple town mentioned in the list of staples for 1326, from which wool, woolfells, &c., could be taken to parts beyond sea, Cal. Close Rolls (1323–27), p. 585. Shrewsbury and Carmarthen were Welsh staple towns six years later, ib. (1330–33), p. 525.

^{page 151 note 3} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1327–30), p. 98.

^{page 151 note 4} Customs Ace. (P.R.O.), Bundle 48–1–5.

^{page 151 note 5} Ib. No. 2.

^{page 151 note 6} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1330–33), p. 362.

^{page 151 note 7} Cal. Close Rolls (1337–39), p. 199. Thomas de Upton was the first controller of the customs there, appointed September 30, 1339, during pleasure, with such wages as the controllersin the ports of England had used to receive, on condition that he write his rolls with his own hand, stay there continually, and execute the office himself (Cal. Pat. Rolls (1338–40), p. 321).

^{page 151 note 8} There are no ‘coket’ returns for Carnarvon before the time of Henry VII.; the necessary apparatus (balance and weights) had not been received in 1341 (Min. Acc. 1213–14). A few returns exist for the staple at Rhuddlan showing the export of small quantities of Flintshire wools in 1394, 1396, 1397, 1398, 1400 (Min. Acc. 1215–5–9). Wools were exported from Beaumaris, subject to the regulations of the Rhuddlan staple, in 1451 (Min. Ace. 1216–18), 1466(1217–4), and 1468 (1217–5).

^{page 152 note 1} Cambrian Quarterly Mag. iv. 401.

^{page 152 note 2} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1341–43), p. 272. Cf. Chetham Soc. Publ. xlvi. 973.

^{page 152 note 3} The Growth of English Industry and Commerce (DrCunningham, ,), vol. i. App. DGoogle Scholar; Hist, of Margam Abbey (Birch, ), p. 257Google Scholar.

^{page 152 note 4} Statutes of the Realm (Rec. Com.), i. 340.

^{page 153 note 1} Min. Ace. 1306–2.

^{page 153 note 2} The issues of the ‘coket’ at Carmarthen were farmed by one Nicholas Leggein 1349 and 1350 at 6l. 13s. qd.; in 1351 and 1352 by Robert de Cheddre and ReginakHe Ffrenssh at 40l. a year, this presumably including both departments of the staple (Min. Ace. 1306–1). This account (23–24 Edward III.) purports to be ‘of the year next after the pestilence’, thus placing the date of the pestilence in South Wales at 1349–50. The customs of the Carmarthen staple tally with those of the English staple towns; for each sack of wool 6s. 8d., for every 300 woolfells 6s. 8d., for each ‘diker’ (including 10 corii) of hides 8d. (Min. Ace. 1222–9), for each last of hides 13s. 4d. (Min. Acc. 1223–10).

^{page 153 note 3} Min. Ace. 1221–9–13 respectively.

^{page 153 note 4} Min. Ace. 1306–2. A note to this effect is included in the Chamberlain's account for this year. Some time before its dissolution the profits of this branch of the staplewere farmed at 5/. 6s. 8d. per annum.

^{page 153 note 5} 1306–3.

^{page 153 note 6} 1221–14.

^{page 153 note 7} 1306–6.

^{page 153 note 8} 1306–4.

^{page 153 note 9} 1221–15, 16.

^{page 153 note 10} 1222–1.

^{page 153 note 11} 1306–5. Cf. 1222–3.

^{page 153 note 12} 1222–5, 6, 7–8, 9.

^{page 153 note 13} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1422–29), p. 181. Licence to John Langley, amerchant of Bristol, to ship wools bought in Wales from the staple of Carmarthen to Bristol and thence across the sea to Calais. In 1432 John Langley transported 61 sacks of wool in divers ships from the port of Chepstow, together with 41 dikers ot ‘salted hides’ from the port of Carmarthen (Min. Ace. 1223–6).

^{page 154 note 1} Min. Ace. 1223–5 (2 H. VI.), 8–9 (13 H. VI.), 10 (15 H. VI.);* 1224–1 (27 H. VI.),* 2–3 (36 H. VI.),* 5 (1 Edw. IV.),* 6 (2 Edw. IV.),* 7 (3 Edw. IV.),* 9 (6 Edw. IV.),* 1225–1 (7 Edw. IV.),* 2 (8 Edw. IV.),* 3 (13 Edw. IV.),* 4 (14 Edw. IV.); * 5 (15 Edw. IV.),* 6 (16 Edw. IV.), 7 (19 Edw. IV.), 8 (21 Edw. IV.). All the enumerated accounts are those of the Chamberlains of South Wales, which usually include the customs received in ports on the maritime coast between Aberystwyth andCarmarthen. During these particular years the ‘custom’ on wool, woolfells, and hides was ‘nothing’ (nulla), with the exception that three lasts of hides were customed (custumata)at Carmarthen in 1437, as were two sacks of wool and four dikers of hides at the port of Haverford in 1467 (Min. Ace. 1224–8). In the accounts marked with an asterisk no prisage of wine was taken.

^{page 154 note 2} P. 138, note 2, above.

^{page 154 note 3} See Court Rolls (P.R.O.), Portf. 215–49, mm. 5 and 9; ib. Portf. 215–6, m. 4 (dorse), for instances of tenants fined for holding hand-mills (mola mamialis), year 1322. Hand-mill stones were hard to find in Wales in 1301 (Min. Ace. 1218–1). See Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (Rec. Com.), p. 31, where every house had its quern or hand-mill.

^{page 155 note 1} Ancient Laws and Institutes (Rec. Com.), pp. 3, 145, 147, 180, 651.

^{page 155 note 2} Descr. Kamb. (Rolls Series), p. 184, and p. 128, note 2, above.

^{page 155 note 3} Ib. pp. 218–19.

^{page 155 note 4} Hist. ofNeath Abbey (Birch, ), p. 29Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 1} Itin. Camb. (Rolls Series), p. 83 and note 2.

^{page 156 note 2} Roll of the Household Expenses of Bishop Swinfield, 1289–1290 (Camden Soc.), i. IIIGoogle Scholar. ‘In iiij pannis de keyneth, quorum unus eratpro domino, xixli. vj s. viij d.’ Keyneth’, a sort of coarse Welsh cloth, a strong cloth for ordinary wear (ib. vol. ii. Glossary, q.v.).

^{page 156 note 3} Chetham Society Publications, xliii. 637. Cf. the Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, 1208–9. Introd. xxvii, as to the earliest recorded fulling mills in England.

^{page 156 note 4} There were fulling mills at Usk and Caerleon-on-Usk in 1314 (Min. Acc. 1202–6); the former was rebuilt after a prolonged decay in 1517, in which year the latter mill was farmed at 13/. 4d. (Min. Ace. 7 H. VII. No. 87). Mills appear at Maghay (Magor) and Deffren Ebor in 1316 (Min. Ace. 1202–7), and at Rhymney about 1458 (Min. Ace. 14 H. VII. No. 1662).

^{page 156 note 5} The fulling mill in the manor of Cardiff was not built in 1314, being probably the one referred to in the next account, 1316 (Min. Ace. 1202–7), as not yet built in the manorof Roath, (Cardiff Records, i. 108)Google Scholar. Mills were established at Miskin and Llanblethian before 1314, and were successfully farmed in 1316, Miskin at53s. 4d., Llanblethian at 50s. In this same year the fulling mill of Caerphilly realised a rent of 53s. 4d. For other instances of early fulling mills in Glamorgan, see History of Margam Abbey (Birch, ), pp. 304Google Scholar, 305.

^{page 156 note 6} The mill of ‘Landymore’ in West Gower was rented at 307s. in 1400 (Hist, of West Gower, Davies, J. D., ii. 143)Google Scholar, that of Swansea at the same date yielding sixpence less (Min. Ace. 1202–15).

^{page 156 note 7} Excepting the mill at Lawhaden in 1326 (Black Book of St. Davids, ed. Willis-Bund, J. W., p. 137)Google Scholar, no early references to the Pembrokeshire fulling mills survive. That of Cameros was in decay in 1393 (Min. Ace. 1305–10), and those of Coedtraeth were farmed at 20s. long before 1505 (Min. Ace. 16–17 H. VII. No. 1650). A new fulling mill was constructed at Haverford in 1478 (Min. Ace. 1208–1).

^{page 157 note 1} We have evidence of fulling mills at Knighton and Norton in 1340 (Min. Ace. 1208–9), the annual farm of the mill at Knighton being 13s. 4d. In 1474 it was let to one Philip ap Meredith, his heirs and assigns, for ninety years at a yearly rent of 3s. 4d. The mills of Kington and Hengoed, usually farmed at 13s. 4d. each, were in decay in 1495, as was that of ‘English Hay’, a mill profit-ably worked during the later half of the fifteenth century (Min. Ace. 10 H. VII. No. 1652); it probably remained in this state for a considerable time, as in 1517 the same mill is accounted for as being in decay for many years (Min. Acc. 8 H. VIII. No. 51). Abergavenny mill was rented atus. in 1509 (Min. Ace. 24 H. VII. No. 1666). During this year a fulling mill appears near Pain's Castle in Elvael (Min. Ace. 24 H. VII. No. 1662).

^{page 157 note 2} Clothmen sometimes appear among the suitors mentioned in the famous series of Ruthin Court Rolls. In 1335 Welsh weavers got leave to erect a fulling mill at ‘Wenhannok Canon’ (Seebohm's Tribal System in Wales, App. Bb. p. 56). A fulling mill at Hope was arrented at 2s. per annum in 1372 (Min. Ace. 1188–8), and there were private fulling mills at ‘Doleth’ and Kenvanvas in the vill of Ecclesham about 1436 (Min. Ace. 7 H. VIII. No. 5). The site of a new fulling mill in Mersforde and Allington was let at 6s. 8d. to one David ap Eden Bannor in 1502 (Mm. Acc. 17 H. VII. No. 1654). Much of the wools of Flintshire was no doubt woven in the fulling mills on the Dee. These were farmed in 1529 at 11l. a year (Min. Ace. 19–20 H. VIII. No. 43).

^{page 157 note 3} A fulling mill is mentioned at Newtown about 1337 (Min. Ace. 1209–1). Its annual farm before 1498 was Ios., after which date it remained in decay for at least thirteen years (Min. Ace. 2 H. VIII. No. 22). The fulling mills at Kedewain and Ralltissa in Tregynon were also ina decayed state at this date (1498). In the latter district the descendants of one John Bannor paid a small sum for the privilege of erecting their fulling mill. The corn and fulling mills of Manafon with the demesne lands there were held by Cadwalader and Maurice, the sons of Owen, at 21s. There were in addition two fulling mills in decay in the rhingildry of ' Eginlle,' but, for one lately built on the bank of the Miwl (Moylle), one John ap Ieuan Bannor paid a rent of 13s. 4d. (Min. Ace. 12–13 H. VII. No. 1686).

^{page 157 note 4} Min. Ace. 1219–11 (date 1321).

^{page 157 note 5} Ib. 1219–8 (date 1319).

^{page 157 note 6} Court Rolls (P.R.O.), Portf. 215–20 (date 1303).

^{page 157 note 7} Black Book of St. Davids, as above, p. 261 (date 1326).

_{page 157 note 8} Min. Ace. 1160–5 (date 1417).

^{page 157 note 9} Court Rolls (P.R.O.), Portf. 215–25.

^{page 158 note 1} Court Rolls (P.R.O.), Portf. 215–49, s.n. ‘Uwchgwyrvai’ and ‘Gafflogion’.

^{page 158 note 2} Min. Ace. 1233–1. See the account of Richard de Wode, the escheator of Anglesea.

^{page 158 note 3} Min. Ace. 1177–2.

^{page 158 note 4} Ib. 1181–1.

^{page 158 note 5} Ib. 24–5 H. VIII. No. 14.

^{page 158 note 6} The mill yielded no profit in 1502 (Min. Ace. 16–17 H. VII. No. 1650.

^{page 158 note 7} Min. Ace. 12–13 H. v n. No. 1686.

^{page 158 note 8} Ib. 1–2 H. VII. No. 1627.

^{page 158 note 9} Min. Ace. 7 H. VIII. No. 17.

^{page 158 note 10} In decay 1510 (Min. Ace. 1–2 H. VIII. No. 22).

^{page 158 note 11} Min. Ace. 6–7 H. VIII. No. 56. No profits this year because the mill had fallen to the ground. The mill of Glynvychan, near Liangollen, was held by the tenants of that district at a farm of 11s. 8d.

^{page 159 note 1} Min. Ace. 1229–8.

^{page 159 note 2} Ruthin Court Rolls (P.R.O.), Porti. 221–4, m. 24. Reference in1399 to a grant of the tolls of Ruthin to one Llewelyn Gogh and two copartners, excepting the toll arising from cloths exposed at the fairs (‘excepto tolneto de panno infra lez seldes ad nundinas’).

^{page 159 note 3} Powystand Club Collections, xxiv. 185.

_{page 159 note 4} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 339–14 (date 1423), 15 (date 1418).

^{page 159 note 5} Hereford MSB. (Rep. of Hist. MSS. Com.), p. 327.

^{page 159 note 6} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 344–18 (date 1430).

^{page 159 note 7} Ib. 344–18.

^{page 159 note 8} Ib. 339–22 (date 1422, 1427).

^{page 159 note 9} Ib. 344–25 (date 1398).

^{page 159 note 10} Ib. 345–4 (H. IV.).

^{page 159 note 11} Ib. 338–1 (date 1368).

^{page 159 note 12} ib. 345–11.

^{page 159 note 13} Ib. 343–19.

^{page 159 note 14} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 341–3 (date 1419, 1424), 341–18 (date 1444–46), 342–31(date 1522).

^{page 160 note 1} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 339–11, 12.

^{page 160 note 2} Ib. 339–14; Customs Ace. (Bristol, ), 19–14Google Scholar.

^{page 160 note 3} See the Chamberlain's Accounts of North Wales from the time of Henry VII. onwards, e.g. Min. Ace. 7 H. VII. No. 1592Google Scholar.

^{page 160 note 4} Customs Ace. (Bristol, ), 20–9Google Scholar.

^{page 5} Ib. 17–6 (1404). 19–3 (H66), 20–5 (1486), 21–1 (1517).

^{page 160 note 6} Ib. 19–14 (1487).

^{page 160 note 7} Ib. 16–10 (1382), 16–14 (1384); Bayonne, ib. 16–5 (1380), 17–6 (1404), 17–10 (1406); Bordeaux, ib. 17–6, 17–10, 18–28 (1431), 19–2 (1461), 19–3 (1466), 19–14 (1487). 20–5 (1486).

^{page 160 note 8} Ib. 16–26 (1396), 16–30 (1397), 17–10, 19–2, 19–4 (1466), 19–13 19–14, 20–1 (1483), 20–5, 20–7 (1488). These accounts include several consignments of Welsh cloth to Portugal.

^{page 160 note 9} Ib. 19–13 (1487).

^{page 160 note 10} Owen's, Pembrokeshire (as above), p. 57Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 1} For a concise account of this, see Influence and Development of English Gilds (Hibbert, F. A.), pp. 89–97Google Scholar. Cf. Shropshire Arch. Soc. Trans, iii. (1880), 132 et seq.

^{page 161 note 2} Ib. p. 135.

^{page 161 note 3} Min. Ace. 1222–7–. Every ‘entire’ English cloth brought to the port of Carnarvon was liable to a duty of 2s. 6d.; the corresponding custom on Welsh cloth was 2s. (Min. Ace. 7 H. VII. No. 1592).

^{page 161 note 4} Min. Ace. 1223–9.

^{page 161 note 5} Irish cloth, through the medium of Bristol, was probably imported into Wales at a comparatively early date. It is included in the long and interesting list of articles upon which the townsmen of Crickhowell, were empowered to levy a murage toll in 1281 (Cal. Pat. Rolls, (1281–1292), p. 2)Google Scholar. Welsh cloth, on the other hand, finds a place in the murage custumals of Dublin towards the middle of the fourteenth century. See Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin (ed. Gilbert, ), i. 15, 243Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 6} Min. Ace. 10–11 H. VIII. No. 115.

^{page 162 note 1} E.g. the English burgesses of Cardigan complain that the men of the county do not do suit there (Ancient Petitions, P.R.O., No. 4187), a circumstance which affected their trade; much of their merchandise being sold to suitors at the ‘court English’ held there monthly (ib. No. 4886). Cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1385–1389), p. 114.

^{page 162 note 2} See below, pp. 166–7.

^{page 162 note 3} Cf. Pec. of Cam. p. 137.

^{page 163 note 1} Loyal Welshmen were still allowed, by special licence, to reside or hold lands in English cities and English towns in Wales. See Cal. Pat. Rolls (1422–29), p. 476.

^{page 163 note 2} Rot. Parl. v. 138–9. All grants of franchises, markets, fairs, and other freedoms to buy or sell or bake or brew to sell within the towns of North Wales, made to any Welshman before this time, made void and of no value.

^{page 164 note 1} See below, p. 165, also Cal. Pat. Rolls (1313–17), pp. 322, 325; ib. (1330–34). P. 298.

^{page 164 note 2} Cardiff Records, iii. 336–404.

^{page 164 note 3} Jones's, Hist. of Brecon, pp. 181–3Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 4} See Palmer's List and Indexes, No. 93.

^{page 164 note 5} Gross, , Gild Merchant, i. 244–53Google Scholar. Cf. Influence and Development of English Gilds (Hibbert, F. A.), pp. 25–28Google Scholar, a list of merchant gilds in Wales down to 1485.

^{page 164 note 6} Powysland Club Collections, i. 44; Record of Cam. p. 222; Cal. Pat. Rolls (1225–32), p. 121; ib. (1313–17), p. 318, and p. 131, note 10, above.

^{page 164 note 7} Ancient Petitions (P.R.O.), Nos. 5908, 5909, 5910.

^{page 165 note 1} E.g. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1272–1281), p. 248 (Montgomery, )Google Scholar; ib. (1281–1292), p. 2 et seq. (Crickhowell).

^{page 165 note 2} See note 7 on preceding page.

^{page 165 note 3} Ancient Petitions (P.R.O.), No. 11883.

^{page 165 note 4} There were chensers at Castell Gwallter (in Geneurglyn): [Llanvihangely Creuddyn (in Creuddyn)]; Llanrhystyd (in Hanniniog): Llanilar (Mevenydd); Melindref and Llanybyther (Mabwynnion) and Llanarth (Gwynionnyth), all in Cardiganshire. Also at Cynwil and Mabelwern, in the patria of Cantrefmawr. They were generally few in number (Min. Ace. 1218–1).

^{page 166 note 1} Chensers were prohibited to sell in the hamlet of Llanvihangel y Creuddyn because it was within the liberties of the borough of Llampadarn, (Min. Ace. 1158–1111)Google Scholar. There were no chenser profits at Llanilar in 1329 and 1334 because there was nobody in that hamlet, who bought, sold, or kept a tavern, for a long time (Min. Ace. 1220–5, 7).

^{page 166 note 2} Min. Ace. 1208–5.

^{page 166 note 3} Min. Ace. 19–20 H. VII. No. 1665.

^{page 166 note 4} Min. Ace. 16–17 H. VII. No. 1681 (‘et de ijd. de novo redditu Gr ap Atha ap Hoell Lloargh chenc[arius] pro licencia mercandizandum infra libertates villas de Raidour quamdiu sibi placuerit’).

^{page 166 note 5} Min. Ace. 23–24 H. VII. No. 1662.

^{page 166 note 6} Min. Ace. 23–24 H. VII. No. 1667. The reference is interestingfor the light which it throws upon the meaning of the term ‘tolnetum patrise’ (Arch. Camb. 3rd Series, ii. 27) as being the toll paid by strangers trading within a lordship or patria (? tribal district).

_{page 166 note 7} 12 lbs. of ‘cimil’ [? cumila=herb] exported from Carmarthen by Peter de Haundescote, a Flemish merchant, in 1357, customed at yi. per lb., the usual rate for merchandise imported or exported by aliens (Min. Ace. 1221–10).

^{page 166 note 8} From England and Spain.

^{page 167 note 1} Gascony, Poitou, St. Gérand en Brittany, St. Gremery de Lile de Bas Pays, Portugal.

^{page 167 note 2} Gascony, Rochelle, Romney, Brittany, Spain, Portugal. Cf. Gweithian Iolo Goch (Cymmrodorion Soc., ed. Ashton, Charles), p. 37Google Scholar, where most of these places are referred to in a poem by the contemporary bard Lewis Glyn Cothi.

^{page 167 note 3} Portugal.

^{page 167 note 4} See Customs Ace. (Carnarvon) No. 4.

^{page 167 note 5} Min. Ace. 21–22 H. VIII. (North Wales) No. 156.

^{page 167 note 6} Min. Ace. 1305–17; ib. 7 H. VII. No. 1592.

_{page 167 note 7} Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 232–21, 233–4.

^{page 167 note 8} Cal. Pat. Rolls (1292–1301), p. 138; ib. (1313–17), p. 439.

^{page 167 note 9} E.g. Cal. Close Rolls (1318–22), pp. 449, 661.

^{page 167 note 10} The unsettled state of Wales during this period is occasionally referred to in the Patent and Close Rolls. In 1337–8 Wales was feared to have been an accomplice of the Scottish rebels, dangers arising from their invasion in this direction, the Isle of Anglesea being a suitable vantage-ground(Cal. Close Rolls (1337–9), pp. 136, 542–3). Further trouble arose from what is termed ‘ the lightness of head of the Welsh’ or their tendency to rebel; they were suspected of rebellion in 1343(Cal. Pat. Rolls, (1343–45), pp. 66–7), and their condition was inquired into in 1381 (Cal. Pat. Rolls, (1381–5), p. 17). Reasonable costs for resisting the Welsh rebels were allowed in 1423 (Cal. Pat. Rolls, (1422–9), p. 51), and the ‘riots of Wales’ was a matter for the Privy Council in 1442 (Acts of the Privy Council, a.c. p. 211).

^{page 168 note 1} London, BristiL Coventry, and occasionally from merchants at the local fairs.

^{page 168 note 2} Paris.

^{page 168 note 3} See p. 151 above; Cal. Close Rolls (1279–1288), p. 101.

^{page 168 note 4} The office of gauger of wines throughout the whole of Wales was committed to Bernard Pee de Fer in 1308 (Cal. Pat. Rolls (1307–1313), p. 71). Deputy butlers were appointed inNorth and South Wales (Ib. p. 146; (1313–1317). P. 553).

^{page 169 note 1} A Bristol ship brought wine to Beaumaris in 1380, and a ship from the same place as well as a ship of Fowey left wine at the port of Pwllheli in the same year (Mitt. Ace. 1305–8). Cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1377–1381), p. 323. Chester ships called periodically in the parts of North Wales (e.g. Min. Ace. 1215–10); they seldom called at the South-Welsh ports. We, however, find a Chester ship at Milford in 1389 (Min. Ace. 1226–11).

^{page 169 note 2} Alien ships appear in the South-Welsh ports early in the fourteenth century. (Customs Ace., Bristol and Carmarthen, 15–1). Ships from Bayonne bring wine to Milford in 1389 and 1404 (Min. Ace. 1226–11–12), as do Spanish and Breton ships to Carmarthen in 1416 (Min. Ace. 1222–14). Towards the close of the fifteenth century alien ships increase, and appear commonly inthe ports of North Wales (Chamberlain Ace. of North and South Wales temp. Hen. VII. passim).

^{page 169 note 3} Min. Ace. 12–13 H. VIII. No. 120 (Wales, N.)Google Scholar; 30–31 H. VIII. No. 239; 32–33 H. VIII. No. 128.

^{page 169 note 4} More particularly those of Chepstow, Tenby, Milford, and Carmarthen. Herrings, hake, salmon, salted fish, hides, Irish cloths, &c. were conveyed to Bristol, salt, iron, wine, English cloths, and other merchandise making up the return cargo to Ireland; e.g. Customs Ace., Bristol, , 17–6, 19–14Google Scholar; Bristol Town Duties (Bush, H.), pp. 17–18, 21–22, 24Google Scholar.

_{page 170 note 1} Patent Rolls, s.a. 1295, 1308 (Conway, )Google Scholar, 1304, 1315 (Haverford), 1314 (Chepstow). Ships from the following Welsh towns among others left Bristol for foreign parts at the dates mentioned: 1392, 1399 (Caerleon), 1381 (Chepstow), 1378 (Carmarthen), 1399 (Milford), 1481 (Tenby). CustomsAce, Bristol, s.a.c..

^{page 170 note 2} Rot. Part. vi. 331.

^{page 170 note 3} Fifty packhorses were employed to carry 25 qrs. of oats from diverse placesin Anglesea to the Menai, whence it was conveyed in two boats to the port of Carnarvon, Exchequer Q. R. Ace. 4–2. Three packhorses were hired to convey 550s. from Carmarthen to London. The journey to and fro occupied eighteen days, the cost of transit amounting to about 8d. in the pound (Mm. Ace. 1218–6).

^{page 170 note 4} Cf. pp. 140–141, above.

^{page 170 note 5} A ship called ‘La James of Carnarvon’ was plundered at Holyheadby the rebels of Scotland in 1315 (Cat. Pat. Rolls, (1313–17), p. 421). Somewhat later a ship of Haverford was taken in the high seas between Lampadarn and Cardigan by the ‘enemies of Scotland’. In 1377 Rees ap Griffith, Kt., was appointed to keep the coasts of Milford and other coasts of South Wales against hostile invasion (Cal. Pat. Rolls (1377–81), p. 15).

^{page 171 note 1} Min. Ace. 7–8 H. VIII. No. 21.

^{page 171 note 2} Rot. Part. ii. p. 352 (1376); iii. 81 (1376); iii. 81 (1380); iv. 52(1414); vi. 160(1473).

^{page 171 note 3} Ib. iii. 272 (1389), 474 (1401). For a notable instance of this see Cal. Close Rolls (1330–34), pp. 571–2: arrest of the burgesses of Shrewsbury, on their way to a fair at Welshpool, by the men of Richard, , Earl, of Arundel, , and their confinement to Oswestry Castle. Cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1385–1389), p. 19Google Scholar.

^{page 171 note 4} Rot. Part. ii. 259, 358; iii. 45 (1378), 272 (1389), 474 (1401).

^{page 172 note 1} Hereford MSS. (Rep. of Hist. MSS. Com.), p. 287.

^{page 172 note 2} Influence and Development of English Gilds (Hibbert, F. A.), pp. 3, 79Google Scholar; Blakeway's, Owen andHist, of Shrewsbury, i. 231Google Scholar.

^{page 172 note 3} Hereford MSS., as above, p. 337.