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At the Margin of Community: Germans in Pre-Hussite Bohemia*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Leonard E. Scales
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Arguably, the single most important dimension in the existence of any community, medieval or modern, is its members' shared conviction that it exists, and that its existence represents a significant bond between them. The central and later Middle Ages have been viewed as a period of particular importance for the growth of such self-consciousness - and for its growth, particularly among those large political communities which Susan Reynolds suggests we call ‘regnal’, and which many medievalists appear happy to refer to as ‘national’. As Reynolds showed, communities of this sort evolved legitimising mythologies which overlay existing structures of government with notions of ancient and primal ethnic solidarity, and thus placed such communities, imaginatively, outside the normal processes of contingency and change. Challenging questions therefore arise if we call to mind the many new political formations which were established during this period, which saw the extension into neighbouring regions, by both violent and peaceful means, of the political and social forms characteristic of continental western Europe. The new settlements had not only to be organised and defended physically, but also explained and justified. A vocabulary of argument thus evolved to account for their existence and to illuminate their relationships with existing political and social structures. In formulating this vocabulary, however, writers were con-fronted by the strong impulse in medieval thought to lay upon all significant communities a veneer of timelessness, or at least of antiquity. How this obstacle was overcome for particular new communities doubtless has many specific answers. But an obstacle it must surely have been, and the study of how — or whether — it was surmounted in any given instance is thus inherently worth while.

Type
Medieval Communities
Information
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , Volume 9 , December 1999 , pp. 327 - 352
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1999

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References

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24 A note of the kings of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Bohemia may be helpful here, They are as follows: Přemysl Otakar I (1198/1205–30); Wenceslas I (1230–53); Přemysl Otakar II (1253–78); Wenceslas II (1278–1305); Wenceslas III (1305–6); Rudolf I of Habsburg (1306–7); Henry of Carinthia (1307–10); John of Luxemburg (1310–46); Charles I (IV) (1346–78); Wenceslas IVA(1378–78);.

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27 For Henry VII, see Thomas, H., Deutsche Geschkhte des Spätmittehlters 1250–1500 (Stuttgart, Berlin, Cologne, Mainz, 1983)Google Scholar, ch. 5.

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30 Handbuch, ed. Bosl, , p. 571Google Scholar, for genealogy. In addition to the Wittelsbach Anna of the Palatinate Charles took Pomeranian and Silesian (and French) brides; Wenceslas's two consorts were Wittelsbachs.

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34 See, generally, Maček, J., ‘Die Hofkultur Karls IV.’, in Kaiser Karl IV. Staatsmann und Mäzen, ed. Seibt, F. (Munich, 1978), pp. 237–41Google Scholar. For two prominent figures: Stackmann, K., ‘Heinrich von Mügeln’, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserkxikon, ed. Ruh, K. et al. , 3 (Berlin, New York, 1981)Google Scholar, cols 815–27; W.Hover, ‘Johann von Neumarkt’, in ibid., 4 (1983), cols 686–95.

35 Richter, , ‘Die böhmischen Länder’, pp. 297–8Google Scholar; Moraw, , ‘Das Mittelalter’, pp. 110–11Google Scholar.

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37 Ibid., vv. 4696–4707, p. 94.

38 Eschenbach, Ulrich von [sic], Alexander, ed. Toischer, W. (Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, Tübingen, 1888), vv. 27625–8, p. 734Google Scholar.

39 Die Königsaaler Geschuhts-Quellen mit den Zusätzen und der Fortsetzung des Domherrn Franz von Prog, ed. Loserth, J. (Fontes rerum Austriacarum: Oesterreichische Geschichtsquellen, I Abtheilung, 8, Vienna, 1875)Google Scholar.

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43 On Peter, see Loserth, J., ‘Peter von Zittau’, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, 25 (Leipzig, 1887), pp. 476–8Google Scholar; and the biographical note by Pabst, B. in Lexikon des Mitteklters, 6 (1993)Google Scholar, col. 1940.

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45 Ibid., p. 50.

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48 Ibid., p. 267.

49 Ibid., pp. 53–4. Cf. p. 123 with an account of Austrian resentment at the government of Albert of Habsburg's Swabians.

50 Reg. Dip. Bohemiae, 2, no. 2245, pp. 973–5.

51 Natives: ngnicolae, terrigenae, Boemi vel Moroni; foreigners: alienigenae, extranet.

52 Königsaaler Geschichts-Quellen, p. 69.

53 Ibid., p. 72.

54 Gratis, , Nationenbildung, pp. 174, 177, 179Google Scholar, for several examples. A particularly explicit instance is to be found in Bishop John of Prague's 1333 charter for his Augustinian foundation at Roudnice: any candidate admitted had to be ‘Bohemus de vtroque parente idiomatis bohemice’ (Reg. Dip. Bohemiae, 3, no. 2008, p. 782).

55 Vita Karoli Quartk Karl IV. Selbstbiographie (no editor, Hanau, 1979), pp. 68–70Google Scholar: ‘ut alter Boemus’.

56 Königsaaler Geschichts-Quellen, p. 69.

57 Ibid., p. 50.

58 Ibid., p. 177.

59 Ibid., pp. 304–5 (John of Luxemburg's entry into Bohemia), 338–43 (Henry VII in Italy), 347–9 (Henry's army in Rome).

60 For Henry VII: Franke, , Kaiser Heinrich VII., pp. 202–23Google Scholar.

61 On this subject, see, generally, Walther, H., ‘Scherz und Ernst in der Völker- und Stämme-Charakteristik mittellateinischer Verse’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 41 (1959)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schmugge, L., ‘Über “nationale” Vorurteile im Mittelalter’, Deutsches Archie für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 38 (1982)Google Scholar; Zatscek, H., Das Volksbewuβtsein. Sein Werden im Spiegel der Geschichtsschreibung (Brünn, Prague, Leipzig, Vienna, 1936)Google Scholar.

62 Bartlett, Making of Europe, ch. 9; idem, Gerald of Wales 1146–1223 (Oxford, 1982), ch. 6. For accusations of cruelty and cowardice directed at the Poles, see Görlich, , Zur Frage des Nationalbewuβtseins, pp. 148, 200Google Scholar.

63 For the Germans and war: Dümmler, E., ‘Über den furor Teutonicus’, Sitzungsberichte der königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (phil.-hist. Klasse), 9 (1897)Google Scholar.

64 Königsaaler Geschwhts-Qvzllen, p. 50.

65 Alexander of Roes, Noticia seculi, ed. Grundmann, H., Heimpel, H. (MGH Staatsschriften des späteren Mittelalters, I.i, Stuttgart, 1958), ch. 9, p. 156Google Scholar.

66 For the representation of this battle in German sources, see Graus, F., ‘Přemysl Otakar II. Sein Ruhm und sein Nachleben’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 79 (1971), pp. 57–110CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Seibt, F., ‘Die böhmische Nachbarschaft in der österreichische Historiographie des 13. und 14. Jahrhudnerts’, in Seibt, F., Mittelalter und Gegenwart, Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Sigmaringen, 1987), pp. 171–96Google Scholar.

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68 As an example, see Jansen Enikels Welkhronik, ed. Strauch, P. (MGH Deutsche Chroniken, 3.i, Hanover, 1891), vv. 27580–94, p. 537Google Scholar.

69 Ottokars osterrekhische Reimchronik, ed. Seemüller, J. (MGH Deutsche Chroniken, 5.i, Hanover, 1890), vv. 17643–5, p. 234, 17916–19, p. 237Google Scholar (Bohemian lack of valour); vv. 22440–3, p. 296 (‘deceit, envy and hatred’). Abbot Ludolf of Sagan, who had studied at Prague in the 1370s, wrote of the ancient hatreds ‘inter ehc duo ydeomata Teutonicorum et Bohemorum’, which he compared to the Jews and the Samaritans: quoted in Bittner, K., Deutsche und Tschechen. £ur Geistesgachichte des böhmischen Raumes (Brunn, Prague, Leipzig, Vienna, 1936), p. 101Google Scholar. See also the comments of Seibt, , ‘Die böhmische Nachbarschaft’, pp. 190–1Google Scholar.

70 Königsaaler Geschuhts-Quellen, p. 69.

71 For attempts in Polish sources to describe accurately the German settlers: Zientara, B., ‘Die deutsche Einwanderer in Polen vom 12. bis zum 14. Jahrhundert’, in Die deutsche Ostsiedlung, ed. Schlesinger, , pp. 333–48Google Scholar, at 342.

72 Di tutsch kromk von Behem lant, ed. Jiriček, J. (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, 3, Prague, 1882)Google Scholar.

73 Smith, A. D., The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford, 1986), p. 2Google Scholar, emphasises the indispensability of shared myths and memories to the existence of political communities. For a well-known example of legitimisation through myth: Duncan, A. A. M., The Nation of the Scots and the Declaration of Arbroath (Historical Association, London, 1970)Google Scholar.

74 See Graus, , ‘Bildung eines Nationalbewuβtseins’, pp. 26–30Google Scholar; idem, Lebendige Vergangenheit, ch. 3.ii; idem, Nationenhildung, pp. 91–5; Schwinges, ‘“Primare” und “sekundare” Nation’. For the older literature, see Kerskens, N., Geschkhtsschreibung im Europa der ‘Nationes’. Nationalgeschkhiliche Gesamtdarstellungen im Mittektlter (Cologne, Weimar, Vienna, 1995), pp. 583–7Google Scholar.

75 Graus, , Lebendige Vergangenheit, pp. 91–8Google Scholar.

76 Di tutsch kronik, p. 5.

77 Ibid., pp. 82–4.

78 Hilsch, P., ‘Di tutsch kronik von Behem lant. Der Verfasser der Dalimilübertragung und die deutschböhmische Identität’, in Ex ipsis rerum documentis: Beiträge zur Mediävistik. Festschrift für Harold Zimmermann zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Herbers, K. et al. (Sigmaringen, 1991). esp. pp. 111–15Google Scholar.

79 Di tutsch kronik, p. 143, 1. 154.

80 Ibid., p. 196, 11. 139–44.

81 As examples, ibid., p. 83, 11. 24, 26, 28.

82 For examples of both forms: ibid., pp. 192–6.

83 See, for example, Wostry, W., ‘Ein deutschfeindliches Pamphlet aus Böhmen aus dem 14. Jahrhundert’, Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichle der Deutschen in Böhmen, 53 (1915), p. 232Google Scholar, where their expulsion is advocated. For this text, see Graus, , Natwnenbildung, pp. 221–3Google Scholar, where it is dated to the period 1380–93.

84 Examples are cited in Zientara, B., ‘Foreigners in Poland in the 10th-15th centuries: their role in the opinion of the Polish medieval community’, Ada Poloniae Historica, 29 (1974), pp. 5–28Google Scholar; idem, ‘Die deutsche Einwanderer’; Strzelczyk, J., ‘Die Wahrnehmung des Fremden im mittelalterlichen Polen’, in Die Begegnung des Western mit dem Osten, ed. Engels, O., Schreiner, P. (Sigmaringen, 1993), pp. 203–20Google Scholar.

85 Königsaaler Geschichts-Quellen, pp. 371–2.

86 Di tutsch kronik, p. 94, 11. 1–10.

87 Printed in Politische Lyrik des deutschen Mittelalters, Texte I, ed. Müller, U. (Goppingen, 1972), p. 8Google Scholar.

88 On settlement myths generally: Graus, Lebendige Vergangenheit, ch. 3.

89 A myth of this sort with especially wide application traced an origin in migrant bands of Trojans: Grau, A., Der Gedanke der Herkunji in der deutschen Geschichtsschreibung des Mittelalters. Trojasage und Verwandtes (Leipzig, 1938)Google Scholar; Beaune, C., The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Late-Medieval France (English transl. by Huston, S. R., Berkeley, 1991)Google Scholar ch. 8.

90 Bartlett, Making of Europe, ch. 4; Murray, A. V., ‘Ethnic identity in the crusader states: the Frankish race and the settlement of Outremer’, in Concepts of Nationality, ed. Forde, , Johnson, and Murray, , pp. 59–73Google Scholar, which argues for viewing crusading narratives as origin myths.

91 Moraw, , ‘Das Mittelalter’, p. 112Google Scholar, emphasising that their settlement was limited to the Egerland and the lands of the church of Olomouc (Olmiitz).

92 Richter, , ‘Die böhmischen Länder’, pp. 336–47Google Scholar; Moraw, , ‘Das Mittelalter’, pp. 76–92Google Scholar; Graus, , ‘Die Problematik’, p. 46Google Scholar.

93 As examples of this usage, see Reg. Dip. Bohemiae, 3, no. 117, p. 46 (‘jure hereditario seu teutonico’); no. 1167, pp. 500–1 (‘iure theutonico, quod purkrecht dicitur’); no. 1422, p. 614 (‘hereditarie seu libere vel iure theutonico’); no. 2824, p. 1236 (‘jure theutonicali’). Many more such instances could be cited. Further variants will be found in Urkunden und erzählende Quellen zur deutschen Ostsiedlung im Mittelalter, ed. Helbig, H. and Weinrich, L., 2 (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters, Darmstadt, 1970)Google Scholar.

94 The German ‘Dalimil’ translation, for example, survives in only a single manuscript: Hilsch, , ‘Di tutsch kronik’, p. 103Google Scholar, n. 2.

95 Noted by Reynolds, , ‘Medieval origines gentium’, p. 390Google Scholar; idem, Kingdoms and Communities, p. 213.

96 Jurek, , ‘Entwicklung eines schlesisches Regionalbewuβtseins’, esp. pp. 47–8Google Scholar.

97 Schwarz, E., ‘Die deutsche Siedelgebiete in Böhmen und Mähren-Schlesien in vorhussitischer Zeit’, in Sudetendeutscher Atlas, ed. Meynen, , pp. 13–14Google Scholar.

98 Schwarz, E., ‘eschichte der deutschen Besiedlung’, in Die Deutschen in Böhmen und Mähren: ein historischer Rüekblkk, ed. Preidel, H. (Munich, 1952), p. 122Google Scholar (place-names); idem, ‘Die deutschen Mundarten in Böhmen und Mähren-Schlesien’, in Sudetendadscher Atlas, ed. Meynen, , pp. 9–10Google Scholar (dialects).

99 Königsaaler Geschichts-Quellen, p. 52.

100 Richter, , ‘Die böhmischen Länder’, pp. 323–31Google Scholar; Moraw, , ‘Das Mittelalter’, pp. 59–75Google Scholar.

101 Quoted in Sayer, D., ‘The language of nationality and the nationality of language: Prague 1780–1920’, Past and Present, 153 (11 1996), pp. 164–210CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 210.

102 Analysed in Graus, ‘Die Problematik’.

103 In addition to Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities, see now, especially, Hastings, A., The Construction of Nationhood. Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The new orientation is also signalled in Stringer, K., ‘Social and political communities in European history: some reflections on recent studies’, in Nations, Nationalism and Patriotism, ed. Björn, , Grant, and Stringer, , pp. 9–34Google Scholar. A more qualified revisionist analysis is developed in Smith, Ethnic Origins of Nations; idem, ‘National identities’. For an explicit critique of Anderson from a medievalist perspective, see Johnson, L., ‘Imagining communities: medieval and modern’, in Concepts of Nationality, ed. Forde, , Johnson, and Murray, , pp. 1–19Google Scholar.

104 Emphasised by Hastings, Construction of Nationhood, ch. 1.

105 An important recent study with its emphasis in this area is Turville-Petre, T., England the Nation. Language, Literature, and National Identity, 1290–1340 (Oxford, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

106 It is worth noting here that the very concept of ‘community’, understood as a unit of belief and action, has attracted criticism. See: Rubin, M., ‘Small groups: identity and solidarity in the late Middle Ages’, in Enterprise and Individuals in Fifteenth-Century England (Stroud, 1991), pp. 132–50Google Scholar; Carpenter, C., ‘Gentry and community in medieval England’, Journal of British Studies, 33 (1994), pp. 340–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107 Reynolds, , Kingdoms and Communities, p. 331Google Scholar.

108 Frame, , ‘“Les Engleys nées en Irlande”’, p. 89Google Scholar.

109 In addition to Sayer, ‘The language of nationality’, see Cohen, G. B., The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861–1914 (Princeton, 1981)Google Scholar.

110 Among the items listed in Sayer, , ‘The language of nationality’, pp. 188–9Google Scholar, 198–201 and passim.

111 As a single example of the role which the everyday artefacts of modern public administration can play in signalling identities, a 1930s observation relating to the town of Teplitz (Teplice) in the Sudetenland: ‘The modern town makes a very Reich-German impression; the sign-post at the centre of the town points to Prague and Aussig in small Czech and German Latin print, but to Dresden in large Gothic letters and in German only’ (Wiskemann, , Czechs and Germans, pp. 99–100)Google Scholar.

112 Sayer, , ‘The language of nationality’, p. 181Google Scholar.