¹ Evans, R. J. W., ‘From Confederation to Compromise: The Austrian Experiment, 1849–1867’, Proceedings of the British Academy, 87 (1994), 135–67Google Scholar, here 137.

² For discussions of the vast literature on the Second Empire, see McMillan, J. F., Napoleon III (Harlow, 1991), 1–6 Google Scholar; Plessis, A., The Rise and Fall of the Second Empire, 1852–1871, trans. Mandelbaum, Jonathan (Cambridge, 1979), 1–11 Google Scholar; the quotations are from R. Sencourt, The Modern Emperor (1933), and Plessis, Second Empire, 3; Barclay, D., Friedrich Wilhelm IV and the Prussian Monarchy 1840–1861 (Oxford, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bazillion, R. J., Modernizing Germany. Karl Biedermann's Career in the Kingdom of Saxony, 1835–1901 (New York, 1990)Google Scholar; Green, A., Fatherlands. State-Building and Nationhood in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar; R. J. Evans, Rituals of Retribution. Capital Punishment in Germany, 1600–1987 (1997), 284; the same point is made in Evans, R. J., Tales from the German Underworld (New Haven, 1998), 109, 218Google Scholar; Brandt, H.-H., Der Österreichische Neoabsolutismus: Staatsfinanzen und Politik, 1848–60 (2 vols., Göttingen, 1978)Google Scholar – a vast compendium on governmental practice in the post-revolutionary era; Barany, George, ‘Ungarns Verwaltung 1848–1918’, in Die Habsburgermonarchie, ii: Rechtswesen, Verwaltung und, Wandruszka, A. and Urbanitsch, P. (Vienna, 1975), 306–468 Google Scholar, esp. 328–38; G. Szabad, Hungarian Political Trends between the Revolution and the Compromise (1977); Rua, N. Durán de la, La Unión Liberal y la modernizacion de la España Isabelina. Una convivencia frustrada, 1854–1868 (Madrid, 1979), esp. 339–46Google Scholar; Mónica, Maria Filomena, Fontes Pereira de Melo (Lisbon, 1998)Google Scholar; Caracciolo, A, ‘La storia economica’, in Storia d'Italia, iii: Dal primo Settecento all'Unità (Turin, 1973), 509–693Google Scholar; Nada, N., ‘Il regime di Vittorio Emanuele dal 1848 al 1861’, in Notario, P. and Nada, N., Il Piemonte sabaudo. Dal periodo napoleonico al Risorgimento (Turin, 1993), 343–442 Google Scholar, here 364–7 (both with references to the historiography).

³ Plessis, Second Empire, 4–6; Garrigues, Jean, Les hommes providentiels: histoire d'une fascination française (Paris, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Choisel, Francis, Bonapartisme et Gaullisme (Paris, 1987)Google Scholar.

⁴ Rogari, Sandro, Alle origini del trasformismo. Partiti e sistema politico nell'Italia liberale, 1861–1914 (Rome, 1998)Google Scholar; Tullio-Altan, Carlo, La nostra Italia: clientelismo, trasformismo e ribellismo dall'unità al 2000 (Milan, 2000)Google Scholar; Sabatucci, Giovanni, Il trasformismo come sistema: saggio sulla storia politica dell'Italia unita (Rome, 2003)Google Scholar; on this tendency in the Italian historiography, see also Woolf, S. J., ‘La storia politica e sociale’, in Storia d'Italia, iii: Dal primo Settecento all'Unità (Turin, 1973), 5–510 Google Scholar, here 472.

⁵ Barany, ‘Ungarns Verwaltung’, 344.

⁶ For a critical analysis of this historiographical tradition, see Brophy, J. M., Capitalism, Politics and Railroads in Prussia 1830–1870 (Columbus, 1998), 1–18 Google Scholar.

⁷ Barclay, Friedrich Wilhelm IV and the Prussian Monarchy; Brophy, Capitalism; Grünthal, G., Parlamentarismus in Preussen 1848/49–1857/58: preussischer Konstitutionalismus, Parlament und Regierung in der Reaktionsära (Düsseldorf, 1982)Google Scholar; Green, Fatherlands. The classic demolition of the Sonderweg thesis, Blackbourn, D. and Eley, G., The Peculiarities of German History. Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, points suggestively at the need for a trans-national approach to the problem of nineteenth-century revolution and political change; see esp. 83–5 (Eley) and 173–5 (Blackbourn).

⁸ Cf. Elton, G. R., The Tudor Revolution in Government. Administrative Changes in the Reign of Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1969)Google Scholar, which deals of course with a very different subject matter, but speaks of a period ‘when the needs of good government prevailed over the demands of free government’ and ‘order and peace seemed more important than principles and rights’ (1) and perceives in administrative innovation a process of ‘controlled upheaval’ (427).

⁹ A useful comparative survey of constitutional innovation across Europe is Verfassungswandel um 1848 im europäischen Vergleich, ed. M. Kisch and P. Schiera (Berlin, 2001); see esp. the introductory essay by M. Kisch, ‘Verfassungswandel um 1848 – Aspekte der Rezeption und des Vergleichs zwischen den europäischen Staaten’, 31–62.

¹⁰ Barclay, Friedrich Wilhelm IV and the Prussian Monarchy, 183; Wegge, H., Die Stellung der Öffentlichkeit zur oktroyierten Verfassung und die preußische Parteibildung 1848/49 (Berlin, 1932), 45–8Google Scholar; Grünthal, Parlamentarismus, 185.

¹¹ Brand, H., Parlamentarismus in Württemberg (1819–1870). Anatomie eines deutschen Landtages (Düsseldorf, 1987), 654–5Google Scholar; for an important study that reaches some analogous conclusions for Saxony, see Neeman, Andreas, Landtag und Politik in der Reaktionszeit. Sachsen 1849/50–1866 (Düsseldorf, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹² Caracciolo, ‘Storia economica’, 612–17; Smith, D. Mack, Victor Emanuel, Cavour and the Risorgimento (Oxford, 1971), 56–76 Google Scholar; idem, Cavour (1985), 94–106; Perticone, Giacomo, Il regime parlamentare nella storia dello Statuto albertino (Rome, 1960)Google Scholar; Ghisalberti, Carlo, Stato, nazione e costituzione nell'Italia contemporanea (Naples, 199)Google Scholar; Romeo, Rosario, Vita di Cavour (Rome, 1984)Google Scholar; idem, Dal Piemonte sabaudo all'Italia liberale (Turin, 1963); Merlini, Stefano, ‘Il governo costituzionale’, in Storia dello Stato italiano, ed. Romanelli, Raffaele (Rome, 1995), 3–72 Google Scholar, here 3–10, 13–15, 17–19.

¹³ There were a number of separate uprisings in Spain in 1848, but they represented diagonally opposed interests and their impact was muted by the repressive measures adopted by the Narvaez government. Madaria, J. M. García, Estructura de la Administración Central (1808–1931) (Madrid, 1982), 124 Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Burgos, M. Espadas, ‘Madrid, centro de poder politico’, in Madrid en la sociedad del siglo XIX, ed. Carvajal, L. E. Otero and Bahamonde, A. (Madrid, 1986), 179–92, here 188Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Seoane, M. Cruz, Historia del periodismo en España (3 vols., Madrid, 1983)Google Scholar, ii: El siglo XIX, 241–2; Kiernan, V. G., The Revolution of 1854 in Spanish History (Oxford, 1966), 6 Google Scholar; Goitia, J. R. Urquijo, ‘Las contradicciones politicas del Bienio Progresista’, Hispania, 57 (1997), 267–302 Google Scholar; Esdaile, C. J., Spain in the Liberal Age. From Constitution to Civil War, 1808–1939 (Oxford, 2000), 109–22Google Scholar; de Urquijo y Goitia, José Ramón, La revolución de 1854 en Madrid (Madrid, 1984)Google Scholar,

¹⁶ For contemporary British comment on Saldanha's ‘strange coalition’, which seemed to fly in the face of Portuguese political tradition, see the Times, 31 May 1851, 4, col. F, also 11 June 1851, 4, col. b. On the Patuleia and the Maria da Fonte insurrection, see Bonifácio, Maria de Fátima, História da guerra civil da patuleia, 1846–47 (Lisbon, 1993)Google Scholar; Casimiro, Padre, Apontamentos para a história da revolução do Minho em 1846 ou da Maria da Fonte, ed. Silva, José Teixeira da (Lisbon, 1981)Google Scholar, Brissos, Jose, A insurreição miguelista nas resistências a Costa Cabral (1842–1847) (Lisbon, 1997)Google Scholar. For a brilliant study of the Regeneração, see Sardica, José Miguel, A regeneração sob o signo do consenso: a política e os partidos entre 1851 e 1861 (Lisbon, 2001)Google Scholar. On Costa Cabral's vain efforts to inaugurate a centrist politics before the new regime, see Bonifácio, Mari Fátima, ‘Segunda ascensão de Costa Cabral’, Análise Social, 32 (1997), 537–56, esp. 541Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Neves, J. L. César das, The Portuguese Economy: A Picture in Figures. XIX and XX Centuries (Lisbon, 1994), 45 Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Durán de le Rua, Unión Liberal, 345–6; for interesting reflections on the parallels between Spanish and Portuguese developments, see Gonzalo, Ignacio Chato, ‘Portugal e Espanha em 1856: a dispar evolução politica do liberalismo peninsular’, Análise Social, 42 (2007), 55–75 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Ménager, B., Les Napoleon du peuple (Aubier, 1988), 355–7Google Scholar.

²⁰ For an excellent comparative discussion of ‘conservative-liberal modernisation’ in Prussia and Austria, see A. Schlegelmilch, ‘Das Projekt der konservativ-liberalen Modernisierung und die Einführung konstitutioneller Systeme in Preußen und Österreich, 1848/49’, in Verfassungswandel, ed. Kisch and Schiera, 155–77.

²¹ Seoane, Historia del periodismo, 244; Kiernan, Revolution of 1854, 5.

²² Payne, H. C. and Grosshans, H., ‘The Exile Revolutonaries and the French Political Police in the 1850s’, American Historical Review, 68/4 (July 1963), 954–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁴ Grünthal, Parlamentarismus, 476.

²⁵ Trebilcock, C., The Industrialization of the Continental Powers (Harlow, 1981), 152 Google Scholar; Price, R., The French Second Empire. An Anatomy of Political Power (Cambridge, 2001), 228 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on Spain: Aceña, P. Martin, ‘Development and Modernization of the Financial System, 1844–1935’, in The Economic Modernization of Spain, ed. Sanchez-Albornoz, N., trans. Powers, K. and Sañudo, M. (New York, 1987), 107–27Google Scholar, here 110; Durán de la Rua, Unión Liberal, 162–3; on Germany and Austria: Sheehan, J. J., German History 1770–1866 (Oxford, 1989), 734 Google Scholar; Brandt, Neoabsolutismus, 231–438.

²⁶ Durán de la Rua, Unión Liberal, 345; Mónica, Fontes Pereira de Melo.

²⁷ Royal Decree of 20 Oct. 1851, cited in Garcia Madaria, Estructura, 129.

²⁸ Royal decree of 10 Dec. 1858, cited in: Durán de la Rua, Unión Liberal, 137–8; on economic reforms of the Bienio, see Urquijo Goitia, ‘Bienio Progresista’.

²⁹ Carvajal, E. Otero, ‘El telégrafo en el sistema de comunicaciones Español 1800–1900’, in Antiguo Regimen y liberalismo. Homenaje a Miguel Artola, ed. Donézar, J. M. and Ledesma, M. Perez (3 vols., Madrid, 1994), ii, 587–98Google Scholar, here 593.

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³¹ Durán de la Rua, Unión Liberal, 151.

³² A. Gomez Mendoza, ‘Los ferrocarriles en la economia Española, 1855–1913’, in La nueva historia economica, ed. Martin Aceña and Prados de la Escosura, 101–16, here 113. Gomez Mendoza estimates that national income (excluding earnings that reverted to foreign investors) would have been between 6.5 and 12 per cent lower by 1878 without the infrastructural programme launched in the 1850s. This conclusion is broadly supported in N. Sanchez Albornoz, ‘Introduction: The Economic Modernization of Spain’, in Economic Modernization, ed. idem, 1–9, here 5. The contrary view is set out in G. Tortella Casares, Los orígenes del capital financiero en España (Madrid, 1972), esp. chs. 5–6; see also Esdaile, Spain in the Liberal Age, 113–14; there is a broadly analogous debate on France, see Mitchell, A., ‘Private Entrepreneurs or Public Service? The Eastern Railway Company and the French State in the Nineteenth Century’, Journal of Modern History, 69 (1997), 18–41 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 18–21.

³³ Trebilcock, Industrialization, 152; Price, Second Empire, 211; Plessis, Second Empire, 62; Anceau, Éric, Napoléon III. Un Saint-Simon à cheval (Paris, 2008), 343–66Google Scholar; Milza, Pierre, Napoléon III (Paris, 2004), 464–99Google Scholar; Olivesi, Antoine and Nouschi, André, La France de 1848 a 1914 (Paris, 1993), 49–70 Google Scholar; Barjot, Dominique, Chaline, Jean-Pierre and Encrevé, André, La France au XIXe siècle 1814–1914 (Paris, 1995), 377–405 Google Scholar.

³⁴ Tilly, C., ‘The Political Economy of Public Finance and the Industrialization of Prussia 1815–1866’, Journal of Economic History, 26 (1966), 484–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 492; Grünthal, Parlamentarismus, 476.

³⁵ Winkel, H., Die deutsche Nationalökonomie im 19. Jahrhundert (Darmstadt, 1977), 86–7Google Scholar, 95; on this view as an instance of the German engagement with ‘Smithianism’, see E. Rothschild, ‘Smithianismus’ and Enlightenment in Nineteenth-Century Europe, King's College Cambridge: Centre for History and Economics, Oct. 1998.

³⁶ Cameron, R., ‘French Finance and Italian Unity: The Cavourian Decade’, American Historical Review, 62 (1957), 552–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 556–61.

³⁷ On infrastructural investment in Hanover, Saxony and Württemberg, see Green, Fatherlands, 223–66.

³⁸ Evans, ‘Austrian Experiment’, 138–9.

³⁹ R. P. Tombs, France, 1814–1914 (Harlow, 1996), 107.

⁴⁰ Plessis, Second Empire, 62, stresses the influence of Saint-Simonianism on the emperor; McMillan, Napoleon III, 138–9, is sceptical. On the Orleanist sympathies of the old financial establishment, see Plessis, Second Empire, 76.

⁴¹ Tilly, ‘Political Economy of Public Finance’, 490.

⁴² Ibid., 494.

⁴³ Cited in Green, Fatherlands, 251.

⁴⁴ M. Blanchard, ‘The Railway Policy of the Second Empire’, trans. J. Godfrey, in Essays in European Economic History 1789–1914, ed. F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner and W. M. Stern (1969), 98–111, here 104.

⁴⁵ David Hansemann, cited in Brophy, Capitalism, 50.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 56. The quotation (from David Hansemann) is on 50. Von der Heydt's policy of nationalisation was reversed in the 1860s.

⁴⁷ Cited in Plessis, Second Empire, 62.

⁴⁸ Ian Hacking, The Taming of Chance (Cambridge, 1990), 33–4; T. Huertas, Economic Growth and Economic Policy in a Multinational Setting: The Habsburg Monarchy, 1841–65 (New York, 1977); W. Goldinger, ‘Die Zentralverwaltung in Cisleithanien – Die Zivile Gemeinsame Zentralverwaltung’, in Verwaltung und Rechtswesen, ed. Wandruszka and Urbanitsch, 100–89, here 135, 177; Bazillion, Modernizing Germany, 268.

⁴⁹ This process is well known for Britain, thanks to Lawrence Goldman's work on the early and mid-Victorian statistical movement and its increasingly intimate relationship with government; Goldman, L., ‘Statistics and the Science of Society in Early-Victorian Britain: An Intellectual Context for the General Register Office’, Social History of Medicine, 4 (1991), 415–34CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; idem, ‘The Social Science Association 1857–1886: A Context for Mid-Victorian Liberalism’, English Historical Review, 101 (1986), 95–134. This kind of work is yet to be done for most of the continental states.

⁵⁰ Bazillion, Modernizing Germany, 268.

⁵¹ Presidency of the council of ministers, preamble to royal decree founding a statistical commission, 3 Nov. 1856, in: Colección legislativa de España (segundo trimestre de 1856), vol. 68 (Madrid, 1856), 194–6.

⁵² Juan Pro Ruiz, ‘Statistics and State Formation in Spain (1840–1870)’, working paper produced as part of the research project PB97–0056 of the Dirección General de Investigación Científica y Técnica of Spain, viewed online at: citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.202. For a good example of the moderado view of growth and development, which acknowledged the need for state intervention but defined the task of the state in terms of the need to contain and minimise the impact of change, see the 1848 prospecto of the ministry of commerce, education and public works in Boletín Oficial del Ministerio de Comercio, Instrucción y Obras Públicas, 1 (1848), 1–3.

⁵³ Desrosières, A., ‘Official Statistics and Medicine in Nineteenth-Century France: The Statistique Générale de la France as a Case Study’, Social History of Medicine, 4 (1991), 515–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ On the statistical movement, see Patriarca, Silvana, Numbers and Nationhood: Writing Statistics in Nineteenth-Century Italy (Cambridge, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldman, Laurence, ‘The Origins of British “Social Science”: Political Economy, Natural Science and Statistics, 1830–1835’, Historical Journal, 26 (1983), 587–616 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Hacking, Taming of Chance; Cullen, Michael John, The Statistical Movement in Early Victorian Britain: The Foundations of Empirical Social Research (Hassocks, 1975)Google Scholar; for an anthology of contemporary treatises, see Comparative Statistics in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Richard Wall (Farnborough, 1973), cited in Rothschild, Emma, ‘The Age of Insubordination’, Foreign Policy, 119 (Summer 2000), 46–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ See, for example, the efforts of the ministry of justice in Spain to improve its crime statistics through the circulation of a new standardised form (hoja) and the ‘instrucción para llenar con exactitud las hojas de la estadistica civil creada por Real decreto de Diciembre de 1855’ which insists that respondents reply ‘in uniform fashion to the questions that the form contains’ – an injunction strongly suggestive of the novelty of this procedure for the functionaries obliged to carry it out. Colección legislativa de España (primer trimestre de 1856), vol. 67 (Madrid, 1856), 109.

⁵⁶ Nolte, P., Die Ordnung der Gesellschaft (Munich 2000), 52–3Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ de Macedo, José Borges, ‘O aparecimento em Portugal do conceito de programa politico’, Revista portuguesa de História, 13 (1971), 396–423 Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ On efforts to unify the structure of government in Spain, see Garcia Madaria, Estructura, 128; royal decree of 29 Feb. 1856, cited in Garcia Madaria, Estructura, 142; cf. the ‘Instrucción para promover y ejecutar las obras publicas de Caminos, Canales, Puertos y demas análogos aprobada por Real Decreto de 10 de Octobre de 1845’, Archivo Histórico Nacional Madrid, FC OP, leg. 2; on Austria: Evans, ‘Austrian Experiment’, 138; Barany, ‘Ungarns Verwaltung’, 329–62.

⁵⁹ Urquijo Goitia, ‘Bienio Progresista’, 282–3; César das Neves, Portuguese Economy, 46–7; in general, see the important recent study by Mónica, Fontes Pereira de Melo.

⁶⁰ On the use of developmentalist arguments in relation to canal building before the advent of the railways, see Hernandez, J. M. and Olivares, J. Vidal, ‘Infraestructura viaria y ferrocarriles en la articulación del espacio economico Valenciano, 1750–1914’, Hispania, 51 (1991), 205–43Google Scholar, here 225; on continuity in public infrastructural planning in France, with specific reference to the dirigiste tradition of the Corps des Ponts et Chaussées, see Smith, C. O., ‘The Longest Run: Public Engineers and Planning in France’, American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 657–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith stresses long-term continuity of statist construction projects in France, but also notes that the early 1850s saw a restructuring of railway development marked first by the consolidation of the twenty-eight French railway companies into six regional monopolies and secondly by highly successful government stimulation of private investment (677).

⁶¹ McMillan, Napoleon III, 137–41.

⁶² See Urquijo Goitia, ‘Bienio Progresista’, 270, citing the Acta del Consejo of 19 Dec. 1854: ‘[our objective is] to open the springs of civilisation, to bring them to our country by means of those mighty vehicles [i.e. steam trains] that constitute the glory of modern civilisation, to reinforce our political unity by facilitating communication among all the provinces; to bestow movement and value upon our products’.

⁶³ Conseil Général du Département de Nord, session de 1858, rapport par M. F. Kuhlmann, Archives Nationales, F/12/6848/B, 14.

⁶⁴ Ministerio de Fomento, ‘Real decreto, creando una comisión para que proponga los medios de armonizar los intereses recíprocos de los fabricantes y trabajadores de Bercelona’, 10 Jan. 1851, in Colección legislativa de España (primer cuatrimestre de 1851), vol. 64 (Madrid 1855).

⁶⁵ Cited in Memoirs of Field-Marshal the Duke of Saldanha with Selections from his Correspondence, ed. J. A. Smith, Conde da Carnota (2 vols., 1880), i, 315, 326.

⁶⁶ Ministry of agriculture, commerce and public works, report to the emperor, Paris, 30 Nov. 1856, Archives Nationales Paris F/14/8508A.

⁶⁷ Sheehan, German History, 734.

⁶⁸ Papayanis, N., Horse-Drawn Cabs and Omnibuses in Paris. The Idea of Circulation and the Business of Public Transit (Baton Rouge, 1997), 92–5Google Scholar. On the same obsession in a British context, see M. Daunton, ‘Introduction’, Cambridge Urban History of Britain, iii: 1840–1950, ed. idem (Cambridge, 2001), 1–56, esp. 1–13. There is now a vast literature on the restructuring of Paris under Haussmann; among those studies I found most useful are Pinkney, D. H., Napeoleon and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton, 1958)Google Scholar, and Shapiro, A.-L., Housing the Poor of Paris, 1850–1902 (Madison, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Juliá, Santos, Ringrose, D. and Segura, C., Madrid. Historia de una capital (Madrid, 1994), 288–313 Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Fernando Roch, ‘Reflexiones sobre le reordenación urbanistica en el Madrid de mediados del siglo XIX’, in Madrid, ed. Otero Carvajal and Bahamonde, 89–96, here 92–3.

⁷¹ Choay, F., ‘Pensées sur la ville, arts de la ville’, in La ville de l’âge industriel: le cycle haussmannien, ed. Agulhon, M. (Paris, 1983), 159–271 Google Scholar, here 168; Gaillard, Jeanne, Paris. La ville 1852–1870. L'urbanisme Parisien à l'heure d'Haussmann (Paris, 1976)Google Scholar; on similar developments in Berlin, see Barclay, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, 75, 237–8; Frank Joseph Thomason, ‘The Prussian Police State in Berlin 1848–1871’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Baltimore, MD, 1978), 185. Although it is formulated within the framework of the older ‘decade of reaction’ school, this study remains useful as the only detailed study of Hinckeldey's policies for Berlin; the best interpretative discussion of Hinckeldey is in Barclay, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, esp. 237–44, 273–5.

⁷² Masanz, M. and Nagl, M., Ringstraße. Von der Freiheit zur Ordnung vor den Toren Wiens (Vienna, 1996), 66 Google Scholar.

⁷³ Wagner, W., ‘Die Stellungnahmen der Militärbehörden zur Wiener Stadterweiterung in den Jahren 1848–57’, Jahrbuch des Vereins für die Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 17/18 (1961/2), 216–85Google Scholar, here 223; Masanz and Nagl, Ringstraße, 65–71.

⁷⁴ C. Díez de Baleón, ‘Barrios obreros en el Madrid del siglo XIX: solución o amenaza para el orden burgues?’, in Madrid, ed. Otero Carvajal and Bahamonde, 117–34; Guerrand, R. H., Les origines du logement social (Paris, 1967)Google Scholar. On the association of disease with political unrest, see R. J. Evans, Death in Hamburg. Society and Politics in the Cholera Years 1830–1910 (1990), 118–19.

⁷⁵ Shapiro, Housing the Poor of Paris, 16–28.

⁷⁶ Papayanis, Horse-Drawn Cabs, 96–7; E. Bendikat, Öffentlicher Nahverkerhspolitik in Berlin und Paris 1890–1914: Strukturbedingungen, politische Konzeptionen und Realisierugsprobleme (Berlin, 1999), 66–70; Santos Juliá, Ringrose and Segura, Madrid, 288–313; on the same phenomenon in Berlin: B. Schulze, ‘Polizeipräsident von Hinckeldey’, Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands, iv (Tübingen, 1955), 81–108, here 93–4.

⁷⁷ Fischer, D., Handbuch der politischen Presse in Deutschland, 1480–1980. Synopse rechtlicher, struktureller und wirtschaftlicher Grundlagen der Tendenzpublizistik im Kommunikationsfeld (Düsseldorf, 1981), 60–1Google Scholar, here 65; Koszyk, Kurt, Deutsche Presse im 19. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1966), 123 Google Scholar; Schneider, F., Pressefreiheit und politische Öffentlichkeit (Neuwied, 1966), 310 Google Scholar.

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⁷⁹ Seoane, Historia de periodismo, 228.

⁸⁰ Kossok, M. and Saravia, Mauricio Pérez, ‘Prensa liberal y revolución burguesa. Las revoluciones en Francia y Alemania en 1848 y en España en 1854’, in La prensa en la revolución liberal: España, Portugal y America Latina, ed. Novales, A. Gil (Madrid, 1983), 390–444 Google Scholar, here 433–4.

⁸¹ Guiral, P., ‘La presse de 1848 à 1871’, in Bellanger, C., Godechot, J., Guiral, P. and Terron, F., Histoire générale de la presse française (Paris, 1969), 207–382 Google Scholar.

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⁸³ Guiral, ‘La presse’, 252; Bellet, R., Presse et journalisme sous le Second Empire (Paris, 1967), 11 Google Scholar.

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⁸⁵ Wappler, Regierung und Presse, 16–17, 5.

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⁸⁷ Cited in Price, Second Empire, 172.

⁸⁸ Green, Fatherlands, 148–88; Guiral, La presse, 250; Isser, Press, 16. For an account of the ‘offiziöse Presse’ in the German states that comes to less sanguine (but also in my view less persuasive) conclusions on the success of such journals, see Naujoks, E., ‘Die offiziöse Presse und die Gesellschaft (1848/1900)’, in Presse und Geschichte. Beiträge zur historischen Kommunikationsforschung, ed. Blühm, E. (Munich, 1977), 157–70Google Scholar.

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⁹⁰ Cited in Carr, R., Spain 1808–1975, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1982), 240 Google Scholar n. 2.

⁹¹ Evans, ‘Austrian Experiment’, 146–7; Durán de la Rua, Unión Liberal, 345.

⁹² Ménager, Les Napoléon du peuple, 128–9.

⁹³ Goldman, ‘The Origins of British “Social Science”’, esp. 594–5.

⁹⁴ On the ‘transfer function’ of international exhibitions and the paucity of work in this area, see W. Kaiser, ‘Inszenierung des Freihandels als weltgesellschaftliche Entwicklungsstrategie. Die “Great Exhibition” 1851 und der politischer Kulturtransfer nach kontinentaleuropa’, 2. I am grateful to Professor Kaiser for allowing me to see a copy of this essay before publication.

⁹⁵ On these and other dimensions of the still only nascent history of international networks, see The Mechanics of Internationalism, ed. M. H. Geyer and J. Paulmann (Oxford, 2001), esp. the introductory essay by the editors, 1–25.

⁹⁶ ‘El progreso industrial en Bélgica’, ‘Importación de lanas en Inglaterra’, ‘La industria inglesa y la expansión de Londres’, ‘La industria algodonera en Alemania’, ‘Ingresos de los ferro-carriles ingleses y franceses’, in Revista Cientifica del Ministero de Fomento, 2 (1863), 28–9, 50–5, 60–1, 193–211, 225–34, 250–1.

⁹⁷ Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid, FC OP (Fomento) leg. 236.

⁹⁸ I borrow this term from Goldman, ‘Social Science Association’, 100.