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The Significance of the Baronial Reform Movement, 1258–1267
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
Extract
The most significant feature of the baronial movement of 1258 is that it was the first deliberate and conscious political revolution in English history. The Angevin system of government, essentially a centralised despotism grafted on to the stock of a primitive national monarchy and growing within the framework of a feudal society, was transformed, at the Parliament of Oxford, into a limited monarchy based on written constitution. The entire power and authority of the crown, in every sphere of government, was put into commission and vested in a privy council of fifteen magnates, selected, not by the king, but by a sub-committee appointed by a committee of the great council; and for nearly two years England was successfully governed and reformed by this nominated privy council, which acted throughout in virtue of the mandate expressed in the Provisions of Oxford, regarding itself as representative of and responsible to the great council. In the king's own words, the Council of Fifteen treated him as a minor under their wardship, settling affairs of state without his presence, and without having asked him to attend, issuing orders without awaiting his authorisation, ignoring his views, and merely replying ‘Nous volons qe issy soit’, without any further explanation, when he remonstrated; they passed over his nominees for offices high and low, appointing others against his will; they used his great seal without consulting him, and denied him all use of it; in fact, they so far diminished his royal power and dignity that little or nothing was done at his command, and his orders were neglected as though it were the council that reigned.
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References
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page 36 note 4 Ibid., ch. iii.
page 37 note 1 Ibid., pp. 100–1.
page 37 note 2 Monumenta Franciscana (edit. J. S. Brewer, Rolls Series, 1858), i. 110.
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page 39 note 4 Ibid., pp. 94–5, 179.
page 40 note 1 Treharne, op. cit., pp. 95–7.
page 40 note 2 Ibid., pp. 97–9.
page 40 note 3 Ibid., pp. 99–100.
page 40 note 4 Ibid., 79–80, and 80, n. I.
page 40 note 5 Ibid., pp. 70–2.
page 40 note 6 Ibid., pp. 70–6, 79–80, 86, 101, 107–212 passim.
page 40 note 7 Ibid., pp. 108–11.
page 40 note 8 Ibid., pp. 111–17, 144–56.
page 40 note 9 Ibid., pp. 196–204.
page 40 note 10 Ibid., pp. 119–21.
page 40 note 11 Ibid., pp. 137–40.
page 41 note 1 Ibid., pp. 133–7, 157–212.
page 41 note 2 Ibid., pp. 79–80, 133–7, 157–60.
page 41 note 3 Ibid., pp. 175–8, 388–9.
page 41 note 4 Ibid., pp. 137–40.
page 41 note 5 Ibid., pp. 178–91.
page 41 note 6 Ibid., pp. 190–1.
page 41 note 7 Ibid., pp. 136–41, 160–4.
page 41 note 8 Ibid., pp. 73, 76–9, 125–30.
page 41 note 9 Ibid., pp. 66, 68–9, 101–7.
page 41 note 10 Ibid., pp. 97–9, 119–25.
page 41 note 11 Ibid., pp. 99–100, 108–17.
page 41 note 12 Ibid., pp. 70–1.
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page 53 note 1 Ibid., op. cit., pp. 265–73, 278–9.
page 54 note 1 For a general account of the development of relations between Henry III and the clergy, and of their influence on the crisis of 1258, see Treharne, op. cit., pp. 56–63.
page 54 note 2 Ibid., pp. 57–8; see M. Gibbs and J. Lang, Bishops and reform (Oxford, 1934), especially pt. ii.
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page 60 note 2 Annales de Dunstaplia (Annales Monastici, edit. H. R. Luard, vol. iii.), 234.
page 60 note 3 E.g. Wykes, op. cit., p. 180.
page 60 note 4 Cf. Bémont, op. cit., p. 248, n. I, where these bishops and several abbots are named as active supporters of the earl.
page 61 note 1 Wykes, op. cit., p. 164.
page 61 note 2 Examples of such advocacy occur in the unpublished rolls of the Justices de terris datis et occtipatis, compiled in execution of the Dictum of Kenilworth.
page 61 note 3 Wykes, op. cit., pp. 185–7.
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page 62 note 2 Ibid., ch. ii. and ii
page 63 note 1 Treharne, op. cit., ch. iii., iv., v., viii., passim.
page 63 note 2 Ibid., pp. 143–4.
page 63 note 3 Ibid., pp. 253–6, 344–7.
page 64 note 1 For a full discussion of this matter, see Treharne, op. cit., pp. 83–9, 100–1.
page 64 note 2 Ibid., pp. 86–9, 117–18, 131–2, 133–5, 137, 158–60.
page 64 note 3 Ibid., pp. 137–41.
page 64 note 4 Ibid., pp. 160–4.
page 64 note 5 Ibid., pp. 119–21.
page 64 note 6 Ibid., pp. 137–41.
page 65 note 1 Ibid., pp. 157–212.
page 65 note 2 Ibid., pp. 118, 162–3. This view depends on general statements, in both chronicles and records, that ‘large numbers’ of magnates, or that ‘all the magnates’ were present.
page 65 note 3 Ibid., pp. 266–7.
page 65 note 4 Stubbs, Charters, p. 400.
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page 67 note 2 Treharne, op. cit., pp. 205–9.
page 67 note 3 The baronial plan of reform, 1238–63. This is the principal conclusion of the book.
page 68 note 1 The baronial plan of reform, 1258–63, pp. 119–21.
page 68 note 2 Ibid., pp. 182–5, 204–9.
page 68 note 3 Ibid., pp. 185–9.
page 68 note 4 Calendar of patent rolls, 1258–66, p. 328.
page 69 note 1 Treharne, op. cit., pp. 137–40.
page 69 note 2 Ibid., p. 108.
page 69 note 3 Ibid., pp. 133–7, 157–78.
page 69 note 4 Ibid., p. 169.
page 69 note 5 Ibid., pp. 99–100, 108–11.
page 69 note 6 Ibid., pp. 111–16, 139, 145–56.
page 70 note 1 Treharne, op. cit., pp. 179–80, 185–6, 196–204.
page 70 note 2 Ibid., especially ch. iv., v., viii.
page 70 note 3 Ibid., pp. 67–70, 72–6, 86–8, 97, 179–83, 374–5.
page 70 note 4 Ibid., pp. 133–7, 158–69.
page 70 note 5 Ibid., pp. 111, 134.
page 70 note 6 Ibid., pp. 74, 374–5.
page 70 note 7 Ibid., pp. 96–7, 181–2, 369–72.
page 70 note 8 Ibid., ch. viii.
page 70 note 9 Ibid., pp. 66, 87–9, 100–1, 220.
page 71 note 1 Ibid., pp. 136–41.
page 71 note 2 Ibid., pp. 136–41, 160–4. 213–79.
page 71 note 3 Ibid., pp. 136–41, 160–4.
page 71 note 4 Ibid.
page 71 note 5 Ibid., pp. 213–79.
page 71 note 6 Ibid., pp. 261–71.
page 71 note 7 Ibid., pp. 271–2.
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