¹ For Milan before the middle of the eleventh century, see Cowdrey, H. E. J., ‘Archbishop Aribert II of Milan’, History, li (1966), pp. 1–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a concise narrative account of the Patarenes, see Whitney, J. P., Hilde-brandine Essays (Cambridge, 1932), pp. 143–57;Google ScholarMeyer von Knonau, G., Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Heinrich IV und Heinrich V (Leipzig, 1890-1909),Google Scholar provides a fuller survey. For the Emperor Henry III's lack of concern with Italian affairs in the early years of his reign, see Violante, C., ‘La politica Italiana di Enrico III prima della sua discesa in Italia (1039–46)’, Rivista storica Italiana, lxiv (1952), pp. 157–76, 293–314.Google Scholar

¹ For the reformers' views of the Milanese church and clergy, see esp. Peter Damiani, Opuscula, v., [J. P. Migne,] P[atrologia] L[atina], cxlv, cols 89–98; and Andrew of Strumi, Vita sancti Arialdi, 4, ed. F. Baethgen, M[onumenta] G[ermaniae] H[istorica], Scr[iptoruni], xxx, p. 1051.

² E.g., Andrew, 14, p. 1059; 16, p. 1060; and the appended letter of Syrus to Andrew, p. 1074; Arnulf, , Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, iii. 17,Google Scholar ed. Bethmann, L. C. and Wattenbach, W., M.G.H., Scr., viii, p. 22.Google Scholar

³ See Peyer, H. C., Stadt und Stadtpatron im mittelalterlkhen Italien (Zürich, 1955), esp. pp. 25–45.Google Scholar

¹ For the fast, see Arnulf, iii. 17, p. 22; Senior, Landulf, Historia Mediolanensis, iii. 30,Google Scholar ed. Bethmann, and Wattenbach, , M.G.H., Scr., viii, p. 95;Google Scholar Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum, vi, ed. Dümmler, E., M.G.H., L[ibelli] del[ite imperatorum et pontificum], i, p. 596.Google Scholar For the Patarene leader Ariald's condemnation of it, for which he claimed the authority of St Ambrose, see Andrew, , 17, pp. 1061–62.Google Scholar

² ‘… Mediolanensis ecclesia, quae fere per CC annos superbiae fastu a Romanae ecclesiae se subtraxerat dicione …’: Bonizo of Sutri, vi, pp. 590–91; cf. Arnulf, iii. 15, p. 21; see also Kehr, P. F., Italia Pontificia, vi, pt 1 (Berlin, 1913), esp. pp. 45–46, 110–11.Google Scholar

³ During Peter Damiani's visit as legate in 1059: Damiani, Peter, Op. v, P.L., cxlv, col. 90; cf. the addition to Andrew, 20, p. 1064.Google Scholar

⁴ E.g., Arnulf, iii. 17, p. 22; v. 7, p. 30.

¹ See the work of Violante, esp. La società Milanese nell'età precomunale (Bari, 1953);Google ScholarLa Pataria Milanese e la riforma ecclesiatica, i, Le premese (Rome, 1955);Google Scholar‘I movimenti Patarini e la riforma ecclesiastica’, Annuario dell' Università cattolica del s. Cuore (1955-1957), pp. 209–23;Google Scholar‘L'età della riforma della chiesa in Italia (1002–1122), Storia d'ltalia, ed. Valeri, N., i (2nd edn, Turin, 1966), pp. 69–276.Google Scholar

² Arnulf, i. 10, p. 9. The relative standing of the upper classes is indicated by the tariff of compositions prescribed by the papal legates of 1067 for breaches of the peace; a capitaneus was to pay twenty pounds, a vavassour ten, and a negotiator five: [J. D.] Mansi, [Sacrorum] conc[iliorum nova et amplissima collectio], xix, col. 948. Again, the first surviving list of consuls, dating from 1130, named ten capitanei, seven vavassours and five cives, and illustrates the persistence of this class structure: Manaresi, C., Gli atti del comune di Milanofino dell'anno MCCXVI (Milan, 1919), no. iii, pp. 6–8.Google Scholar

³ M.G.H., Diplomatum, iv, no. 244, pp. 336–37.Google Scholar

⁴ See Lopez, R. S., ‘An Aristocracy of Money in the Early Middle Ages’, Speculum, xxviii (1953), pp. 1–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ See Grundmann, H., Religiöse Bewegungen im Mittelalter (2nd edn, Hildesheim, 1961), esp. pp. 70–97, 487–524.Google Scholar

¹ Of Gregory, , it has justly been said that ‘Misst man ihn an dem, was er gewollt hat, so war er wohl der kriegerischste Papst, der je auf Petri Stuhl gesessen hat’: Erdmann, C., Die Emstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, 1935), p. 161.Google Scholar

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² Andrew, , 10, p. 1057;Google ScholarArnulf, , iii. 13, p. 20.Google Scholar

³ Arnulf, , iii. 12, pp. 19–20.Google Scholar

⁴ Andrew, , 6, p. 1053;Google ScholarArnulf, , iii. 12, p. 20;Google ScholarSenior, Landulf, iii. 10, pp. 80–81.Google Scholar

⁵ They claimed the support of St Ambrose and the saints of the Milanese church: Andrew, , 10, p. 1056; 18, pp. 1062–63; 20, p. 1065;Google Scholar and they had a high reverence for priesthood when exercised by worthy men: ibid., 6, p. 1053.

⁶ Andrew, , 10, pp. 1056–57. For Simon Magus, see Acts viii. 9–24.Google Scholar

⁷ Andrew, , 11–12, pp. 1057–58; Bonizo of Sutri, vi, p. 595.Google Scholar

⁸ Andrew, , 17, p. 1061.Google Scholar

¹ Andrew, , 18, pp. 1062–63; 19–20, pp. 1063–70.Google Scholar

² Arnulf, , iii. 13, p. 20; iii. 17, p. 22;Google ScholarAndrew, , 7, p. 1054; 19, p. 1063;Google Scholar cf. Damiani, Peter, Epp. v, 14, 15,Google ScholarP.L., cxliv, cols 367–69.Google Scholar

³ Andrew, 10, pp. 1055–56. Arnulf despised the followers of the Patarenes as a ‘turba civilis et agrestis’: iii. 19, p. 23; iii. 20, p. 23; iii. 25, p. 25. For the emergence of a class of rustici who often gravitated, whether temporarily or permanently, to the cities, see Violante, , ‘L'età della riforma della chiesa in Italia’, Storia d'Italia, i. pp. 80–84.Google Scholar

⁴ For a Marxist interpretation of the Patarene movement as a class struggle of the urban and poorer classes against the feudal and richer ones, see Werner, E., Pauperes Christi (Leipzig, 1956), pp. 111–64.Google Scholar It is, however, against the evidence to suggest that Erlembald ever raised the lower classes ‘fast vollständig’ (p. 158); nor did the Patarenes ever altogether cease to find supporters among the knightly classes: see, e.g., Gregory VII, Registrum, iii. 15, iv. 7, ed. Caspar, E., M.G.H., Epistolae selectae, ii, pp. 276–77, 305;Google Scholar Landulf Senior, iii. 30, p. 97; Landulf of St Paul, Historia Mediolanensis, 57,Google Scholar ed. Bethmann, L. and Jaffé, P., M.G.H. Scr., xx, p. 45.Google Scholar

⁵ For clerical support, see Andrew, 11, p. 1057; 19, p. 1063; 23, p. 1071.

⁶ Andrew, , 2, p. 1050;Google Scholar for Ariald, see Fonsega, C. D., ‘Arialdo’, D.B.I., iv, pp. 135–39.Google Scholar

⁷ Andrew, , 8, p. 1054;Google ScholarSenior, Landulf, iii. 14, p. 82.Google Scholar For Bishop Anselm I of Lucca (later Pope Alexander II), who sprang from the Milanese family of capitanei surnamed da Baggio, and for his relations with the Patarenes, see Violante, , La Pataria Milanese, i, pp. 147–73,Google Scholar and ‘Alessandro II’, D.B.I., ii, pp. 176–83.Google Scholar

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² Arnulf, iii. 13, p. 20. Most modern authorities have followed Giulini in linking the name ‘Patarini’ with the rag-pickers and dealers of the city: Giulini, G., Memorie spettanti alia storia, al governo, ed alia discrizione … di Milano (Milan, 1760), iv, p. 98;Google Scholar attention has also been drawn to a ‘Via dei Pattari’ which was named after the rag-pickers. On this interpretation, the name began in mockery of the lower-class social basis of the movement. It is, however, surprising that contemporary sources knew nothing of this derivation. Bonizo of Sutri, indeed, said that it was a term invented by the ‘symoniaci’ in mockery of the poverty of the Patarenes: ‘eisque paupertatem improperantes, Paterinos, id est pannosos, vocabant’; yet, for him, their poverty was not social, but the spiritual poverty of those who, irrespective of class, were, like the apostles of Acts v. 41, counted worthy to suffer dis honour for the name of Jesus: Bonizo of Sutri, vi, pp. 591–92. Arnulf's ignorance of the origin of the word led him to invent a Greek derivation with less edifying overtones; it came from pathos, and ‘pathos Graece Latine dicitur perturbatio’: iv. 11, p. 28. Landulf Senior had no theory to offer, but he repeatedly linked the Patarenes with true or garbled forms of the Greek cathari: ‘falsis catharis ordinem ipsum conturbantibus’: Dedicatory Epistle, p. 36; ‘Herlembaldus … suis cum chateris’: iii. 29, p. 95; ‘Herlembaldus cum suis omnibus cathedris’: iii. 31, p. 98; cf. iii. 19, p. 88. Arnulf's search for a Greek etymology, together with Landulf Senior's tendentious attempts to link the Patarenes with Catharism (see also iii. 19, pp. 87–88; iii. 26, p. 93) may well indicate that the name ‘Patarini’ originated in the popular bandy ing about of half-understood religious terms imported from the Greek world: see Werner, E., ‘-Patarini: ein Beitrag zur Kirchen- und Sektengeschichte des 11 Jahrhunderts’, Von Mittelalter zur Neuzeit, ed. Kretzschmar, H. (Berlin, 1956), pp. 404–19;Google ScholarPauperes Christi, pp. 138–44. Werner's suggestion that Catharist heresies contributed doctrines as well as a name to the Patarene movement is unconvincing.Google Scholar

³ For the summoning of crowds both for and against the Patarenes, see Damiani, Peter, Op. v, P.L., cxlv, col. 90;Google ScholarAndrew, , 23, pp. 1070–71;Google ScholarLandulf Senior, iii. 9, p. 80; iii. 18, p. 86.Google Scholar

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⁴ For Landulf, see the introduction to his chronicle in Senior, Landulf, Mediolanensis historiae libri quattuor, ed. Cutolo, A., in Rerum Italicarum scriptores, ed. L. A. Muratori, new series, iv, pt 2 (1942), pp. iii–viii, xiv–xvi. He wrote in the early years of the twelfth century, but his attitude was formed during the events which he narrated.Google Scholar

⁵ For Arnulf, see Violante, , ‘Arnolfo’, D.B.I., iv, pp. 281–82. His chronicle was written in three stages: (i) books i-iii, after the nomination of Arch bishop Atto in 1072; (ii) book iv. 1–12, after the death of Erlembald; (iii) books iv. 13-v. end, after the election of Rudolf of Swabia in March 1077. His personal memory of events went back to the accession of Archbishop Aribert II in 1018: ii. 1, p. 11.Google Scholar

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² Amulf said that the exploits of Archbishop Aribert II were ‘narranda, non iudicanda’: ii. 1, p. 11; Archbishop Guy was ‘idiotam et a rure venientem’, and from his election ‘omnia vertuntur in peius’: iii. 2, p. 17. For the danger of Roman intervention, see iii. 15, p. 21. As Arnulf himself recorded, it was not the Patarenes but their adversaries who, despairing of Guy's ineffective ness, first appealed to Rome: iii. 12, p. 20.

³ For Arnulf's horror of the Patarenes' disregard for order, see esp. iii. 10, p. 19; iii. 12–13, pp. 19–20; iii. 17, p. 22.

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⁵ See especially his comments on ‘archidiaconus ille Hildebrandus’: iii. 21, p. 23; iii. 25, p. 25; iv. 2, p. 26.

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¹ Andrew, , 15, pp. 1059–60;Google Scholar cf. Arnulf, , iii. 17, p. 22,Google Scholar and Senior, Landulf, iii. 14, pp. 82–83.Google Scholar

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³ E.g., in 1067, Erlembald is said to have summoned a host to recover the body of Ariald from Lake Maggiore in these terms: ‘Discurrant itaque nuntii circumquaque velociter, qui omnes ad bella aptos nobiscum cum armis rusticosque hue venire hortentur cum plaustris, quatinus 1111 nobiscum pugnent, isti vero nostra arma et victus deponent’: Andrew, , 23, p. 1070.Google Scholar For Erlembald's skill as a mob orator, see Senior, Landulf, iii. 14, p. 82.Google Scholar

⁴ Senior, Landulf, iii. 29, p. 95.Google Scholar

¹ From his earliest days as archdeacon, Hildebrand had aspired to free the church from imperial control: see esp. his allocution at the Lent council of 1059 in Werminghoff, A., ‘Die Beschlüsse des Aachener Concils im Jahre 816’, Neues Archiv [der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde], xxvii (1901-1902), pp. 669–75.Google Scholar

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⁴ Arnulf, , iii. 21–23, pp. 23–24;Google ScholarSenior, Landulf, iii. 18, p. 87;Google Scholar Bonizo of Sutri, , vi, p. 598.Google Scholar

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¹ Hildebrand ruled that the renunciation was invalid because made under duress: Arnulf, , iv. 2, p. 26;Google Scholarcf. Greg. VII, Reg. ii. 30, p. 164. For Atto, see Abbondanza, R., ‘Attone’, D.B.I., iv, pp. 564–65.Google Scholar

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⁴ Arnulf, , iv. 2, p. 26;Google Scholar Greg. VII, Reg., i. 26–27, pp. 43–45. Erlembald also seems to have had the wealth of the see at his disposal: Arnulf, , iii. 25, p. 25.Google Scholar

⁵ At the same time, clergy were sent to Florence where John Gualbertus saw to their ordination; he also sent clerks of his own back to Milan, and dispatched Bishop Ralph of Todi to administer the sacraments in the city: Andrew of Strumi, , Vita sancti Ioannis Gualberti, 78,Google Scholar ed. Baethgen, , M.G.H., Scr., xxx, p. 1100.Google Scholar

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⁴ According to Landulf Senior, Erlembald drove the capitanei from the city: iii. 30, p. 96.

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¹ The sources give differing details of the succession of Tedald. Landulf Senior said that the Milanese sent four candidates to Henry, whom he rejec ted and named Tedald instead: iii. 32, p. 99. According to Bonizo of Sutri, the Milanese capitanei elected Tedald at Henry's command, whereupon Henry invested him: vii, pp. 605–6. Arnulf said nothing about Henry's rejection of Milanese candidates, but only that he promoted Tedald ‘proprio … indulgens arbitrio’. Arnulf also said nothing about an election, although he did say that Tedald was received ‘a clero et populo': v. 5, pp. 29–30. It seems clear that no one pressed the claims of Godfrey, although Arnulf implied that he was still alive. For Gregory VII's reactions to the nomination of Tedald, see Reg., iii. 8–9, pp. 259–63.Google Scholar

² Senior, Landulf, iii. 32, p. 99.Google Scholar According to Landulf, Henry first offered the papacy to Tedald, who declined it. For the coronation ordo of 1081, see Muratori, , Anecdota, ii (Milan 1698), pp. 328–337.Google Scholar

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³ For the charter of Santa Maria di Laveno, see Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, ed. Bruel, A., iv (Paris, 1888), no. 3583, pp. 722–30;Google Scholar cf, the foundation of Santa Maria di Cantü, ibid., no. 3612, pp. 773–74. For monastic reform at Milan, see Zerbi, P., ‘Monasteri e riforma a Milano’, Aevum, xxiv (1950), pp. 44–60, 166–78.Google Scholar

¹ Bruel, , op. cit., v (Paris, 1894), no. 3793, pp. 144–45.Google Scholar That this charter dates from the time of Archbishop Anselm III and not from that of Anselm IV is clear from the reference to Santa Maria di Calvenzano in Urban II's charter to Cluny of 1095: P.L., cli, col. 412.Google Scholar

² The phrase is borrowed from Kehr. There is much truth—perhaps more than its author realized—in Haller's, J. suggestion about Urban, ‘Vielleicht war er im Grunde doch mehr Cluniazenser als Gregorianer’: Das Papsttum. Idee und Wirklichkeit, ii (new edn, Darmstadt, 1962), p. 435. I hope to discuss the relation between Cluniacs and the Gregorian reform more fully in a forthcoming book.Google Scholar

³ Violante, , ‘Les prêts sur gage foncier dans la vie économique et sociale de Milan au xi^e siècle’, Cahiers de civilisation mediévale, v (1962), pp. 147–68, 437–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Consuls were first referred to at Milan in 1081, when, according to the Annales Pegavienses, Henry IV was received 'a consulibus et primoribus civitatis’: M.G.H., Scr., xvi, p. 237;Google Scholar but, since the Annals were compiled c. 1150, this may be anachronistic. Firm evidence of their existence is pro vided by a document of 1097, Archivio comunale di Cremona, codice Siccardi, 131, the relevant part of which is reproduced in Storia di Milano, ed. Treccani degli Alfieri, G., iii (Milan, 1954), p. 241.Google Scholar For the ‘boni homines’, see Giulini, , op. cit., iv, pp. 291, 298.Google Scholar It is now widely agreed that the Patarenes did nothing to assist the coming of the commune: e.g., Ennen, E., Frühgeschichte der europäischen Stadt (Bonn, 1953), pp. 279–80;Google ScholarViolante, , La Pataria Milanese e la riforma ecclesiastica, i, pp. 191–92.Google Scholar

¹ See Hampe, K., Deutsche Kaisergeschichte (10th edn, ed. Baethgen, F., Heidelberg, 1949), pp. 76–78;Google ScholarSimeoni, L., ‘Il contribute) della Contessa Matilde al papato nella lotta per le investiture’, Studi Gregoriani, ed. Borino, G. B., i (1947), pp. 361–67.Google Scholar As Cardinal Odo of Ostia, Urban II had been legate in south Germany during Gregory VII's last winter: Becker, A., Papst Urban II, i (Stuttgart, 1964), pp. 62–77.Google Scholar

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² I discuss this policy more fully, and consider some further evidence, in an article on ‘The Succession of the Archbishops of Milan in the Time of Pope Urban II’, to be published in the English Historical Review.

³ Catalogus archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium,Google Scholar ed. Bethmann, and Wattenbach, , M.G.H., Scr., viii, p. 104.Google Scholar

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¹ For Anselm, see Marzorati, M. L., ‘Anselmo da Rho’, D.B.I., iii, pp. 417–18.Google Scholar According to Landulf of St Paul, he was a kinsman of the knight who killed Erlembald and mutilated Liutprand: 66, p. 48. In addition to the references in the last note, the principal sources for Anselm are Landulf of St Paul, , 3, p. 21; 13, p. 16;Google Scholar and Bernold, , Chronicon, s.a. 1093,Google ScholarM.G.H., Scr., v, pp. 456–57.Google Scholar The fact that a Swabian writer is a principal source for Milanese affairs is itself witness to the effectiveness of Urban's alliance of Germans and Italians.

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⁵ Giulini, , op. cit., iv, pp. 538–39.Google Scholar Urban also twice intervened to obtain for the canons of St Ambrose the undisturbed possession of oblations which were claimed by the monks of St Ambrose: see his letter of 1096 in Acta pontificum Romanorum inedita, ed. von Pflugk-Harttung, J., ii (Stuttgart, 1884), no. 196, p. 163.Google Scholar

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⁸ Ewald, , art. cit., no. 33a, p. 362.Google Scholar Such phrases recur in Urban's dealings with Milan: ‘necessitate cogente aecclesiae’: Lib. Pont., p. 293;Google Scholar ‘prospectu utilitatis ecclesiae toleravimus’: Ewald, , loc. cit.;Google Scholar ‘ecclesiae necessitate exigente’: ibid.; ‘pro utilitate ecclesiae’: Ewald, , art. cit., no. 33b, p. 362.Google Scholar

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³ Giulini, , op. cit., iv, p. 319;Google Scholar it is ironical that the monastery was founded by Archbishop Aribert II. That Urban came to Milan in 1095 in order to compose its religious differences is confirmed by the account of his ordination there of Bishop Humbald of Auxerre: Bibliothèque historique de l'Yonne, ed. Duru, L. M., i (Auxerre, 1850), p. 402.Google Scholar

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⁵ Giulini, , op. cit., iv, p. 408;Google Scholar cf. Senior, Landulf, iii. 30, p. 96.Google Scholar

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⁴ Cf. Schwartz, , op. cit., pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

⁵ I am greatly indebted to Mr R. H. C. Davis for his comments on a draft of this paper.