* This paper was read at a Colloquium on William Camden held at Westminster School on 7 October 1997, celebrating the centenary of the sponsorship of the Camden Series by the Royal Historical Society. On the same occasion there were papers from Dr Pauline Croft on ‘Camden, Westminster and the Cecils’, Professor Blair Worden on ‘William Camden and Ben Jonson’, and Dr Tom Birrell on ‘William Camden and His European Reading Public’. The Royal Historical Society is grateful to Westminster School (where Camden was once headmaster) for its hospitality.

¹ Powicke, Maurice, ‘William Camden’, English Studies 1948. Being Volume One of the New Series of Essays and Studies Collected for the English Association (1948), 67–84Google Scholar; this quotation at p. 81.

² This was amply demonstrated by Dr Birrell's contribution to the Camden Colloquium. Camden's Anglica, Hibernica, Normannica, Cambrica was published at Frankfurt in 1602 and 1603, but never in translation and never in England.

³ Camden, William, Annalium Apparatus, Annales Ab Anno 1603 ad Annum 1623, bound with Smith, Thomas, Vita Clarrissimi Gulielmi Camdeni et Illustrium Virorum ad Gulielmum Camdenum Epistolae (1691), 25Google Scholar.

⁴ Smith, Epistolae; De Thou correspondence in the Collection Dupuy in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, noted by Woolf, D. R., The Idea of History in Early Stuart England (Toronto, 1990), 294, 333Google Scholar. Bodleian Library MS. 15680 (MS. Smith 74) contains Latin letters from Camden, chiefly to foreign scholars, 1587–1620, not included in Epistolae.

⁵ But Fuller, Thomas wrote (The History of the Worthies of England (1662), iii. 128)Google Scholar that Holland's translation of Britannia was done not only with Camden's knowledge and consent but with his ‘help’. Letters to Camden from Jean Hotman establish that he was kept informed about the French translation of the Annales and had some control over it. (Smith, , Epistolae, nos. 161, 163, pp. 201–3Google Scholar.)

⁶ Stone, Lawrence, ‘History and Postmodernism’, Past & Present 135 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted, in an adversarial context, in Keith Jenkins, ed., The Postmodern History Reader (1997), 255–9.

⁷ MacCaffrey, Wallace T., ed., William Camden: The History of the Most Renowned and Victorious Princess Elizabeth Late Queen of England: Selected Chapters (Chicago and London, 1970), 3–8Google Scholar; hereafter, MacCaffrey.

⁸ Levy, F.J., Tudor Historical Thought (San Marino, California, 1967), 279Google Scholar.

⁹ Powicke, , ‘William Camden’, 79Google Scholar; Trevor-Roper, Hugh, ‘Queen Elizabeth's first historian: William Camden’, in his Renaissance Essays (1985), 146Google Scholar. More recently, Daniel Woolf has claimed that the Annales is the first English narrative history to have been founded almost entirely on primary sources. (The Idea of History, 120.)

¹⁰ Elton, G. R., Political History, Principles and Practice (1970)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Jones, H. Stuart, ‘The Foundation and History of the Camden Chair’, Oxoniensa, viii., ix (1943–1944), 175Google Scholar.

¹² MacCaffrey, 6.

¹³ See the remarks of David Eastwood, elsewhere in this volume of Transactions.

¹⁴ White, Hayden, ‘The Historical Text as Literary Artefact’, in Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore, 1978), 81–100Google Scholar. For recent responses to the challenge to ‘traditional history’ of postmodernism, see Windschuttle, Keith, The Kiling of History (Sydney, 1994)Google Scholar, and Evans, Richard J., In Defence of History (1997)Google Scholar. However, as part of what, to coin a phrase, may be called the ‘peace process’, Evans's book has not succeeded. Joyce, Patrick (Past & Present, 158 (1998), 211)CrossRefGoogle Scholar asserts that it ‘spectacularly fails to meet the real challenges of postmodernist thought’. It appears that the jury is still out.

¹⁵ On the Camden-Sidney relationship, see Ringler, W. A., ed., The Poems of Sir Philip Sidney (Oxford, 1962), xviiiGoogle Scholar, and Johnson, G. B., ed., Poems by William Camden, Studies in Philology, lxii (1975), 90–1, 94–5, 102–3Google Scholar. In Britain (1610), 329, Camden lauded ‘the glorious starre’, ‘the lovely ioy of all the learned sort’, ‘a sample of ancient vertues’.

¹⁶ Satis est, non esse mendacem.' (Cicero, , De Oratore, II. xii. 51Google Scholar.)

¹⁷ Shepherd, Geoffrey, ed., SirSidney, Philip, An Apology for Poetry, or, The Defence of Poesy 1965), 107–14Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Plato, , Republic, II, IIIGoogle Scholar; Aristotle, , Poetics, IXGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Sidney, , Apology, 110, 97Google Scholar.

²⁰ MacCaffrey, 6.

²¹ The best modern edition is Dunn, R. D., ed., Remains Concerning Britain (Toronto, 1984)Google Scholar.

²² Woolf, , The Idea of History, 22Google Scholar.

²³ On the one hand, we know that Camden intended some kind of History of England before being diverted by Britannia (Levy, , Tudor Historical Thought, 280Google Scholar); on the other, his correspondence with de Thou suggests antipathy. He could even write: ‘History is in the beginning envy, in the continuation labour and in the end hatred.’ (Collinson, J., The Life of Thuanus (1807), 173Google Scholar.) But this was a highly charged correspondence, the stakes high, the hazards evident.

²⁴ Pocock, John, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law (Cambridge, 1987), 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ ‘Videstine, quantum munus sit oratoris historia?’ (Cicero, , De Oratore, II. xv. 62Google Scholar.) My translation is surely closer to the mark that that found in Loeb: ‘Do you not see how great a responsibility the orator has in historical writing?’

²⁶ Sidney, , An Apology, 105Google Scholar.

²⁷ See Camden's Preface (Britain): ‘Many happily will insult over me for that I have adventured to hunt after the originals of names by conjectures, who if they proceed on to reject all conjectures, I feare me a great part of liberall learning and humane knowledge will be utterly out-cast into banishment.’

²⁸ ‘Things doubtful I have interpreted favourably; Things secret and abstruse I have not pried into.’ (MacCaflrey, , 5.)Google Scholar

²⁹ The son of the Scottish statesman, Maitland of Lethington, , wrote: ‘in loca quaedam incidi, in quibus parentis mei mentio non satis honesta facta est’. (Epistolae, no. 243, pp. 305–6.)Google Scholar

³⁰ Beal, Peter (Index of English Literary Manuscripts, i. 1450–1625, Part I (New York, 1980), 149)Google Scholar reports that the relevant revisions (in Cotton MSS. Faustina F, see n. 71 below) are in the hand of Francis Bacon. But Spedding, James (Works of Francis Bacon, xi.Google Scholar, Letters and Life, iv. (1868), 211–14)Google Scholar notes that the hand is not Bacon's.

³¹ For example, a letter from Camden's close friend John Saville (25 December 1589) consists of an endless catalogue of corrigenda: ‘Taunton in Somersetshire a suffragan see; and had never but one Earl’; ‘Sussex contermine Cantio as well as Surrey’ (was Camden an elder in the Society of Antiquaries and knew not such things?); ‘Christ Church in Canterbury hath twelve Prebends’; ‘Blithe is not upon the river that goeth to Worksop; but to Scrouby, the Archbishop's Town.’ (Smith, , Epistolae, no. 30, pp. 36–9.)Google Scholar

³² Quoted by Hearne, Thomas in Guilielmi Camdeni Annales (1717), iGoogle Scholar. Sig. a2; and by Smith, Thomas in his Vita (English translation in Gibson, Edmund, ed., Camden's Britannia (1695).)Google Scholar

³³ Drayton, Michael, Poly-Olbion: Or a chorographical description of Great Britain … digested in a poem (1613–1622)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Take, for example, Camden's account of the crofting lifestyle of the inhabitants of Thanet, , ‘as if they were Ampibii, that is both land creatures and sea-creatures … as well Husband-men as Mariners … According to the season of the year, they knit nets, they fish for Cods, Herring, Mackerels etc … The same again dung and manure their grounds.’ (Britain, 340.)Google Scholar However, there is enough non- ‘poltic’ history in the Annales for Trevor-Roper to have accentuated its colourful detail in his account of the book. (Renaissance Essays, 138–41.)

³⁵ Ferguson, Arthur B., Clio Unbound: Perception of the social and cultural past in Renaissance England (Durham, North Carolina, 1979)Google Scholar, passim.

³⁶ Kendrick, T. D., British Antiquity (1950), chapter 8 ‘Britannia’, 134–67Google Scholar; Piggott, Stuart, ‘William Camden and the Britannia’, Proceedings of the British Academy, xxxvii. (1951), 199–217Google Scholar; Levy, F.J., ‘The Making of Camden's Britannia’, Bulletin d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 26 (1964), 70–97Google Scholar.

³⁷ Camden, , Britain, 8, 10Google Scholar.

³⁸ Poems by William Camden, 90–103.

³⁹ Camden, William, Britannia (1586), 160Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ ‘But if our Britons will needs be descended from the Trojans, they shall not verily have me to gainsay them.’ (Camden, , Britain, 22.)Google Scholar Does Camden mean by ‘Britanni’ the Welsh? I think that he does, for deferring to the sensibilities of that nation was a literary topos of the time.

⁴¹ Camden, , Britain, 488Google Scholar.

⁴² Powicke, , ‘William Camden’, 78Google Scholar.

⁴³ Grafton, Anthony, ‘Invention of Traditions and Traditions of Invention in Renaissance Europe: the Strange Case of Annius of Viterbo’, in Grafton, A. and Blair, A., eds., The Transmission of Culture in Early Modem Europe (Philadelphia, 1990)Google Scholar; Grafton, Anthony, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplcity in Western Scholarship (1990)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Manning, John J., ed., The first and Second Parts of John Hayward's The Life and Raigne of Henrie IIII, Camden 4th ser. 42 (1991)Google Scholar; Vickers, Brian, ed., Francis Bacon: The History of the Reign of King Henry VII, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar. This leaves out of account the poet-historian Samuel Daniel, who is conventionally regarded as an ‘artistic’ rather than ‘politic’ historian: which is somewhat anachronistic and undervalues Daniel.

⁴⁵ It is also less than clear what was ‘new’ about these political historians which was self-evidently newer than Thomas More's History of Richard III, written a century earlier by a man who had also read his Tacitus; unless it was a further measure of emancipation from ‘Providentialism’, normally pin-pointed as the essence of ‘politic’ or ‘civil’ history.

⁴⁶ Miss Richardson's forthcoming Cambridge Ph.D. thesis on Hayward will include an 80,000 word appendix which details, remorselessly, all of Hayward's borrowings which she has been able to trace, in The Life and Raigne and in his other historical works. She will also correct the arguments of, e.g., Womersley, David, ‘Sir John Hayward's Tacitism’ Renaissance Studies, 6 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who tends to exaggerate the subversive topicality of Hayward's use of Tacitus. I am grateful to Miss Richardson for permission to make use of her work.

⁴⁷ Manning, , The First and Second Parts, 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Citing another authority, Manning thought that a complete list of Hayward's Tacitean borrowings in The First Part might run to a dozen pages. This is a considerable underestimate. (Ibid., 36, n. 121.)

⁴⁹ Ibid., 34. S. L. Goldberg, too, found in Hayward ‘a new approach to history’, consisting in the kind of dispassionate political analysis which substituted ‘is’ for ‘ought’.(Goldberg, S. L., ‘Sir John Hayward, “Politic Historian”’, Review of English Studies, n.s. 6 (1955). 233–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.)

⁵⁰ Salmon, J. H. M., ‘Seneca and Tacitus in Jacobean England’, in Peck, Linda Levy, ed., The Mental World of the Jacobean Court (Cambridge, 1991), 169–88Google Scholar; Malcolm Smuts, ‘Court-Centred Politics and the Uses of Roman Historians, c.1590–1630’; Worden, Blair, ‘Ben Jonson Among the Historians’, in Sharpe, Kevin and Lake, Peter, eds., Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (Basingstoke, 1994), 21–43, 67—89Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Publius Cornelius Tacitus, tr. Savile, Henry, Histories (1591), 143Google Scholar; The end of Nero and the beginning of Galba (1591), 14.

⁵² Manning, , The First and Second Parts, 72Google Scholar.

⁵³ Tacitus, , The end of Nero, 1Google Scholar; Manning, , The First and Second Parts, 70Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Martin, R. H., ‘Tacitus and His Predecessors’, in Dorey, T. A., ed., Tacitus (1969), 131–4Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ P. Burke, ‘Tacitism’, in ibid., 162.

⁵⁶ Francis Bacon, ‘The Dignity and Advancement of Learning’ (translation of Bacon's De Augmentis), J. Spedding et al., eds., The Works of Francis Bacon, iv. (1858). On Bacon's rhetoric in his historical writings, see John F. Tinkler, ‘The Rhetorical Method of Francis Bacon's History of the Reign of King Henry VII, History and Theory, 26 (1987), and Brian Vicker's Introduction to his edition of The History.

⁵⁷ Daniel R. Woolf, ‘John Selden, John Brough and Francis Bacon's History of Henry VII 1621’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 47 (1984), 47.

⁵⁸ Ibid., 47–53.

⁵⁹ Most notoriously, in repeating Speed's perversion of André's account of Henry's entry into London laetenter (happily) as latenter (covertly), so that he entered ‘in a close chariot’. This fitted Bacon's characterisation of Henry. (Vickers, ed., The History, 11, n. 42.)

⁶⁰ Whatever the truth of the matter, historically (it was debated between G. R. Elton and J. P. Cooper), Bacon's account of the avarice of Henry's later years and of his ‘opportune’ death, ‘in regard of the great hatred of his people’ (Vickers, , ed., The History, 194–5Google Scholar) was Tacitean. Bacon(cf. Thomas More in his Richard III) was doubtless aware of the ambivalent hesitation of Tacitus as he approached the reign of Trajan. Would this prove to be a new golden age? Probably not. (Martin, , ‘Tacitus and His Predecessors’, 126–7Google Scholar; Fox, Alistair, ‘Thomas More and Tudor Historiography: The History of King Richard III’, in his Politics and literature in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII (Oxford, 1989), 109–27Google Scholar.) Lisa Richardson informs me that Bacon was very sparing in directly borrowing from Tacitus.

⁶¹ Vickers, , ed., The History, 201Google Scholar; Bergeron, David M., ‘Francis Bacon's Henry VII: Commentary on King James I’, Albion, 24 (1992), 17–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² Vickers, , ed., The History, 196Google Scholar.

⁶³ Gunn, S.J., ‘The Courtiers of Henry VII’, English Historical Review, cviii (1993), 23–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ Martin, , ‘Tacitus and His Predecessors’, 122Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Chrimes, S. B., Henry VII (1972)Google Scholar. But as an introduction to studies which break the mould, see now Gunn, S.J., Early Tudor Government, 1485–1558 (1995)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Trevor-Roper, , Renaissance Essays, 121–48Google Scholar; first published as Queen Elizabeth's First Historian: William Camden and the Beginnings of English ‘Civil History’: Neale Lecture in English History 1971 (1971).

⁶⁷ And since neither Camden nor Neale (in his (Queen Elizabeth (1934)) provides any references to sources, it would be a fascinating but difficult task to establish the extent to which Neale was indebted to Camden, not as a substitute for research, but in his adoption of Camden's patterning of the reign.

⁶⁸ Sharpe, Kevin, Sir Robert Cotton 1586–1631: History and Politics in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1979), 84–110Google Scholar; Sharpe, Kevin, ‘Introduction: Rewriting Sir Robert Cotton’, in Wright, C.J., ed., Sir Robert Cotton as Collector: Essays on an Early Stuart Collector (1997), 12–13Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Woolf, , The Idea of History, 123–4Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ ‘Annales digerere coepi.’ (Camden, William, ‘Memorabilia’ [Diary], in Addenda attached to Annales ab Anno 1603 ad Annum 1623, Epistolae, 85Google Scholar.)

⁷¹ The Faustina MSS. are not mentioned by Trevor-Roper or Sharpe, nor are they specified by David McKitterick, although he refers in general terms to ‘the drafts and the preparatory material’ of the Annales, surviving in the Cotton MSS. (McKitterick, David, ‘From Camden to Cambridge: Sir Robert Cotton's Roman Inscriptions, And Their Subsequent Treatment’, in Wright, , ed., Sir Robert Cotton as Collector, 115Google Scholar.) Nor are they noticed in Moore, J. K., Primary Materials Relating to Copy and Print in English Books of the Sixteenth to Nineteenth Centuries, Oxford Bibliographical Society Occasional Publications 24 (Oxford, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁷² BL, Cotton MSS. Faustina F I (1558–72), II (1573–86, 1588–90), III (1593–1603), VI (1589–96), VII (1597–9, 1600–3) comprise what are here called ‘the first series’, ‘a manu Authoris scripta’ and, elsewhere ‘a prima manu Camdeni’ (in Cotton's hand). MSS. Faustina F. IV (1558–72), ‘the first copy after mended’, V (1573–1582)Google Scholar, VIII (1589–97), IX (1598–1603) are perfected and fair copies. For the nature and contents of MS. Faustina F X, see n. 73 below.

⁷³ This statement occurs on fo. 254, which was evidently originally a cover sheet/title page to the volume. Fos. 105–70 of MS. Faustina F X, including this statement, are copied (by Thomas Hearne?) in British Library, MS. Add. 6217, which concludes with a list of textual variants, ‘deest paragraphus’. Fo. 255 of MS. Faustina F X is a holograph letter from Camden: ‘Right worshipfull. I send you by this gent. Mr Quin: the first parte of my Annales of Q. Elizabeth with manifold additions. I praye you playe an Aristarcho therein and note severally what you thinke to be omitted or emended etc. I will follow your directions.’ Was this letter written to Cotton?

⁷⁴ British Library, MS. Cotton Faustina F X, fos. 247^r–9⁴.

⁷⁵ Trinity College Cambridge, MS. R.5.20, fo. 112^v, dated 25 February 1615.

⁷⁶ Sharpe, , Sir Robert Cotton, 92Google Scholar, n. 40. Cotton later claimed the credit for conserving many of the Scottish materials for the Annales, writing of abstracts ‘which Sir Robert Cotton hath compyled into a story of Q, Eliz time by mr Camden and published in print.’ (Ramsay, Nigel, ‘Sir Robert Cotton's Service to the Crown: A Paper Written in Self-Defence’, in Wright, , ed., Sir Robert Cotton As Collector, 68–80Google Scholar.) See also Woolf, , The Idea of History, 118Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ And in Frankfort in 1616. Hereafter ‘Annales’.

⁷⁸ No less than three printers were employed in the collation of the ten copies listed in the Revised S.T.C. (no. 4497): a bibliographer's nightmare, or, playground. Hereafter ‘Darcie’.

⁷⁹ Smith, ‘life’, in Gibson, ed., Britannia.

⁸⁰ There was a further Leiden edition in 1639.

⁸¹ Hereafter ‘Browne’.

⁸² Hereafter ‘Norton 1630’; and Norton's 1635 edition, ‘Norton 1635’.

⁸³ D.N.B. arts. Darcie, Browne, Norton; Graves, Michael, Thomas Norton: The Parliament Man (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar. Robert Norton's occupation may explain the delay between the licensing and publication of his translation of the Annales. In 1627, as gunnery expert, he took part in the ill-fated expedition to the IIe de Rhé.

⁸⁴ Norton 1630, Bk. 4, 1.

⁸⁵ Browne, 1.

⁸⁶ This edition incorporates passages from Camden's amended text, only found otherwise in Heame's 1717 edition (see below).

⁸⁷ Darcie, Bk. 3, 206.

⁸⁸ Norton, 1630, Bk. 3, 112.

⁸⁹ 1675, 385.

⁹⁰ See above, n. 7.

⁹¹ Thomas Hearne, ed., Guilielmi Camdeni Annales Rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum Regnante Elizabetha, Tribus Voluminibus Comprehensi; hereafter ‘Hearne’. This edition derives from Bodleian Library, MS. 15609 (MS. Smith 2), which is inscribed by Hearne: ‘Aprilis 2^do; 1717 … I give this Book to the Bodleian Library when I die as Dr Smith desired me. Tho. Hearne March 28 1719.’ MS. Smith 2 is a copy of the printed 1615 (London) edition, with Camden's autograph revisions.

⁹² Hearne, i. 34; Norton 1635, 7–8.

⁹³ Annales, 91–2; Darcie, Bk. 1, 111; Norton 1630, Bk. 1, 73.

⁹⁴ Annales, Tomus Alter (1627), 284; Browne; Norton 1630, Bk. 4, 223.

⁹⁵ Annales, Preface; MacCaffrey, 5.

⁹⁶ Miller, Norma P., ‘Style and Content in Tacitus’, in Martin, , ed., Tacitus, 114Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Francis Alford to F[rancis] W[alsingham], Inner Temple Library, Petyt MS. 538. 10, fol. II^v; Francis Alford, ‘A sute for the writinge of the storie of her Ma[jes]ties reign’, ibid., fols. 14^v–15^r.

⁹⁸ The Ende of Nero and Begining of Galba, Epistle.

⁹⁹ Camden to ‘N.N.’, ‘Right Honourable’, Smith, , Epistolae, no. 287, p. 351Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ MacCaffrey, 4–5. Cf. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, tr. Grenewey, R., The Annales (1598), 101Google Scholar, referring to the error ‘of such as thinke with the power and authorities they have in their own time, they can also extinguish the memory of former times.’ (I owe this reference to Lisa Richardson.)

¹⁰¹ Trevor-Roper, , Renaissance Essays, 134–5Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Ibid., 142. The reasons for Camden's hatred of Leicester will repay further reflection and investigation, given his friendship with Sir Philip Sidney and others in that connection, including Leicester's secretary Jean Hotman, who was a valuable continental contact. (Smith, , Epistolae, pp. 120–1, 124–6, 174–5, 201–3Google Scholar; Rosenberg, Eleanor, Leicester Patron of Letters (New York, 1955), 269–70Google Scholar; Poems by William Camden, 30.) Camden's copy of the Franco-Gallia by Hotman's father Francis is in the Bodleian Library, with annotations in Camden's hand.

₁₀₃ Hiram Morgan has shown how Camden composed the history of a murky episode, the political assassination of the Lord Deputy of Ireland, Sir John Perrot, in order to cover up what Morgan calls Burghley's ‘despicable behaviour’ in this case. (Morgan, Hiram, ‘The Fall of Sir John Perrot’, in Guy, John, ed., The Reign of Elizabeth I: Court and Culture in the Last Decade (Cambridge, 1995), 109–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Comparison of the various editions of the Annales suggests that Camden repented of what he had done to Perrot. There are passages in Hearne (ii. 425–6, 456–8, 558–9) which place him in a much more favourable light. It is not clear what motivated these changes.

¹⁰⁴ MacCaffrey, 6.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid., 288.

¹⁰⁶ But we know, because he tells us, that Camden feared that James I would take exception to his laudatory if barbed obit for his mother's arch-enemy, SirWalsingham, Francis. (Epistolae, no. 289, p. 351.)Google Scholar The obit ran: ‘A man exceeding wise and industrious, having discharged very honourable Embassies, a most sharpe maintainer of the pure Religion, a most diligent searcher of hidden secrets, who knew excellently well how to winne mens mindes unto him, and to apply them to his own uses.’ (Norton 1630, Bk. IV, 20‘1.)Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Annales, 145.

¹⁰⁸ Hearne, i. 171, noting the correction ‘in Camden's own hand’. Norton 1635, Bk. I> 99+99>Google Scholar, retains ‘as it seemed’, in parentheses.

¹⁰⁹ Annales, 466.

¹¹⁰ British Library, MS. Cotton Faustina F.X, fo. 80^v.

¹¹¹ Hearne, ii. 546. Norton's edition of 1635, which incorporates many of Camden's changes, retains, for whatever reason, ‘either conceived or pretended’. (Norton 1635, 349.)Google Scholar

¹¹² Ibid. 550; Norton 1635, 352.

¹¹³ MacCaffrey, 5–6.

¹¹⁴ Ibid. For a ‘politic’ (politique?) historian, Camden is very preoccupied with ‘the contrariety of Religion’.

¹¹⁵ Norton 1630, Bk. II, 110.

¹¹⁶ MacCaffrey, 138–9.

¹¹⁷ Ibid., 330. Cf. Tacitus, Savile's, (of Mutianus): ‘openly praiseworthy, his secrete actions were ill spoken of’. (The Ende of Nero and Beginning ofGalba, 6.)Google Scholar I owe this reference to lisa Richardson.

¹¹⁸ Camden, admitted that it was a joke: ‘Incredible it is what ieasts lewd catchers of words made amongst themselves.’ (Norton 1630, Bk. 2. 28–9.)Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Annates, Tomus Alter (16276)), 285.

¹²⁰ British Library, MS. Cotton Faustina F III, fos. 215^v–216^r.

¹²¹ Camden to Cotton, 15 March [1603], British Library MS. Cotton Julius C III, fo. 64^r; printed, Wright, T., ed., Queen Elizabeth and Her Tones (1838), ii. 494Google Scholar.

¹²² Smith's Life in Gibson, ed., Britannia.

¹²³ Annales, 35; British Library, MS. Cotton Faustina F I, fos. 39–40, MS. Faustina IV, fos. 27^r–29^v.

¹²⁴ Hartley, T. E., ed., Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I, i. 1558–1581 (Leicester, 1981), 44–5Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ MacCaffrey, 29–30. The passage in square brackets is supplied from Norton 1635, which is more faithful to the original Latin. (Hackett, Helen, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (Basingstoke, 1995), 274Google Scholar, n. 83.)

¹²⁶ Neale, J. E., Elizabeth I and her Parliaments 1559–1581 (1953), 47Google Scholar, n. 3 (‘I Know of no text, I have therefore ignored it’); Hartley, , ed., Proceedings, 44Google Scholar. Susan Doran calls Camden's account ‘little more than a myth’, and seems to think that the absence of his version in Cecil's, papers (‘Camden's source’) is conclusive evidence of invention. (Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I (1996), 1–2Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ MacCaflrey, 29.

¹²⁸ Hackett, , Virgin Mother, 229–30Google Scholar; Doran, , Monarchy, 154–209Google Scholar; Doran, Susan, ‘Juno Versus Diana: The Treatment of Elizabeth's Marriage in Plays and Entertainments, 1561–81’, Historical Journal, xxxviii. (1995), 257–74Google Scholar; King, John N., ‘Queen Elizabeth I: Representations of the Virgin Queen’, Renaissance Quarterly, 43 (1990), 30–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁹ Smith's Life, Gibson, ed., Britannia.

¹³⁰ Powicke, , ‘William Camden’, 75Google Scholar. The greatest eighteenth-century authority on the Welsh language, Lewis Morris, author of Celtic Remains, wrote of Camden's ‘wild fancies’ and ‘lame guesses’ where matters Welsh were concerned. (Jenkins, Geraint H., ‘The Cultural Uses of the Welsh Language 1660–1800’, in Jenkins, , ed., The Welsh Language Before the Industrial Revolution (Cardiff, 1997), 386.)Google Scholar

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