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³ These have been conveniently collected in Gillingham, J., The English in the Twelfth Century: Imperialism, National Identity and Political Values (Woodbridge, 2000)Google Scholar.

⁴ William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, 256.

⁵ Phythian-Adams, C., Land of the Cumbrians. A Study in British Provincial Origins. A.D. 400–1100 (Aldershot, 1996)Google Scholar; Scott, J. G., ‘The Partition of a Kingdom: Strathclyde 1092–1153’, Transactions of the Dumfries and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, 72 (1997), 11–40Google Scholar.

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¹⁰ Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum. The Acta of William I (1066–1087), ed. D. Bates (Oxford, 1998), itinerary, 75–84.

¹¹ F. Barlow, William Rufus (1983), itinerary, 449–52.

¹² For discussion see Green, J. A., Henry I King of England Duke of Normandy (Cambridge, 2006), 20 n. 4Google Scholar.

¹³ The Chronicle of John of Worcester [hereafter JW], iii, ed. P. McGurk (Oxford, 1998), 100–1.

¹⁴ Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum, 1066–1154 [hereafter RRAN], ii:Regesta Henrici Primi 1100–1135, ed. C. Johnson and H. A. Cronne (Oxford, 1956), nos. 709–15.

¹⁵ Ibid., nos. 925–7.

¹⁶ This depends on the confused details surrounding the foundation of Nostell priory which include the story of Henry going to Scotland with an army, possibly after his return to England in 1113. The evidence is reviewed by Duncan, A. A. M., The Kingship of the Scots 842–1292. Succession and Independence (Edinburgh, 2002), 64Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ed. T. Arnold (2 vols., Rolls Series, 1882–5), ii, 267.

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¹⁹ For these see Dalton, P., Conquest, Anarchy and Lordship. Yorkshire 1066–1154 (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, 27, Cambridge, 1994), ch. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²² Warren, ‘Myth of Norman Administrative Efficiency’, 124, 130–2.

²³ For the evidence relating to the Scots and Cumbria see Duncan, Kingship of the Scots, 23–4, 40–1, 61.

²⁴ Morris, C. J., Marriage and Murder in Eleventh-Century Northumbria: A Study of De Obsessione Dunelmi (University of York Borthwick Paper, no. 82, York, 1992)Google Scholar; R. Fletcher, Bloodfeud. Murder and Revenge in Anglo-Saxon England (2002).

²⁵ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Revised Translation [hereafter ASC], ed. D. Whitelock, D. C. Douglas and S. I. Tucker (1961), E 1068, 1069; JW, iii, 10; Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ii, 188; The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis [hereafter OV], ed. M. Chibnall (6 vols., Oxford, 1969–80), ii, 228–32; Palliser, D., ‘Domesday Book and the “Harrying of the North”’, Northern History, 29 (1993), 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Palmer, J., ‘War and Domesday Waste’, in Armies, Chivalry and Warfare in Medieval Britain and France. Proceedings of the 1995 Harlaxton Conference, ed. Strickland, M. (Stamford, 1998), 256–75Google Scholar.

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²⁷ Holt, J. C., The Northerners. A Study in the Reign of King John (Oxford, 1961), ch. 11Google Scholar; Dalton, P., ‘The Governmental Integration of the Far North, 1066–1199’, in Government, Religion and Society in Northern England 1000–1700, ed. Appleby, J. C. and Dalton, P. (Stroud, 1997), 14–26Google Scholar; Fletcher, Bloodfeud, ch. 10.

²⁸ Early Yorkshire Charters, i–iii, ed. W. Farrer (Edinburgh, 1914–16); iv–xii, ed. C. T. Clay (Yorkshire Archaeological Society Record Series, extra series, i–iii, v–x, 1935–65; extra series vol. iv is index to first three vols. ed. C. T. Clay and E. M. Clay, 1942).

²⁹ Baldwin, J. W. and Hollister, C. Warren, ‘The Rise of Administrative Kingship’, American Historical Review, 83 (1978), 868–91Google Scholar. The section on Henry I was reprinted in Hollister, Monarchy, Magnates and Institutions (1986). See in this reprinted version ‘Henry's new administrative machine’ 231, ‘judicial system’ 238, ‘eyre system’ 239; cf. Warren, ‘Myth of Norman Administrative Efficiency’, 114 ‘central institutions operating for all England’.

³⁰ Holt, Northerners, 194–201, provides a brief survey; see also B. English, ‘The Government of Thirteenth-Century Yorkshire’, in Government, Religion and Society in Northern England 1000–1700, ed. Appleby and Dalton, 90–103.

³¹ Warren, ‘Myth of Norman Administrative Efficiency’, 123.

³² Frontiers in Question: Eurasian Borderlands, 700–1700, ed. D. Power and N. Standen (Houndmills, 1999); Medieval Frontier Societies, ed. R. Bartlett and A. Mackay (Oxford, 1992).

³³ G. W. S. Barrow, ‘The Anglo-Scottish Border’, in The Kingdom of the Scots, ed. G. W. S. Barrow (1973), 21–42; W. M. Aird, ‘Northern England or Southern Scotland? The Anglo-Scottish Border in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries and the Problem of Perspective’, in Government, Religion and Society in Northern England 1000–1700, ed. Appleby and Dalton, 27–39.

³⁴ Davies, R. R., Age of Conquest. Wales 1063–1415 (paperback edn, Oxford, 1987), 4, 7Google Scholar.

³⁵ Green, Henry I, 132–3.

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³⁷ Brut (Red Book of Hergest Version), 78–83, 105–9; Brut (Peniarth), 37–8, 47–8.

³⁸ Bauduin, P., La première Normandie (Xe–XIe siècles). Sur les frontières de la haute Normandie: identité et construction d'une principauté (Caen, 2004)Google Scholar; D. Power, ‘French and Norman Frontiers in the Middle Ages’, in Frontiers in Question, ed. Power and Standen, 105–37; idem, The Norman Frontier in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, 62, Cambridge, 2004), part 1.

³⁹ Power, Norman Frontier, 10.

⁴⁰ The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni, ed. E. M. C. Van Houts (2 vols., Oxford, 1992, 1995), ii, 250–2.

⁴¹ OV, vi, 42. The date of the grant of Mortain is not made clear by Orderic. For the suggestion that it might have been not long before Henry's visit to Saint-Evroult in 1113 in the company of Theobald and Stephen, see King, E., ‘Stephen of Blois, Count of Mortain and Boulogne’, English Historical Review, 115 (2000), 274CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴³ Gesta Normannorum Ducum, ii, 264; Thompson, K., Power and Border Lordship in Medieval France (Royal Historical Society, Studies in History, new series, Woodbridge, 2002), ch. 3Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ C. Warren Hollister (with T. K. Keefe), ‘The Making of the Angevin Empire’, in Hollister, Monarchy, Magnates and Institutions, 248.

⁴⁵ K. Stringer, The Reign of Stephen. Kingship, Warfare and Government in Twelfth-Century England (1993), 10.

⁴⁶ Davies, R. R., The First English Empire. Power and Identities in the British Isles 1093–1343 (Oxford, 2000)Google Scholar, ch. 1, see especially 10.

⁴⁷ Williams, A., The English and the Norman Conquest (Woodbridge, 1995)Google Scholar; Thomas, H. M., The English and the Normans. Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation, and Identity 1066 – c. 1220 (Oxford, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁹ For the former see Hugh the Chanter, The History of the Church of York 1066–1127, ed. and trans. C. Johnson, revised by M. Brett, C. N. L. Brooke and M. Winterbottom (Oxford, 1990); for Canterbury Eadmer, Historia Novorum, ed. M. Rule (Rolls Series, 1884). Brett, M., The English Church under Henry I (Oxford, 1975), 14–28Google Scholar; Shead, N. F., ‘The Origins of the Medieval Diocese of Glasgow’, Scottish Historical Review, 47 (1969), 220–5Google Scholar; for Turgot at St Andrews see Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ii, 202–5.

⁵⁰ J. A. Green, ‘Anglo-Scottish Relations 1066–1174’, in England and her Neighbours 1066–1453. Essays in Honour of Pierre Chaplais, ed. M. Jones and M. Vale (1986), 61–3.

⁵¹ Ailred of Rievaulx, ‘De Standardo’, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett (4 vols., Rolls Series, 1894–9), iii, 181–99.

⁵² See Green, ‘Anglo-Scottish Relations 1066–1174’; Duncan, Kingship of the Scots, 53–65.

⁵³ On this quarrel the language of the Worcester chronicler is particularly interesting as suggesting that Malcolm was claiming that he only owed ‘hommage en marche’, whereas William intended to treat him as a vassal in his court: ‘Nam Malcolmum uidere aut cum eo colloqui, pre nimia superbia et potentia, Wilelmus despexit, insuper etiam illum ut, secundum iudicium tantum suorum baronum, in curia sua rectitudinem ei faceret, constringere uoluit, sed id agere, nisi in regnorum suorum confiniis, ubi reges Scottorum erant soliti rectitudinem facere regibus Anglorum, et secundum iudicium primatum utriusque regni, nullo modo Malcolmus uoluit’, JW, iii, 64. In fact the submission Malcolm had made to the Conqueror in 1072 had not been on the frontier between their realms but at Abernethy. The language of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle at this point differs: ‘When he [Malcolm] came to the king, he could not be granted speech with our king nor the fulfilment of the terms that had been promised him, and so they parted with great dissension’, ASC, E 1093.

⁵⁴ At issue here is, first of all, the authenticity of the charter which Edgar granted to Durham which referred to his possession of ‘the whole land of Lothian and the kingship of Scotland by gift of King William and by paternal heritage’, Early Scottish Charters prior to 1153, ed. A. C. Lawrie (Glasgow, 1905), no. 5. The authenticity of this charter has been debated: queried by J. Donnelly, ‘The Earliest Scottish Charters?’, Scottish Historical Review, 68 (1989), 1–22, its authenticity was reaffirmed by A. A. M. Duncan, ‘Yes, the Earliest Scottish Charters’, Scottish Historical Review, 78 (1999), 1–35; and most recently by Duncan, Kingship of the Scots, 56–7. The language used in the charter in any event may be assumed to reflect Rufus's view of his superior authority over Edgar. Secondly, according to Gaimar, writing in the 1130s, Rufus promised Edgar a daily allowance when he visited the English court, and further claimed that Edgar carried a sword at the great court held in the new hall at Westminster in 1099, L'estoire, ed. A. Bell (Oxford, 1960), ll. 6176–83, 5975–6020; Duncan, Kingship of the Scots, 58.

⁵⁵ For the marriage see Green, Henry I, 53–9; Huneycutt, Lois. L., Matilda of Scotland. A Study in Medieval Queenship (Woodbridge, 2003), 26–30Google Scholar. David was at Henry's court by Whitsuntide 1103, RRAN, ii, no. 648. It is significant that this text concerns an exchange of lands for Robert de Brus.

⁵⁶ ASC, E 1107.

⁵⁷ Ailred of Rievaulx, ‘De Standardo’, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. Howlett, iii, 193.

⁵⁸ G. H. White suggested that Sibyl's mother may have been Sibyl Corbet, but K. Thompson pointed out there are chronological difficulties with this, Complete Peerage, by G. E. C. (13 vols. in 12, 1910–59), xi, Appendix D, 118; Thompson, K., ‘Affairs of State: The Illegitimate Children of Henry I,’ Journal of Medieval History, 29 (2003), 149CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Brut (Red Book of Hergest), 79–83; Brut (Peniarth), 37–8.

⁶⁰ Oram, R., David I. The King Who Made Scotland (Stroud, 2004), ch. 4Google Scholar.

⁶¹ For Teviotdale where the monks of Durham had claims to land see W. M. Aird, St Cuthbert and the Normans (Woodbridge, 1998), 230 and n. 12. David founded the abbey of Selkirk in Tweeddale: Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ii, 247.

⁶² E. King, ‘Ranulf (I), third earl of Chester (d. 1129), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23127. For Ranulf at Tinchebray see OV, vi, 84.

⁶³ Register of Wetheral Priory, ed. J. E. Prescott (Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society [hereafter CWAAS], Record Series i, 1897), no. 1.

⁶⁴ For Robert see Sanders, I. J., English Baronies (Oxford, 1961), 23Google Scholar; for Richer, Barrow, G. W. S., The Anglo-Norman Era in Scottish History (Oxford, 1980), 176Google Scholar; and for Turgis Brundos, T. H. B. Graham, ‘Turgis Brundos’, CWAAS, Transactions, new series, 29 (1929), 49–56. For the ‘debateable land’ see Todd, J., ‘The West March on the Anglo-Scottish Border in the Twelfth Century, and the Origins of the Western Debateable Land’, Northern History, 43 (2006), 11–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a recent discussion of these lordships see Barrow, G. W. S., ‘King David I, Earl Henry and Cumbria’, CWAAS, Transactions, 99 (1999), 117–29Google Scholar, at 120.

⁶⁵ Winchester, A. J. L., Landscape and Society in Medieval Cumbria (Edinburgh, 1987), ch. 2Google Scholar; Phythian-Adams, Land of the Cumbrians, 170–1.

⁶⁶ For Forne see Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, ii, 505; R. Sharpe, Norman Rule in Cumbria 1092–1136, CWAAS, Tract Series xxi (2006), 41.

⁶⁷ Ranulf gave the church of St Lawrence ‘of my castle of Appleby’ to Wetheral: Register of Wetheral Priory, ed. Prescott, no. 3.

⁶⁸ For Kendal see W. Farrer, Records relating to the Barony of Kendale, ed. J. F. Curwen (CWAAS, Record Series, iv–vi, 1923–6), iv, xi. As indicated, there is no evidence to illustrate Nigel's possession of Kendal. On the other hand, Burton in Lonsdale, which had also been held by Ivo, had passed by 1130 to Nigel's son, Roger de Mowbray: Magnum Rotuli Scaccarii, vel magnum rotulum pipae, anno tricesimo primo regni Henrici primi, ut videtur, quem plurimi hactenus laudarunt pro rotulo quinti anni Stephani regis [hereafter PR 31 Henry I], ed. J. Hunter for Record Commission (1833), 138.

⁶⁹ Roger the Poitevin's land in Lincolnshire had passed to Stephen by the time of the Lindsey survey, now dated between 1115 and 1116; J. A. Green, ‘Ranulf II and Lancashire’, in The Earldom of Chester and Its Charters, ed. A. T. Thacker, Journal of the Chester Archaeological Society, 71 (1991), 97–108; King, ‘Stephen of Blois, Count of Mortain and Boulogne’, 274–5.

⁷⁰ A. McDonald, ‘Gospatric, first earl of Lothian (d. 1138)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/50322.

⁷¹ When the nineteen Northumberland tenants-in-chief reported their enfeoffments in 1166, only three did not specifically say that they held ‘of the old enfeoffment’, that is, that they had been enfeoffed before 1135: Red Book of the Exchequer, ed. H. Hall (3 vols., Rolls Series, 1896), i, 436–44. When the Northumberland baronies were surveyed in 1212, their holders reported variously on the date their ancestors had received the lands. No fewer than nine said that the grants had been made by Henry I, and several others ‘post conquestum’ or ‘de veteri feoffamento’, Liber Feodorum. The Book of Fees Commonly Called Testa de Nevill Reformed from the Earliest MSS. by the Deputy Keeper of the Records (3 vols., 1920–31), i, 200–5; for discussion of these lordships see W. Percy Hedley, Northumberland Families (2 vols., Newcastle upon Tyne, 1968–70).

⁷² See the essays by G. W. S. Barrow, ‘The Kings of Scotland and Durham’, and V. Wall, ‘Malcolm III and the Foundation of Durham Cathedral’, in Anglo-Norman Durham 1093–1193, ed. D. Rollason, M. Harvey and M. Prestwich (Woodbridge, 1994), 311–38.

⁷³ Symeon of Durham, Libellus de Exordio atque Procursu istius hoc est Dunhelmensis Ecclesie, ed. D. Rollason (Oxford, 2000), 276.

⁷⁴ Durham Episcopal Charters, ed. H. S. Offler (Surtees Society, clxxix, 1968), no. 20; Aird, St Cuthbert and the Normans, 208–9.

⁷⁵ Sharpe, Norman Rule in Cumbria, 11–16.

⁷⁶ Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ii, 259–60.

⁷⁷ For Norham, see n. 73 above. Walter had come into possession of Wark by about 1122 when he gave the church there to Kirkham priory in Yorkshire at its foundation, W. Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, new edn (6 vols. in 8, London, 1817–30), vi, 208–9.

⁷⁸ Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ii, 267. For the city see H. Summerson, Medieval Carlisle. The City and the Borders from the Late Eleventh to the Mid-Sixteenth Century, CWAAS, extra series 25 (1993), i, 18–54.

⁷⁹ Oram, David I, 71–2.

⁸⁰ Ibid.

⁸¹ For the marriage see Oram, Lordship of Galloway, 51–62.

⁸² Ibid., 61.

⁸³ Evidence for the consecration is contained in a letter of Archbishop William: British Library Harleian Manuscript 433, ed. R. Horrox and P. W. Hammond (4 vols., Gloucester, 1979–83), iii, 93–4; Oram, R., ‘In Obedience and Reverence: Whithorn and York c. 1128 – c. 1250’, Innes Review, 42 (1991), 83–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Lordship of Galloway, 164–74; Hill, P., Whithorn and St Ninian. The Excavation of a Monastic Town 1984–91 (Stroud, 1997), 23Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ The Charters of David I, ed. G. W. S. Barrow (Woodbridge, 1999), no. 16.

⁸⁵ Blakely, R., The Brus Family in England and Scotland 1100–1295 (Woodbridge, 2005)Google Scholar, ch. 1. A. A. M. Duncan, ‘Brus, Robert (I) de, lord of Annandale (d. 1142)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/3748.

⁸⁶ Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in Opera Omnia, ii, 267 (1123, but 1124 is the more usually accepted date); RRAN, ii, nos. 1545–6 (after removal to Furness). King, ‘Stephen of Blois, Count of Mortain and Boulogne’, English Historical Review, 65 (2000), 279.

⁸⁷ Ibid.

⁸⁸ Gwynn, A. and Hadcock, R. N., Medieval Religious Houses. Ireland (1970), 132, 135 (Erenagh and Inch, its successor)Google Scholar; D. Easson, Medieval Religious Houses. Scotland (1976), 237 (Rushen). Olaf of Man gave land on Man to Furness, Chronicon Manniae et Insularum. The Chronicle of Man and the Sudreys from the Manuscript Codex in the British Museum, with Historical Notes by P. A. Munch, revised by Dr Goss (2 vols., Manx Society, xxii, xxiii, 1874), xxii, 62–3.

⁸⁹ Ibid., xxii, 60–1; Nicholl, D., Thurstan Archbishop of York (1114–40) (York, 1964), 139Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Dalton, Conquest, Anarchy and Lordship, chs. 2, 3.

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⁹² Wightman, W. E., The Lacy Family in England and Normandy 1066–1194 (Oxford, 1966), 66–72Google Scholar.

⁹³ PR 31 Henry I, 9–10, 36.

⁹⁴ Charters of the Honour of Mowbray 1107–1191, ed. D. E. Greenway (Oxford, 1972), xvii–xxiv; Blakely, Brus Family, appendix 1.

⁹⁵ For Walter Espec see J. A. Green, The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, ii, Cambridge, 1986), 245–6; for Eustace, Dalton, P., ‘Eustace FitzJohn and the Politics of Anglo-Norman England: The Rise and Survival of a Twelfth-Century Royal Servant’, Speculum, 71 (1996), 358–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹⁷ OV, iv, 258; the key castles were Ambrières (see preceding note), Gorron and Châteauneuf-sur-Colmont: Power, Norman Frontier, 72–4.

⁹⁸ For Michael, appointed before the death of Archbishop Thomas II in February 1114, and his successor John, see: Hugh the Chanter, The History of the Church of York 1066–1127, 52–3, 212–17; Shead, ‘Origins of the Medieval Diocese of Glasgow’, 220–5; Oram, David I, 63; Charters of David I, ed. Barrow, nos. 9, 10.

⁹⁹ Davies, Age of Conquest, ch. 7.

¹⁰⁰ OV, vi, 340, 366; Les clercs au service de la réforme. Etudes et documents sur les chanoines réguliers de la province de Rouen, dir. M. Arnoux, Bibliotheca Victorina, xi (2000), 120, 142–4, 215–20.

¹⁰¹ Henry visited the abbey in 1113, granted the monks a charter and received the privilege of confraternity, OV, vi, 174–6; RRAN, ii, no. 1019. For other royal documents for the abbey see RRAN, ii, nos. 533, 1235, 1337, 1553, 1572, *1594–5.

¹⁰² For Henry's charters see J. Van Moolenbroek, Vital l'ermite, prédicateur itinérant, fondateur de l'abbaye normande de Savigny, trans. Anne-Marie Nambet, Revue de l'Avranchin, 68 (1991), nos. 1, 3; RRAN, ii, nos. 1016, 1183, 1212, 1433, 1588, 1973.

¹⁰³ The edition is under the direction of Richard Sharpe, whose study of the north-west in Norman Rule in Cumbria is based on a close examination of the documentary evidence for the north-west, and for Northumberland.

¹⁰⁴ Green, Government of England, 238–9.

¹⁰⁵ Warren, ‘Myth of Norman Administrative Efficiency’, 131.

¹⁰⁶ PR 31 Henry I, 27, 33.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 24–35. The judices are thought to have been the lawmen who delivered judgements and the juratores, jurors: Richardson, H. G. and Sayles, G. O., The Governance of Mediaeval England (Edinburgh, 1963), 181–5Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 34.

¹⁰⁹ Two of the moneyers were the archbishops: Allen, M., ‘The Archbishop of York's Mint after the Norman Conquest’, Northern History, 41 (2004), 25–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁰ For the castles see D. J. Cathcart King, Castellarium Anglicanum (2 vols., London, New York, and Niedeln), ii, 528–9.

¹¹¹ Nicholl, Thurstan, ch. 5.

¹¹² Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, i, nos. 128, 130, 132, 426–30, 500.

¹¹³ Ibid., nos. 167–9; The Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops, ed. J. Raine (3 vols., Rolls Series, 1879–84), ii, 266.

¹¹⁴ Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, i, nos. 351–3; for discussion see J. Burton, The Monastic Order in Yorkshire 1069–1135 (Cambridge, 1999), 39–43.

¹¹⁵ Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Clay, vii, nos. 2–4.

¹¹⁶ PR 31 Henry I, 33–4.

¹¹⁷ Ibid., 35–6.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., 130–3.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 131–2.

¹²⁰ Aird, St Cuthbert and the Normans, 209.

¹²¹ PR 31 Henry I, 140–2.

¹²² Ibid., 140–1.

¹²³ J. C. Dickinson, ‘The Origins of the Cathedral of Carlisle’, CWAAS, Transactions, second series, 45 (1946), 133–43; idem, ‘Walter the Priest and St Mary's Carlisle’, CWAAS, Transactions, second series, 69 (1969), 102–14; H. R. T. Summerson, ‘Old and New Bishoprics: Durham and Carlisle’, in Anglo-Norman Durham, ed. Rollason, Harvey and Prestwich, 369–80; idem, ‘Athelwold the Bishop and Walter the Priest: A New Source for the Early History of Carlisle Priory’, CWAAS, Transactions, 95 (1995), 85–91; Sharpe, Norman Rule in Cumbria, 56–62.

¹²⁴ Robert of Torigny, Chronique suivi de divers opuscules historiques de cet auteur, ed. L. Delisle (2 vols., Société de l'Histoire de Normandie, Rouen, 1872–3), i, 191–2; PR 31 Henry I, 142; I. Blanchard, ‘“Lothian and Beyond”: The Economy of the “English Empire” of David I’, in Progress and Problems in Medieval England. Essays in Honour of Edward Miller, ed. J. Hatcher and R. Britnell (Cambridge, 1996), 23–45.

¹²⁵ PR 31 Henry I, 142–3; Sharpe, Norman Rule in Cumbria, 13–14.

¹²⁶ For this term see Ranulf's charter for Wetheral, Register of Wetheral Priory, ed. Prescott, no. 1.

¹²⁷ For the sheriffs see J. A. Green, English Sheriffs to 1154, Public Record Office Handbooks, no. 24 (1990), 65–6. To judge from his name, Aluric of Corbridge may have been English. Corbridge had been a Roman fort near the bank of the river Tyne and seems to have been a centre for south Northumberland: H. H. E. Craster, A History of Northumberland, x (Newcastle and London, 1914), 38–40. Aluric's son held Dilston as a barony: Red Book of the Exchequer, ed. Hall, i, 441. For Odard of Bamburgh, see Green, Government of England, 264.

¹²⁸ For a table of farms see G. H. White, Restoration and Reform 1153–1165 (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, xlvi, Cambridge, 2000), 220–6: Carlisle accounted for some £56, Northumberland £139, Yorkshire, £444. Berkshire by comparison accounted for £521.

¹²⁹ For the system of policing known as frankpledge see Morris, W. A., The Frankpledge System (Cambridge, MA, 1910)Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ Warren, ‘Myth of Norman Administrative Efficiency’, 124.

¹³¹ PR 31 Henry I, 27, 131.

¹³² William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, i, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom (Oxford, 1998), 742.

¹³³ K. J. Stringer, ‘State-Building in Twelfth-Century Britain: David I, King of Scots, and Northern England’, in Government, Religion and Society in Northern England, ed. Appleby and Dalton, 40–62; Oram, David I, ch. 10.

¹³⁴ Richard of Hexham, ‘De Gestis Regis Stephani et de Bello Standardi’, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. Howlett, iii, 139–78. The terms of the treaty are at 177–8.