^{page 103 note 1} Stubbs, , Const. Hist. ii. 122, 123Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 1} See Appendix.

^{page 104 note 2} Neubauer, , in his Notes on the Jews in Oxford, Collectanea (p. 287)Google Scholar, stands alone amongst scholars in declining to believe in the alleged learning of the early English Jews.

^{page 104 note 3} Tovey, , Anglia Judaica, p. 245Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 1} Lazarus, , Cent. Mag. xxv. 604Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 2} Rye, , Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition Papers, p. 168Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 3} Gross, ibid. pp. 206, 207.

^{page 105 note 4} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 196Google Scholar; Cunningham, , Growth of English Industry and Commerce, p. 239Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 5} Cunningham, , Usury, p. 17Google Scholar.

^{page 106 note 1} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 152Google Scholar.

^{page 106 note 2} Aristotle, , Politics, i. 10Google Scholar. ‘Of all modes of making money this is the most unnatural.’

^{page 106 note 3} Dante, , Inferno, cantos xi., xviiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 4} Shakspeare, Merchant of Venice, act i. sc. iii.

^{page 106 note 5} Essays, No. 41. Of Usury.

^{page 106 note 6} The Brook.

‘Nor could he understand how money breeds, Thought it a dead thing.’

^{page 107 note 1} This ballad, The Poor Man Pays for All (temp. Charles I. ?), shows the mediaeval feeling lasting on even into the Stuart period.

^{page 107 note 2} Chaucer, , Prioresses Tale, 1. 5Google Scholar.

Ther Was in Asie, in a gret citee,

Amonges cristen folk a Jewerie,

Sustened by a lord of that countree

For foule usure, and lucre of vilanie,

Hateful to Crist, and to his companye.

^{page 108 note 1} Matthew Paris (ann. 1253).

^{page 108 note 2} Langland, , Visions, Text B. pas. v. 1. 246Google Scholar.

^{page 108 note 3} Shakspeare, Merchant of Venice, act i. sc. iii.

^{page 108 note 4} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 195Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 1} Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda, edit. Rokewood, , pp. I, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 2} Dante, , Inferno, canto xiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 109 note 3} Matthew Paris (ann. 1251), speaks of ‘ Transalpine usurers whom we call Caursines.’

^{page 109 note 4} Matthew Paris, ann. 1235.

^{page 109 note 5} Ibid. ann. 1251.

^{page 109 note 6} Ibid. ann. 1254.

^{page 109 note 7} Ibid. ann. 1253.

^{page 110 note 1} Matthew Paris, aim. 1251.

^{page 110 note 2} Philipsen, , The Jew in English Fiction, p. 28Google Scholar.

^{page 110 note 3} Matthew Paris, ami. 1235.

^{page 110 note 4} Deuteronomy xxiii. 20. DrAdler, Hermann very properly will not allow the word ‘usury’ here (Nineteenth Century, iii. 640)Google Scholar.

^{page 110 note 5} Davis, , Hebrew Deeds of English Jews, viiiGoogle Scholar. He also refers to the case of Judas of Bristol, who caused the question to be brought before the Beth Din.

^{page 110 note 6} Chron. Joe. pp. 1, 2, and n.

^{page 110 note 7} Tovey, p. 14.

^{page 110 note 8} Margoliouth, , The Hebrews in East Anglia, p. 28Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 1} Hall, , Court Life under the Plantagenet Kings, pp. 36, 230Google Scholar. It seems often to have been impossible to borrow at less than a groat for 1 l. a week.

^{page 111 note 2} Gross, , The Exchequer of the Jews, A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 170–215Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 3} Chapitles tuchaunz le Gywerie, A.-J.H.E.P. p. 223.

^{page 111 note 4} Lyte, , History of Oxford, p. 59Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 5} Hall, , Court Life, &c. p. 34Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 6} Prynne, , Demurrer, pp. 45Google Scholar, 46.

^{page 111 note 7} The employment of the Jews as an engine of taxation was systematised and carried out in England to a far greater extent than on the Continent (Taswell-Langmead, , Const. Hist. p. 138)Google Scholar. Some idea of the amount of money that thus came to the King can be seen in Stubbs, , Const. Hist. ii. p. 530Google Scholar. He adds: ‘The enormous sums raised by way of fine and amercement show how largely they must have engrossed the available capital of the country.’

^{page 112 note 1} In the same way the ‘Pope's merchants’ bore the unpopularity of their master.

^{page 112 note 2} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 197–201Google Scholar.

^{page 112 note 3} Matthew Paris, ann. 1250.

^{page 112 note 4} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 208–210Google Scholar.

^{page 112 note 5} Hunt, , Bristol, p. 29Google Scholar.

^{page 112 note 6} Stubbs, , Select Charters, p. 385Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 1} Matthew Paris, ann. 1244.

^{page 113 note 2} Epistolæ; joh. Peckham, edit. Martin, , iii. p. 937Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 3} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 210Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 4} Kitchin, , Winchester, p. 131Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 5} Cunningham, , Usury, p. 48Google Scholarn. One of the definite demands of the people of Pereyaslav was that the Jews should be forbidden ‘to abuse the Christian burgesses, and in general to scoff at them’ (Consular Reports, 1882).

^{page 113 note 6} Matthew of Westminster, ann. 1290.

^{page 114 note 1} The bailiffs and good men of Cambridge were ordered to make this proclamation throughout the town (Cooper, , Annals of Cambridge, 1266)Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 2} William of Newborough, iv. I.

^{page 114 note 3} Chron. Joe. p. 23.

^{page 114 note 4} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 34Google Scholar. The scandal was only prevented by the vigorous opposition of the Franciscans.

^{page 114 note 5} Riley, , Memorials, p. 15Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 6} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 156Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 7} Forest Roll of Essex, 5 Edw. I., Record Office, Colchester, (quoted in the A.-J.H.E.P. Catalogue, No. 14)Google Scholar, to wit:—‘… it was brought forward that a certain doe was started in Wildenhaye Wood by the dogs of Sir John de Burgh, sen., which doe in her flight came by the top of the City of Colchester, crossing towards another wood on the other side of that city. And there issued forth Saunte son of Ursel, Jew, of Colchester, Cok son of Aaron, and Samuel son of the same, Isaac the Jewish chaplain, Copin and Elias, Jews, and certain Christians of the said city, to wit: William Scott, Henry the Gutter, Henry the Toller, and others. And these with a mighty clamour chased the same doe through the south gate into the aforesaid city, and they so worried her by their shouting that they forced her to jump over a wall, and she thus break her neck,’ &c. (Dec. 7, 1267)

^{page 115 note 1} Rye, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 167Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 2} Chron.Joc. p. 8.

^{page 115 note 3} Adler, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 268Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 4} Kitchin, , Winchester, p. 108Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 5} Matthew Paris, fi.nn. 1250.

^{page 116 note 1} See below, p. 120.

^{page 116 note 2} Matthew Paris, ann. 1256.

^{page 116 note 3} Liber Potnitentialis of 669, quoted by Neubauer.

^{page 116 note 4} Johnson, , Collection of Laws and Canons, i. 218Google Scholar.

^{page 116 note 5} Freeman, (Norman Conquest, v.p. 818)Google Scholar is of opinion that there is no distinct mention of the Jews in England before the time of William II. ‘The Norman Conquest,’ he says, ‘may or may not have brought the first Jew into England; it is certain it gave a great impetus to their coming.’

^{page 116 note 6} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 44Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 1} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 36Google Scholar, 37.

^{page 117 note 2} Ibid. pp. 30, 31.

^{page 117 note 3} Turner, , Domestic Architecture in England, i. 46Google Scholar; see also i. p. xxiii.

^{page 117 note 4} Cooper, , Annals of Cambridge, 1224Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 5} William of Newborough, iv. c. I.

^{page 117 note 6} The handkerchief of St. Veronica was preserved at Lucca.

^{page 117 note 7} Prynne, , Demurrer, p. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 1} Peck, , Stamford, pp. 17Google Scholar, 18.

^{page 118 note 2} Freeman, , Oxford, p. 24Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 3} Philip, , Prior, Hist. St. Frid.. quoted in Tovey, p. 9Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 4} Lazarus, , Century Magazine, xxiv. 55Google Scholar; and Lanin, Fortnightly Review. The Novoye Vremya, the most extensively circulated newspaper in Russia, still countenances the fable of the periodical murder of a Christian child for ceremonial purposes. At the time of the anti-Jewish disturbances a decade ago, nine Jews were brought up for trial in the Caucasus on a charge of killing a child to procure his blood for the Passover rites (March 1879) and in connection with the present agitation, the story has been made to do duty again. The alleged excuse for the uproar in Corfu about Easter-time (1891), was the murder of a Christian girl by the Jews. The charge won wide and immediate acceptance.

^{page 119 note 1} There seems reason to think that he was the first boy-martyr to the Jews, not only in England, but in Europe also. See Baring Gould, ‘Some Accusations against the Jews,’ in Historic Oddities and Strange Events, 2nd series.

^{page 119 note 2} Rye, , A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 138–140Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 3} Chron. Joe. p. 12. How one wishes that the Book of St. Robert which that mediaeval Boswell tells us he wrote had come down to our day, that we might see for ourselves what he really thought of the story! A Vita Roberti Martytis is mentioned by Bale as Jocelyn's work, but no copy is known to exist.

^{page 119 note 4} Margoliouth, , History of the Jews in Great Britain, p. 66Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 5} See Chaucer's, reference to this ‘notable’ case in the Prioresses Talc, I. 231Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 1} Matthew Paris, ann. 1255.

^{page 120 note 2} See the very interesting and moving ballads collected by the French antiquary Michel, in Hugues de Lincoln, recueil de ballades Anglo-Normandes et Ecossoises relatives au meurtre decet enfant commis par les juifs MCCL V.

^{page 120 note 3} Rabbi Philipsen, The Jew in English Fiction.

^{page 120 note 4} Chaucer, Prioresses Talc.

^{page 120 note 5} Marlowe, act ii. sc. iii.

^{page 120 note 6} Rye, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 153Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 7} Ibid. p. 157. Neubauer, notes the charge at Oxford of stealing back a baptized convert, and quotes Wood (Annals) for their crime of enticing young scholars and children to be of their faith (Collectanea, p 285)Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 1} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 39Google Scholar, 51. The first reference to the London Jews refers to a fine of 2,000 l. for killing a sick man. In 1259 it was reported that Elias the High Priest had prepared poisons for the English nobles, &c.

^{page 121 note 2} Milman, , Latin Christianity, iv. 396Google Scholar. St. Bernard, who inflamed the Crusaders by assuring them that the slaughter of the unbeliever in the East was a sure passport to Heaven, attempted to stem the furious tide which turned against the unbelievers at home, maintaining that, since ‘God had punished the Jews by their dispersion, it was not for man to punish them by murder.’

^{page 121 note 3} Will, of Newb. IV. c. vii.

^{page 121 note 4} Prynne, , Demurrer, p. 27Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 5} Adler, , Nineteenth Century, x. 824Google Scholar.

^{page 122 note 1} Will. of Newb. IV. c. i.

^{page 123 note 1} This was Rabbi Jomtob ben Isaac of Joigny in France (Adler, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 258.)Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 2} Davis, , Hebrew Deeds, &c., p. 288Google Scholar. The editor notes that in the Pentateuch lesson, proper for the current week, the words occur: ‘Some evil beast hath devoured him.’

^{page 123 note 3} Public records, however, show that this fearful butchery did not result in the utter extermination of the York Jews. Some few must have escaped, and some of the charters held in pledge were certainly saved from destruction (Davies, ‘Mediæval Jews of York,’ in the Yorkshire ArchaologicaiJournal).

^{page 124 note 1} Will. Newb. IV. cc. ix.–xi. See also the judicious comments on his narrative in the Yorkshire Archaological Journal, iii.

^{page 124 note 2} Tovey, , Ang. Jud. p. 77Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 3} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 190Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 4} Of course a certain amount of proselytising work had been carried on by the Monks before this time, and Jews who professed the Christian faith were sometimes supported in the monasteries. Robert Fitz Hardinge, for instance, Reeve of Bristol, had founded the Checquer HallSchool in Wine Street (temp. Stephen or Henry II.), where Jews might be instructed in the Christian faith (Hunt, , Bristol, p. 28)Google Scholar; but the Friars-Preachers gave a new impetus to this mission.

^{page 124 note 5} Prynne, , Demurrer.p. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 6} S. Luke, c. xviii., vv. 18–24.

^{page 125 note 1} Lyte, , Hist. Oxford, p. 26Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 2} Sinker, , Testamenta XII. Patriarcharum, Introd. p. IGoogle Scholar.

^{page 125 note 3} Tovey's, Angl. Jud. p. 82Google Scholar.

^{page 125 note 4} Maitland, , Law Quarterly Review, iii. 153Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 1} Rapin, , History of England, p. 233Google Scholar. In 1166 one Gerhard and thirty of his followers came into England from Germany. They were summoned before a council at Oxford, condemned for heresy, and delivered over to the secular power. In this instance it was the King who forbade all his subjects to give them any elief, and being punctually obeyed, they all perished miserably of hunger.

^{page 126 note 2} Chapitles Tuchaunz le Cywerie, A.-J.H.E.P. p. 220. Compare also the Jews' treatment of Christian girls in their service in modern Russia (Cunningham, , Usury, p. 48 n)Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 3} Matthew Paris, ann. 1251.

^{page 126 note 4} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p, 27Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 5} Epist. Joh. Perkham, i. 239.

^{page 127 note 1} Lyte, , Hist. Oxford, p. 67Google Scholar.

^{page 127 note 2} Joinville, , Histoire de Saint Louis, c. x. §. 53Google Scholar. ‘Aussi, vous di-je, fist li roys, que nulz, se il n'est très-bons clers, ne doit desputer à aus; niais li hom lays, quant il ot mesdire de la loy crestienne, ne doit pas desfendre la loy crestienne, ne niais de l'espée, de quoy il doit donner parmi le ventre dedens, tant comme elley puet entrer.’ It is fair to the good King, however, to add that he did try to persuade the Jews with sweet reasonableness as well as brute force, insomuch that he was blamed in England for his toleration. Many are said to have been converted by his mildness, and these he attached to himself by many benefits.

^{page 128 note 1} Chapitles tuchaunz le Gywerie, A.-J.H.E.P. p. 220.

^{page 128 note 2} Prynne, , Demnurrer, pp. 36Google Scholar, 37.

^{page 128 note 3} Printed in Blunt's, Tracts relative to the Jews, p. 139Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 4} Tovey, , Angl. Jud. p. 198Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 5} The statute Le la Jeuerie, quoted in Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 529 n. Possibly yellow was considered a more obnoxious colour than white (see ante, p. 125). In some parts of Europe the yellow cap was the mark of a Jew, the ‘orangetawny bonnet’ of which Bacon speaks.

^{page 128 note 6} Catalogue of the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, 1887, No. 14.

^{page 128 note 7} Tovey, , Angl. Jttd. p. 208Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 8} See Browning, Holy Cross Day.

^{page 129 note 1} Tovey, , Angl.Jud. p. 215Google Scholar. The convert was to deliver the half of his goods to his poorer brethren in the Domus Conversorum; the other half he might keep for his own.

^{page 129 note 2} Edward I. demanded 3d. (or 4d.) a head from all Jews over twelve. Stubbs, , Const. Hist. ii. 529Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 3} Prynne, Detnurrer. The deodands were also promised on two separate occasions.

^{page 129 note 4} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 41Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 5} Epist. Joh. Peckham, i. 239.

^{page 129 note 6} Chapitles tuchaunz le Gywerie, A. -J. H. E. P. p. 220: ‘De turnes a la fey crestiene e apres turne a lay de gyv.’ The date of this statute is unknown, but it evidently falls wiihin the years 1276–1290.

^{page 129 note 7} ‘The better sense of the country coincided with the religious prejudice in urging their banishment.’— Stubbs, , Const. Hist. ii. p. 530Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 8} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 208Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 9} In 1376 the citizens of London demanded the expulsion of the Lombards, ‘whose ostensible calling rendered them most liable to the suspicion of usury.’ This very significant fact seems to me fatal to the argument of those who only see religious bigotry at work in the expulsion of the Jews. Cunningham, , Usury, pp. 50, 51 and nGoogle Scholar.

^{page 130 note 1} Statutum de Judais exeundis Regnum Anglitæ, A.-J.H.E.P. p. 229; Chronica Monasterii de Melsa, R.S. ii. 251.

^{page 130 note 2} Prynne, , Demurrer, p. 36Google Scholar; cf. Bacon (Of Usury): ‘It is the canker and ruin of many men's estates, which in process of time breeds a public poverty.’

^{page 130 note 3} See Tovey, , Angl. Jud. p. 203Google Scholar; his witticisms, however, are not much to the point.

^{page 130 note 4} Chapiths tuchaunz le Gywerie, A.-J.H.E.P. p. 221.

^{page 130 note 5} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 150Google Scholar. The converted Jew would ipso facto change his ethical code: it would now be Christian instead of Talmudic.

^{page 131 note 1} Cunningham, , Growth of English Industry and Commerce, pp. 262 and 266Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 2} Tovey, , Angl. Jud. p. 89Google Scholar. There seems some reason to suppose that guilty Christians may have incriminated the Jews at this time to save themselves. In 1277 Manser fil. Aaron sued for an inquiry into some tools for clipping found on the roof of his house (Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 43)Google Scholar. The Jews themselves had earnestly entreated (22 Hen. III.) that any of their own number properly convicted of this crime might be banished out of the realm, never to return again (Tovey, Angl. Jud. p. 109)Google Scholar. It is significant that all Christian jewellers were imprisoned on the same charge (Rye, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 166)Google Scholar. For a time it became quite common for Christians to trump up similar charges against the Jews, in the hope they would purchase their silence with money. But when the King understood this he ordained that no new charges for old offences should be made after May (Tovey, , Angl. Jud. p. 211)Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 1} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 43Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 2} Holinshed, , Chronicles, ann. 1286Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 3} Ann. Waverley, p. 1287.

^{page 132 note 4} Ibid. p. 1290.

^{page 132 note 5} Lindo, , Jewish Calendar and Chronological Tables, 1181, 1218, 1252Google Scholar. The expulsion of 1252 was carried out by St. Louis, who made, however, an exception in favour of mechanics. It is important to notice that this expulsion belongs to the year of the King's melancholy return from the sixth crusade.

^{page 132 note 6} Lindo indeed asserts the Jews had been all banished by Knut in 1020, but he gives no authority. Basnage (Histoire desjuifs, v. p. 1660) says that Henry II. threatened them with banishment, but was dissuaded by a timely payment of 5,000 marks. There is a tradition that his bishops had pleaded for their expulsion, and suggested he should allow them to take away a sufficient sum of money to ay for their travelling expenses. Trivet speaks of an expulsion in 1210.

^{page 133 note 1} Brand, , History of Newcastle, ii. 140Google Scholar.

^{page 133 note 2} Glover, , History of Derby, Part I. vol. ii.p. 405Google Scholar. The burgesses paid ten marks for this privilege in 1257.

^{page 133 note 3} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 190Google Scholar.

^{page 133 note 4} Ibid. p. 187.

^{page 133 note 5} Cutts, , Colchester, p. 123Google Scholar.

^{page 134 note 1} Chron. Joe. p. 33.

^{page 134 note 2} Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey, ed. Arnold, , p. 249Google Scholar, n.

^{page 134 note 3} Past and Present, ii. 124.

^{page 134 note 4} Ibid. p. 79. Remains of the ‘Abbot's parlour’ may yet be seen at Bury.

^{page 134 note 5} Chron. Joe. p. 33.

^{page 135 note 1} Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey, p. 24.

^{page 135 note 2} Chron. Joe. p. 39.

^{page 135 note 3} Dr. Margoliouth, however, who unduly tries to persuade us to believe that Sampson with his Jewish name was ‘an Israelite indeed’ (i.e. a converted Jew), sees in the expulsion a policy of humanitarianism. He maintains that the Abbot plainly discerned that it was better for the Jews themselves, that they should leave a town where unpopularity was apt to have serious consequences, and dismissed them in their own interests. —The Hebrews in East Anglia.

^{page 135 note 4} Thompson, , English Municipal History, p. 62Google Scholar. ‘Simon de Montfort, lord of Leicester, to all who may see and hear the present page, health in the Lord 1 Know all of you that I, for the good of my soul and the souls of my ancestors and successors, have granted, and by this my present charter have confirmed, on behalf of me and of my heirs for ever, to my burgesses of Leicester and their heirs, that no Jew or Jewess in my time, or in the time of any of my heirs to the end of the world, shall inhabit, or remain, or obtain a residence in Leicester. I also will and command that my heirs after me observe and warrant for ever that liberty entire and inviolate to the aforesaid burgesses,’ &c.

^{page 136 note 1} Grosseteste, , Epistola, ed. Luard, , p. 33Google Scholar. The ‘great clerk’ was at this time Archdeacon of Leicester.

^{page 136 note 2} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 198Google Scholar.

^{page 136 note 3} Matthew Paris, arm. 1235.

^{page 136 note 4} Stubbs, , Const. Hist. ii. 122Google Scholar and n.

^{page 136 note 5} Ann. Waverley, ann. 1290.

^{page 136 note 6} Matt. West, ann. 1290.

^{page 136 note 7} Catalogue of the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, Preface, p. 3. I do not know what leads ProfessorFreeman, to say that the expulsion was carried out with ‘peculiar atrocity ’ (Oxford, p. 27)Google Scholar.

^{page 137 note 1} Prynne, , Demurrer, p. 113Google Scholar; Cunningham, , Growth Eng. Industry and Commerce, p. 266Google Scholar.

^{page 137 note 2} Ibid. p. 113. The Archbishop of York was impeached for conniving with the Prior to conceal the fact that the sum of 200l. was owing to the King.

^{page 137 note 3} Davies, , ‘The Mediæval Jews of York,’ in the Yorkshire Archæohgical Journal, iiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 137 note 4} Prynne, , Demurrer, p. 117Google Scholar. Hugh of Kendale was instructed with the management of the matter.

^{page 137 note 5} Ante, p. 129.

^{page 137 note 6} Prynne, pp. 111–114.

^{page 138 note 1} Matthew of Westminster gives the exact number as 16,511 (ann. 1290); Coke (Institutes) gives 15,060.

^{page 138 note 2} Holinshed, , Ckron. 1290Google Scholar; the italics are my own.

^{page 138 note 3} Wolf, , The Middle Age of Anglo-Jewish History, A.-J.H.E.P. p. 55Google Scholar.

^{page 139 note 1} Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 51Google Scholar.

^{page 139 note 2} Davies, , Yorks. Arch. Journal, iiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 139 note 3} Wolf, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 57Google Scholar.

^{page 139 note 4} In 1308 there were fifty-one inmates (Wolf, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 55)Google Scholar. I do not know why it is stated (Jacobs, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 41)Google Scholar that the number of inmates was never more than thirteen.

^{page 139 note 5} Neubauer, , Collectanea, p. 314Google Scholar.

^{page 139 note 6} ha-Cohen, Joseph, quoted in Wolf, , A.J.H.E.P. p. 57Google Scholar n.

^{page 139 note 7} Cunningham, , Industry and Commerce, p. 267Google Scholar. In 1410 Elias Sabot, physician, was allowed to settle and practise in any part of the realm. Possibly many Jews may have found their way into England when Ferdinand and Isabella turned them out of Spain, and they are said to have built a synagogue in London.

^{page 140 note 1} Rye, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 67Google Scholar. See also Lee, , Gentleman's Magazine, 02 1880Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 2} Wolf, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 58Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 3} Ibid. p. 77.

^{page 140 note 4} From an entry in the Privy Council Register, quoted by Neubauer.

^{page 140 note 5} Demurrer, p. 128.

^{page 140 note 6} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. p. 203Google Scholar and nn. ‘Catalla Judæorum sunt domini Regis propria,’ ‘Judæus vero nihil proprium habere potest, quia quicquid acquirit non sibi acquirit sed regi,’ &c.

^{page 140 note 7} Henry III. ‘sold’ the Jews to Richard, Earl of Cornwall, in 1255, and later in his reign mortgaged them to Prince Edward, who handed them on to the merchants of South France (Tovey, , Angl. Jud. p. 158)Google Scholar. ‘Like a second Titus or Vespasian,’ writes Matthew Paris, the King ‘sold the Jews to Earl Richard his brother, that the Earl might disembowel those whom he had already skinned.’

^{page 141 note 1} Statute of Judaism.

^{page 141 note 2} Gross, , A.-J.H.E.P. pp. 192–205Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 3} Ibid. p. 211; Stubbs, , Const. Hist. ii. 531Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 4} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. pp. 198–9Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 5} Cunningham, , City Opinion on Banking, p. 2Google Scholar n.

^{page 141 note 6} Bond, , Archæologia, xxviiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 141 note 7} Ibid. Edward gave the Frescobaldi 10,000 l. ‘in recompensationem dampnorum et jacturarum quæ iidem mercatores sustinuerunt ratione retardatinis solutionis debitorum prædictorum.’

^{page 142 note 1} Hall, , Customs Revenue, ii. 130Google Scholar. In his thirty-fourth year Edward handed over the customs of wool and leather at every port in England, to some merchants of Florence.

^{page 142 note 2} Matthew Paris, ann. 1253. He gives the extremely urgent speech of Elyas le Evesk, who was so overcome with excitement that at its conclusion he fell ‘almost into an ecstasy, ready to die.’

^{page 142 note 3} Ashley, , Econ. Hist. p. 195Google Scholar.

^{page 142 note 4} Tovey, , Angl. Jud. p. 80Google Scholar. The Wardens of the Cinque Ports were warned not tc oppose their landing.

^{page 143 note 1} Epist. p. 36.

^{page 143 note 2} Cunningham, , Christian Opinion on Usury, p. 48Google Scholar and note.

^{page 143 note 3} Lanin, , Fortnightly Review, 10 1890Google Scholar.

^{page 144 note 1} The Times, Oct. 13, 1890.

^{page 144 note 2} In 1878, of the entire number of recruits who did not respond when called upon, 87 per cent, were Jews. Sovremennäa Rossia.

^{page 144 note 3} Bigland, , History of Gloucester, p. 135Google Scholar.

^{page 144 note 4} Flores Ilistoriarum, ann. 1245.

^{page 144 note 5} Skalkoffsky, , Sovremennäa Rossia, quoted in Contemporary Review, 03 1891Google Scholar. The numbers are taken from the Address Calendar of the Odessa police.

^{page 144 note 6} Compare the state of affairs in Austria.

^{page 144 note 7} Exodus i. 8.

^{page 145 note 1} A man who lends at 100 per cent, is looked upon as a benefactor; ‘in extreme cases’ the borrower is quite ready to pay 1,200 per cent, a year; while at very exceptional times money has been borrowed from the koolak at 2,500 per cent. (Lanin, , Contemporary Review, 12 1891)Google Scholar.

^{page 145 note 2} Mme. Ragozin, , Century Magazine, xxiii. 908Google Scholar. M. Skalkoffsky writes to the same effect: ‘With few unimportant exceptions the Jews are not personally concerned in any productive industry, but almost invariably occupy a sort of intermediate position as middlemen, petty traders, agents, brokers, &c.’

^{page 146 note 1} Mme. Ragozin, , Century Magazine, xxiii. 919Google Scholar.

^{page 146 note 2} Ibid. xxiv. 54.

^{page 146 note 3} Since the above words were written Russia has ceased to be merely ‘moderately inconvenient’ to them.