¹ The current debate about the English Reformation has been pursued in general accounts such as Scarisbrick's, J. J.The Reformation and the English People (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar, local studies such as Bowker, M., The Henrician Reformation: the Diocese of Lincoln under John Longland 1520–1547 (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar, and essays such as The Reformation Revised, ed. Haigh, C. (Cambridge, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It is summarised in O'Day's, R.The Debate on the English Reformation (1986)Google Scholar. It remains to be seen whether Dickens's, A. G. magisterial survey, ‘The Early Expansion of Protestantism in England 1520–1558’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, lxxviii (1987), 187–222Google Scholar, represents a truce, or merely a new phase in hostilities.

² Calendar of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII (henceforth LP), ed. Brewer, J. S., Gairdner, J. and Brodie, R. H. (1862–1932), iiiGoogle Scholar, pt. i, appendix to the preface, pp. ccccxxxviii–ix.

³ This is known only by hearsay as the proclamation itself does not survive. But it cannot have been issued when Tunstall left for Germany in September 1520 (LP iii, pt. 1, 973); nor yet, perhaps, when John Dome of Oxford sold two books of Luther's in December. However, the interrogatories put to Humphrey Monmouth in 1528 show that the ban was common knowledge by April 1521 (LP iv, pt. 2, 4260). A letter from Leo X to Wolsey expressing thanks for the ban, dated 17 March 1521, allows us to propose a date in January or early February (LP iii, pt. 1, 1234).

⁴ LP iii, pt. 1, 1220 and 1233, Pace to Wolsey, 7 and 16 April.

⁵ LP iii, pt. 1, 1218.

⁶ The sermon of John, in The English Works of John Fisher, pt. 1, ed. Mayor, J. E. B. (Early English Text Society, extra ser. xxvii, 1876), 327Google Scholar, ‘the kynges grace our souerayne lorde in his owne persone hath with his pen so substauncyally foghten agaynst Martyn luther’. See the Venetian ambassador's report of 13 May 1521 in I Diarii di Marino Sanuto, ed. Stefani, F., Berchet, G., and Barozzi, N. (58 vols., Venice, 1879–1903), xxx. 315Google Scholar.

⁷ The Register of Charles Bothe, Bishop of Hereford (1516–35), ed. Bannister, A. T., Cantilupe Society (Hereford, 1921), 102Google Scholar, records its arrival at Hereford between 6 June and 28 July 1521. Rouschausse, J., La vie et l'oeuvre de Jean Fisher (Nieuwkoop, 1972), 137Google Scholar, notes its arrival in Rochester on 4 June.

⁸ At Cambridge Dr Nicholas (the deputy vice-chancellor) was reimbursed ‘pro potu et aliis expensis circa combustionem librorum Martini lutheri’. See Grace Book B, Part II, ed. Bateson, M. (Cambridge, 1905), 93Google Scholar. In Oxford the bull was fixed to the dial in St Mary's churchyard, and Luther's books were burned. See Wood, A., The History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford, ed. Gutch, J. (2 vols., Oxford, 1792–1796), ii. 19Google Scholar.

⁹ Epistolae Academicae, ed. Mitchell, W. A. (Oxford Historical Society, new ser. xxvi, 1980), 380Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Grace Book B II, 92, records reimbursement ‘pro expensis londini circa examinacionem lutheri ad mandatum domini Cardinalis’. Bullock's, H.Lepidissimum Opusculum Luciani (Cambridge, 1521)Google Scholarsig. A3v, ‘quam [viz. academia] iamdudum in nobis cum eramus Londini eius [viz. Wolsey] nomine, multis beneficiis ornavit, nunquam satis laudata benignitas tua’. The gifts to West on 1 June (Grace Book B II, 92) were presumably in return for those favours.

¹¹ Presenting the Assertio to Leo X, claimed, Clerk ‘Coetum virorum undecumque doctissimorum quo in hunc [viz. Luther] scriberent, convocavit: eosque suis impensis, mensibus aliquot aluit’, Assertio Septem Sacramentorum (1522)Google Scholar, sig. B1r.

¹² Emden's, A. B.Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to 1500 (3 vols., Oxford, 1957–1959; henceforth BRUO) summarises their careers at pp. 268, 470, 1047, 1053, 1510, and 1590Google Scholar.

¹³ De Calamitale Excidio & Conquestu Britanniae, ed. Virgil, P. (1525)Google Scholar, dedication to Tunstall.

¹⁴ Assertionis Lutheranae Confutatio (Antwerp, 1523)Google Scholar. Ridley also owned Dietenberger's, JohnDe Votis Monasticis (Cologne, 1524)Google Scholar. See Emden, A. B., Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge to 1500 (Cambridge, 1963, henceforth BRUC), pp. 105, 481, and 681Google Scholar. For Walkden and Watson see pp. 611 and 622.

¹⁵ de Moreau, É. SJ, ‘Luther et l'Université de Louvain’, Nouvelle Revue Theologique, liv (1927), 401–35, esp. 416–19Google Scholar. The bull had arrived in England towards the end of March, and was published on 12 May, which suggests there was some connection with the commission.

¹⁶ Henry VIII (1968), 403–20.

¹⁷ LP iii, pt. 1. 1450, Wolsey to Henry, c. July 1521.

¹⁸ Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, ii. 363, Juan Manuel to Charles V, 17 October 1521.

¹⁹ Roper, W., The Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, knyghte, ed. Hitchcock, E. V. (Early English Text Society, original ser. cxcvii, 1935), 67Google Scholar.

²⁰ LP iii, pt. 1, 1233, Pace to Wolsey, 16 April 1521.

²¹ LP iii, pt. 1, 1297.

²² Bale, John, Scriptorum Illustrium Maioris Brytanniae Catalogus (2 vols., Basel, 1557), 707Google Scholar.

²³ Epistolae Academicae, letters 89 and 90, pp. 111–14: Oxford University to Henry and Wolsey, 17 February 1522. Powell's, Edward book was Propugnaculum Summi Sacerdotii Evangelici (1523)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Bowker, , Hentician Reformation, 57–64Google Scholar.

²⁵ LP iv. pt. 1. 995, Longland to Wolsey, 5 Jan. 1525. This clearly belongs to 1526.

²⁶ Longland, J., Tres Conciones (1528)Google Scholar, fo. 35r. The sermon was delivered on 27 November, at the start of the proceedings against Bilney and Arthur.

²⁷ LP iii. pt. 1. 1193, Warham to Wolsey, 8 March, reports the contents of the letter from Oxford. Warham's letter is printed by Ellis, H. in Original Letters, Illustrative of the English Reformation (11 vols., 1825–1846), 3rd. ser., i. 239Google Scholar. LP follows Ellis in dating it to 1521, but Warham's claim that the Lutheran infection had been contracted from Cambridge (p. 241), and his advice that only the ringleaders be summoned to London, while the small fry be dealt with at Oxford (p. 242), clearly refer to the Cardinal's College affair.

²⁸ Wood, , History, ii. 32Google Scholar.

²⁹ Epistolae Academicae, ep. 188, pp. 262–4: Hugh, abbot of Reading, to Oxford Univ., 4 Dec. 1530; and the reply, ep. 190, 265–6.

³⁰ LP viii. 799, deposition against Robert Croft, fellow of New College, relating to comments made around 19 May 1535, to the effect that college funds would not be available to radicals. See also LP vii. 308, Michael Drome to William Marshall, 9 March 1534.

³¹ Wood, , History, ii. 45–6, and 48Google Scholar.

³² LP vii. 259.

³³ Dickens, A. G., Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York 1509–1558 (Oxford, 1959), 141Google Scholar.

³⁴ LP x. 950. Elton, G. R., Policy and Police (Cambridge, 1972), 25Google Scholar, notes that Smyth also attacked the Lutheran doctrine of justification. It is not clear whether this is to be identified with the sermon Smyth preached that year at the recantation of a heretic (Wood, , History, ii. 65Google Scholar). Further light should be cast on Smyth's intriguing career by Colin Armstrong, of Trinity College, Cambridge, who is currently researching into religious conservatism in the later years of Henry VIII.

³⁵ The Works of Hugh Latimer, ed. Corrie, G. E. (2 vols., Parker Society, 1844–1845), ii. 225Google Scholar, lists Powell, Hubbardine, the master prior of St John's, master Goodryche, and the Dominican John Hilsey as Latimer's early Bristol opponents.

³⁶ Sermons very fruitful (1557). See fos. 19r, 37v and 165v for criticisms of Luther.

³⁷ Catholica Confutatio (Paris, 1556), fo. 2rGoogle Scholar. Robertson was deprived of his preferments under Elizabeth.

³⁸ For Edgeworth, Harpsfield, Hubbardine, Moreman, Robertson, Smyth, and Weston, see Emden, A. B., Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, AD 1501–1540 (Oxford, 1974), 184–5, 268–9, 308, 400, 487–8, 524–6, and 616–7Google Scholar. Weston's few years in gaol under Edward VI are missed by Emden, but are attested by Weston himself in the records of the 1554 disputation with Latimer, (Works, ii, 265)Google Scholar.

³⁹ Foxe, J., Acts and Monuments, ed. Townsend, G. (8 vols., 1843–1849), vii. 437 and 145–452Google Scholar. Despite the obvious conflation of Latimer's Christmas Sermon of 1525 with his Sermons on the Card of 1529, there is no reason to doubt the names, although some of the heads of houses may merely have signed some written censure of Latimer.

⁴⁰ Latimer, , Works, ii. 309–17Google Scholar, for Latimer's reply. Shirwood, , a royal chaplain (LP v. p. 315)Google Scholarand court preacher (LP v. p. 324), was a noted hebraist (see his Ecclesiastes, Antwerp, 1523)Google ScholarPubMedwho studied much abroad. He incorporated DD at Cambridge in 1526, and can probably be identified with the Shirwood who had graduated BA in 1508 and MA in 1511. See , J. and Venn, J. A., Alumni Cantabrigienses (10 vols., Cambridge, 1922–1954), part 1, vol. iv, p. 65Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Oratio de Laudibus (n.d.), sigs. N4v. to O3r. Though the sermon is dated 1524, internal evidence shows that it was revised before being published circa 1528–9.

⁴² Kotser Codicis (n.d., but c. 1534), sig. F.ii.v.

⁴³ Confutatio (Antwerp, 1523)Google Scholar, sig. a2r–v.

⁴⁴ Powell, Propugnaculum, fo. lv. See also LP iv. pt. 1. 1143, Croke to Gold, no date.

⁴⁵ LP iii. pt. 2. 2052. Latimer certainly, and Farman allegedly, later developed Protestant sympathies. I have been unable to identify ‘Pareus’.

⁴⁶ Latimer, , Works, i. 334Google Scholar. His copy of Propugnaculum is Cambridge University Library F.9.55.

⁴⁷ Confutatio, title page verso, letters under the Privy Seal granting the royal privilege to Addison in publishing the book.

⁴⁸ Smith, M. H., ‘Some Humanist Libraries in Early Tudor Cambridge’, Sixteenth Century Journal, v, pt. i (1974), 15–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ He also owned the Evangelicae Veritatis Homiliae Centuriae Tres (Cologne, 1532)Google Scholarof Friedrich Nausea, a leading Catholic reformer, which he annotated favourably. His copy is O.2.29 in the library of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.

⁵⁰ Contio quam Anglice habuit (Cambridge, 1522)Google Scholar, title page verso to sig. B3r, dated 1 Jan. 1521 (i.e. 1522).

⁵¹ LP viii, 452, no. 1.

⁵² Collinson, P., though properly cautious, perhaps makes a little too much of Permbroke Protestantism in the 1520s in Archbishop Grindal 1519–1583 (1979), 38–9Google Scholar. The evidence for the Protestantism of George Stafford or Stavert is decidedly flimsy. His will is traditional in form, though his bequests of his Greek and Hebrew scriptures confirm his reputation as an Erasmian humanist. Cambridge University Library, University Archives, Vice-chancellor's Probate, Register of Wills, I, fo. 49v.

⁵³ H. C. Porter is only interested in the college's later history as one of the ‘notorious strongholds of factious Calvinist Puritanism’: Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge, 1958), 3Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ The Early Statutes of St John's College, Cambridge, ed. Mayor, J. E. B. (Cambridge, 1858), 88Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Elton, , Policy and Police, 21–2Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ LP ix. 52, Simon Heynes to Cromwell, 2 October 1535, reported that Baynes had left England for Paris before Fisher's execution. Accounts in St John's College, Cambridge show that he had ceased to draw his salary as reader in Hebrew there in 1534 (Cambridge, St John's College, Muniments D106.6, fo. 65v last mentions him receiving payment on Lady Day 1534). He was still in Paris in 1538 (LP xiii. pt. 1. 1169, Richard Brandisby to his brother Peter, 11 June 1538). Fisher was interrogated about his activities in 1534 (LP viii. 859, questions 23 and 37). Baynes may have returned to England in the 1540s, as his rectory at Hardwick was vacant through resignation in 1544 (Cambridge University Library, Ely Diocesan Records G/I/7, Registers of West and Goodrich, fo. 72v). But he had not been resident there, and he was certainly abroad again by 1548.

⁵⁷ LP xiv. pt. 2. 684, Sir W. Eure to the Council of the North, 14 Dec. 1539. Hillyard was elected fellow of St John's College, Cambridge, in 1524. He graduated BD in 1530 and DD in 1532.

⁵⁸ LP vii. 303, Rud to Roland Lee, 8 March 1534. This was probably also the occasion of the letter dated 11 February (no year) from the Master of Christ's to Cromwell, calendared at LP v. 798. See also Cranmer to Cromwell, 28 April 1534, Crammer's Remains (Parker Society, 1846), 287Google ScholarPubMed. Rud's subsequent career was that of a ‘Vicar of Bray’, Venn, , Alumni Cantabngienses, part 1, vol. 3, p. 496Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ A fifteenth-century Wells calendar that passed into the possession of John Cheke and then William Cecil (British Library, Additional MS 6059) has in Cheke's hand the entry ‘Exequie Roffensis in Collegio Joannis, iiis iiiid.’ to which Cecil added the date 22–23 June. See Robinson, J. Armitage, ‘Somerset Mediaeval Calendars’, in Muchelney Memoranda, ed. Schofield, B., Somerset Record Society, xlii (1927), 143–83, esp. 145–6Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Scott, R. F., ‘Notes from the College Records’, The Eagle xxxi (1910), 332Google Scholar, deposition by Thomas Watson, 15 October 1565. ‘Doctor Metcalf after the aforesaid visitation … was in trooble before … Lord Crumwell, and shortly after I was present in the Colledge Chaple when he returnyng home dyd in the presence of all the fellows resygne the Maystershippe, saying that he was commaunded to do so, whych he dyd with weepyng tears’.

⁶¹ Baker, T., History of the College of St John the Evangelist, Cambridge, ed. Mayor, J. E. B. (2 vols., Cambridge, 1869), i. 110–11Google Scholar. Wilson was elected on the first ballot, but wisely declined the honour. Day was then elected by majority.

⁶² De Veritate (Cologne, 1527)Google Scholar, Cambridge University Library Rel. d. 52. 17, facing title page, in italic script, ‘G. C. Lectori. Quanquam opus hoc grande tibi videri possit Lector consultum tamen tibi velim ut in perlegendo non disistas. Nam si hunc assecutus fueris satis strenuum ac armatum fore adversus impias sacramentariorum sycophantias spero. Vale & Spartam quam nactus es hanc adorna. 1545’. On the title page is written ‘Gulielmus Cicyll’. Professor Sir Geoffrey Elton has pointed out to me that the dedication is not in Cecil's familiar hand, and that Cecil is not known to have written an italic hand. But no other William Cecil can be identified at either Oxford or Cambridge at this time. There is no impossibility in his owning Fisher's book at this date. Sir William Petre bought a copy in 1547. See Emmison, F. G., Tudor Secretary (1961), 220 (a reference I owe to Colin Armstrong)Google Scholar. However, though I am inclined to think Cecil did own the book, it cannot be regarded as certain.

⁶³ De Iustificatione, ed.Tunstall, C. (Antwerp, 1555)Google Scholar. Under Edward VI Redman came to doubt transubstantiation and to regret his work on justification.

⁶⁴ Dickens, , Lollards and Protestants, 218–19Google Scholar. Venn, , Alumni, Part 1, vol. iv, p. 297Google Scholar. , C. H. and Cooper, T., Athenae Cantabrigienses, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1858–1861), vol. i, p. 327Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Bullock, G., Oeconomia Methodica Concordantiarum Scripturae Sacrae (Antwerp, 1572)Google Scholar, dedications, sigs. + 3r—+ 4v.

⁶⁶ See Langdaile's Confutatio, fo. 2v, for a poem by Seton in praise of that work. Seton himself wrote a pamphlet of verses in praise of Mary, and in defence of the eucharist, upon Mary's accession: Panegyrki in victoriam illustrissimae D. Mariae reginae (1553).

⁶⁷ Porter, , Reformation and Reaction, 95–6Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Fisher, J., Defensio Regiae Assertionis (Cologne, 1525)Google Scholar, dedication to Nicholas West, sixth leaf recto.

⁶⁹ The two books were clearly revised for simultaneous publication, as each referred to the other as already written. Fisher, Defensio, fo. LXVIr; Sacri Sacerdotii, fo. XLIIIv.

⁷⁰ LP iv. pt. 1. 995, Longland to Wolsey, 5 Jan. 1525 (really 1526).

⁷¹ Sacri Sacerdotii, sig. a4r.

⁷² Convulsio Calumniarum (Antwerp, 1522)Google Scholar, sig. A2r.

⁷³ Sacri Sacerdotii, sig. a4r.

⁷⁴ De Veritate, fo. LXIIIr.

⁷⁵ De Veritate Corporis et Sanguinis Domini Nostri Iesu Christi in Eucharistia (Paris, 1554)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Surtz, E., The Works and Days of John Fisher (Harvard, 1967), 97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁷ LP iii. pt. 1. 1193, Warham to Wolsey, 8 March 1522 (misplaced from 1527).

⁷⁸ LP iv. pt. 1. 435, Clement VII to Wolsey, 20 June 1524.

⁷⁹ Defensio Regiae, sixth leaf recto.

⁸⁰ R. Sharpe to N. Metcalfe, 1 July (1522), St John's College, Muniments D105.43. Transcribed by Gray, G. J., ‘Letters of Bishop Fisher, 1521–3’, The Library, 3rd ser., xv (1913), 142–5Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Gemeentelijke Archiefdienst, Gouda, MS 959, pp. 15–23. Printed in Fisher, J., Opera Omnia (Würzburg, 1597), 1704–07Google Scholar. For Lethmaet see Contemporaries of Erasmus, ed. Bietenholz, P. G. and Deutscher, T. B. (3 vols., Toronto, 1985–1987), ii. 327–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸² Enchiridion Locorum Communum, ed. Fraenkel, P. (Corpus Catholicorum xxxiv, Münster, 1979), p. 24*Google Scholar.

⁸³ Marius, R., Thomas More: a biography (New York, 1984), 326Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ LP iv. pt. 2. 4028.

⁸⁵ Bouck, C. M. argued convincingly for this in ‘On the Identity of Papyrius Geminus Eleates’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, ii (1958), 352–8Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Erasmi Epistolae, (EE), ed. Allen, P. S., (12 vols., Oxford, 1906–1917)Google Scholar, iv letter (ep.) 1064, to Oecolampadius, c. 5 Feb. 1520, ‘Eduuardo, qui et in sex positiones Lutheriscripsit’. Bale, , Catalogus i. 709Google Scholar. L. E. Whatmore claims there is a copy of Batemanson's book, printed at Paris in 1538, in the Bodleian Library (see The Carthusians under King Henry VIII, Analecta Cartusiana cix (Salzburg, 1983, p. 12)Google Scholar), but I have found no trace of it.

⁸⁷ De Veritate, sig. BB4r, ‘Guillielmus Meltonus Eboracensis ecclesiae Cancellarius, theologus eximius, qui de quibusdam capitibus haeresum Lutheri scripsit. Sed liber eius haud dum praelo commissus est, sicut nee aliorum plurimi’.

⁸⁸ Testamenta Eboracensia V (Surtees Society lxxix, 1884), 258–9Google Scholar. The vaguely entitled ‘Disputacio contra Lutherum’ could well be Henry's Assertio.

⁸⁹ De Libero Arbitrio (1523); and Problema Indulgentiarum (1523).

⁹⁰ Monumenta Reformationis Germaniae, ed. Balan, P. (Berlin, 1883)Google Scholar, letter 98.

⁹¹ LP iii, pt. 1. 1204, Giglis to Pace, 29 March 1521.

⁹² LP iii pt. 1. 1411.

⁹³ LP iv. pt. 1. 40, misplaced in 1524.

⁹⁴ Ob der Kunig us Engelland ein Lugner sey oder der Luther (Strasburg, 1522)Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ LP iii. pt. 2. 3270, More to Wolsey, 26 Aug. 1523.

⁹⁶ LP iii. pt. 2. 3390, Morley to Wolsey, 4 Oct. 1523.

⁹⁷ LP iii. pt. 2. 3373, Morley to Wolsey, Sept. 1523.

⁹⁸ De Caena Dominica, in Martini Buceri Opera Latina, volume I, ed. Augustijn, C., Fraenkel, P. and Lienhard, M.. (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, xxx, Leiden, 1976), 6, 10, and 17Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ LP iii. pt. 2. 3630, Fabri to Henry, 12 Dec. 1523, a letter of thanks.

¹⁰⁰ De Intercession Sanctorum, in Opuscula (Leipzig, 1538)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Latomus, De Fide et Operibus, el De Institutes Monaslicis, dedication to the reader, 6 June 1530. See his Opera Omnia (Louvain, 1550)Google ScholarPubMed, fo. 133r.

¹⁰² Cochlaeus to Aleander, 23 April 1534, printed in Friedensburg, W., ‘Beisträge zum Briefwechsel der Katholischen Gelehrten Deutschlands im Reformationszeitalter,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte xviii (1898), 247–8Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ EE, v. ep. 1367, pp. 290–3, esp. 292.

¹⁰⁴ EE v. ep. 1430, pp. 417–18. ‘Si gustus operis probabitur maiestati tuae caeterisque doctis, absoluemus et alicubi excudiendum curabimus’.

¹⁰⁵ EE v. 1481, 2 Sept. 1524. See also eps. 1482 to Aleander, and 1483 to Hezius. For the English batch, see eps. 1486, to Wolsey (2 Sept.); 1487, to Tunstall; 1488, to Warham; and 1489, to Fisher (all of 4 Sept.); and 1493, to Henry (6 Sept.).

¹⁰⁶ Asseritur hie invictissimi Angliae regis liber de sacramentis (Rome, 1523)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ William Hay of King's College, Aberdeen, recorded that Eck made his journey disguised with lay clothes and a thick beard (because he wished to pass through Reformed territories), and accompanied by his dog. See Barry, J. C., ‘William Hay of Aberdeen: A Sixteenth Century Scottish Theologian and Canonist’, The Innes Review ii (1951), p. 96Google Scholar. I owe this curious reference to Colin Armstrong.

¹⁰⁸ Eck to Clement VII (17 Sept. 1525), ep. 255 in Balan, , Monumenta, 538–40Google Scholar, describes his tour.

¹⁰⁹ Bridgett, T. E., Blessed John Fisher (1888), 114–16Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Herbrüggen, H. S., ‘A Letter of Dr johann Eck to Thomas More,’ Moreana, ii, no. 8 (1965). 51–8, esp. p. 53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹¹ Eck, J., Enchiridion, p. 2Google Scholar. This critical edition attempts to identify Eck's sources.

¹¹² Enchiridion, p. 300.

¹¹³ Enchiridion Locorum Communium (Antwerp, 1531), title pageGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁴ LP vii. 1307; viii, 799 and ix. 846.

¹¹⁵ LP iv. pt. 1. 1802 and 1803, Lee to Henry VIII and Wolsey, 2 Dec. 1525.

¹¹⁶ LP iv. pt. 1. 995.

¹¹⁷ Marius, , Thomas More, 326Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Epistola Iohannis Bugenhagii Pomeranii ad Anglos. Responsio Iohannis Cochlaei (n.p., 1526).

¹¹⁹ LP iv. pt. 2. 3261, Vives to Henry VIII. LP dates this to 1527, but Smith, P. argued convincingly for 1526 in ‘Luther and Henry VIII,’ E.H.R., xxv (1910), 656–69, esp. p. 663CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Birch, D., Early Reformation English Polemics (Salzburg, 1983) p. 27Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ LP iv. pt. 2. 2371, Wolsey to Henry VIII, 4 Aug. 1526.

¹²¹ LP iv. pt. 2. 2420, Knight to Wolsey, 21 Aug. 1526.

¹²² LP iv. pt. 2. 2668, John Wallop to Wolsey from Cologne, reported forwarding the copies for Saxony and Mainz.

¹²³ LP iv. pt. 2. 3697, Duke Georg to Henry, 27 Dec. 1526 (misplaced in 1527).

¹²⁴ LP iv. pt. 2. 2776, Albert of Mainz to Henry, 3 Jan. 1527; and 3031, Campeggio to Henry, 10 April 1527. It ran to eleven editions. See Klaiber, W., Katholische Kontroverstheologen und Reformer des 16. Jahrhunderts (Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte 116), 136Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ For a sympathetic account of Cochlaeus, see Bäumer, R., ‘Johannes Cochlaeus (1479–1552),’ Katholische Theologen der Reformationszeit, ed. Iserloh, E. (2 vols., Münster, 1984), i. 73–81Google Scholar. For a less sympathetic treatment, Wiedermann, G., ‘Cochlaeus as Polemicist,’ Seven-Headed Luther ed. Brooks, P. N. (Oxford, 1983), 195–205Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ Letter to Henry VIII, 26 Aug. 1529, in Pollen, J. H., ‘Johannes Cochläusan König Heinrich VIII von England und Thomas Morus,’ Römische Quartalschrift, xiii (1899), 43–9, esp. p. 44Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Cochlaeus, J., Commentaria … de actis et scriptis Martini Lutheri (Mainz, 1549), p. 134Google Scholar, tells the story, noting the Lutheran boast, ‘Velint Nolint Rex et Cardinalis Angliae, totam Angliam brevi fore Lutheranam’.

¹²⁸ This explodes the common misconception that Tyndale's translation was being printed by (of all people!) Peter Quentell. van den Brink, J. N. Bakhuisen names Quentell as the printer in his ‘Ratramn's Eucharistic Doctrine and its Influence in Sixteenth-Century England’, Studies in Church History, ii (1965), 65Google Scholar, without giving any authority, but the error goes back at least to 1870. Its ultimate origin was doubtless a careless reading of Cochlaeus. The notion that these events took place in 1524 also has no basis in the records.

¹²⁹ Cochlaeus, , Commentaria, 134Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ The various works of Rupert included: In Apocalypsim Johannis, dedicated to Henry VIII; De Glorificatione Triniiatis, to Fisher; In Cantica Canticorum, to Tunstall, , from Henry, Abbot of Deutz (all Cologne, 1526)Google Scholar; De Operibus Sanctae Trinitatis (Cologne, 1528), to Wolsey, , from Birckmann, FranzGoogle Scholar; and De Victoria Verbi Dei (Cologne, 1529), to West, Google Scholar.

¹³¹ British Library Cottonian MS Vitellius B. xxi. fo. 11. See LP iv. part 2. 2530.

¹³² Cochlaeus, , Commentaria, p. 135Google Scholar.

¹³³ BL Cotton MS Cleopatra E. v. fo. 392. See LP iv. part 2. 3960.

¹³⁴ The preface of this very rare book is reprinted in Cochlaeus's Commentaria, 172–4.

¹³⁵ Beati Isidori … De Ecclesiasticis Officiis (Leipzig, 1534), dedication to Ridley, (sigs. A1v to A2v)Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ Von dem hochgelehrten geistlichen bischoff Jo von Roffen uss Engelland, seines grosen nutzichen bucks zwei artickeln verteutscht von Doctor Jo. Cochleus (Strasbourg, 1524)Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Adversus Latrocinantes et Raptorias Cohortes Rusticorum. Responsio Johannis Cochlaei Wendelstini (Cologne, 09 1525)Google Scholar. Title page verso.

¹³⁸ In his dedication to Henry of In Apocalypsim, Cochlaeus cited a letter from Fisher looking forward to the editions of Rupert on John's Gospel and Revelations (title page verso).

¹³⁹ Cochlaeus to Pirckheimer, 15 September 1526, cited in Surtz, , Works and Days, 337Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ EE vii. ep. 1928, from Cochlaeus, 8 Jan. 1528, 288, ‘Rogo igitur … ut scribas contra hanc diram sectam; … Itidem rogabo reuerendissimum dominum Roffensem’.

¹⁴¹ Letter to More, 29 June 1531, Pollen, , ‘Cochläus an Heinrich VIII’, 48Google Scholar, ‘Utinam Rosseus vester aut R. D. Episcopus Roffensis hunc rhetorem digne pro meritis excipiat’.

¹⁴² Cochlaeus, J., Fasciculus Calumniarum (Leipzig, 1529)Google Scholar, sig. A. i. v, dedication to Fisher, dated 5 July 1529, ‘Quod in Lutherum nihil amplius aedis aut scribere intendis, meo quidem judicio recte facis’.

¹⁴³ LP viii. 859, p. 336, no. 8.

¹⁴⁴ Dowling, M. draws attention to the effect of the marriage crisis in disturbing the peace of English humanism in her Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII (1986), 44Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ LP vii. 152, Chapuys to Charles V, 4 Feb. 1534.