^{page 61 note 1} de Poitiers, Guillaume, Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, ed. Foreville, Raymonde (Paris, 1952), p. 154Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 2} In his treaty with Henry I, in 1101, the count of Flanders stipulated that military obligations to the emperor should count as a legitimate reason for not going to England to help the king against invasion. Henry IV's permission was therefore not without moment. Cf. Actes des Comtes de Flandre, 1071–1128, ed. Vercauteren, F. (Académie Royale de Belgique, 1938), p. 90, § 4, and p. 92, § 13Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 3} Brunos Buch vom Sachsenkrieg, ed. Lohmann, H. (Leipzig, 1937), p. 38Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 4} Lampert, of Hersfeld, , Annales, ed. Holder-Egger, O., Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, 1894, p. 195Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 1} von Giesebrecht, W., Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 5th ed., iii, pp. 223 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 62 note 2} Rössler, O., Kaiserin Mathilde, Mutter Heinrichs von Anjou, und das Zeitalter der Anarchie in England (Berlin, 1897)Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 1} S. Anselmi … Opera Omnia, ed. Schmitt, F. S., v (Edinburgh, 1951), p. 410, no. 461Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 2} Farrer, W., ‘An Outline Itinerary of King Henry I’, Eng. Hist. Rev., xxxiv (1919), p. 353Google Scholar; Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Plummer, C. (Oxford, 1892–1899), i, p. 242Google Scholar: ‘Daer wurdon þa forewearda full worhte.’

^{page 63 note 3} Henry, of Huntingdon, , Historia Anglorum, ed. Arnold, T. (R.S., 1879), p. 237Google Scholar: ‘mole corporis et cultuum splendoribus excellentes’. For Suger's impressions of a German embassy at Châlons-sur-Marne, in 1107, see his Gesta Ludovici Regis cognomento Grossi, ch. 9, ed. Molinier, A. (Collection de Textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire), Paris, 1887, p. 26Google Scholar, and infra, p. 71.

^{page 63 note 4} Vitalis, Ordericus, Hist[oria] Eccl[esiastica], ed. Le Prévost, A., iv (Paris, 1852), p. 296Google Scholar. On Burkhard's career, see Hausmann, F., Reichskanzlei und Hofkapelle unter Heinrich V und Konrad III (Schriften der M[onumenta] G[ermaniae] H[istorica], xiv, Stuttgart, 1956), pp. 87 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 5} Annales Patherbrunnenses, ed. Scheffer-Boichorst, P. (Innsbruck, 1870), p. 122Google Scholar; von Knonau, G. Meyer, Jahrbücher des Deutschen Retches unter Heinrich IV und Heinrich V, vi, pp. 116 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 6} Annales Patherbrunnenses, loc. cit., and Robert of Torigny's additions to William of Jumièges' Gesta Normannorum Ducum, ed. Marx, J. (Société de l'histoire de Normandie), Rouen, 1914, p. 281Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 1} Robert of Torigny, loc. cit. It appears from Suger (op. cit., loc. cit.) that Archbishop Bruno was able to speak French.

^{page 64 note 2} von Aura, Ekkehard, Chronicon, ed. Waitz, , M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, pp. 247–48Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 3} Henry, of Huntingdon, , Historia Anglorum (R.S.), p. 237Google Scholar: ‘nuntii … filiam regis in domini sui conjugium postulantes’; Robert, of Torigny, , op. cit., p. 280Google Scholar: ‘in conjugem requisivit’ Draco Normannicus, ed. Howlett, R., Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I (R.S., 1884–1890), ii, p. 597Google Scholar: ‘quaerit consociare sibi’.

^{page 64 note 4} Monumenta Bambergensia, ed. Jaffé, P. (Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, v), p. 259, no. 142Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 5} Vitalis, Ordericus, Hist. Eccl., ed. Le Prévost, A., iv, p. 8Google Scholar. According to the Winchester Annals, the sum was 15,000 marks; cf. Annales Monastici, ed. Luard, H. R., ii (R.S., 1865), p. 43Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 6} Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, loc. cit. In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle E, the aid is mentioned amongst the calamities of the year 1110; see Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Plummer, C., i, p. 243Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum, 1066–1154, ii, ed. Johnson, C. and Cronne, H. A., nos. 946, 963, 968Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 2} Ibid., nos. 959, 962, 964; Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. Stevenson, J. (R.S., 1858), ii, p. 113Google Scholar: ‘et nominatim de isto auxilio quod barones mini dederunt’. It is interesting to note that this, the first aid pour fille marier, was levied as a geld and not on the knight's fee.

^{page 65 note 3} Vitalis, Ordericus, Hist. Eccl., iv, pp. 296 ffGoogle Scholar. But at least one of her followers, Henry, archdeacon of Winchester, stayed and was later given the bishopric of Verdun; cf. von Knonau, Meyer, JahrbucAer, vii, p. 44Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 4} Schramm, P. E., Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik (Schriften der M.G.H., xiii, Stuttgart, 1954–1956), ii, pp. 393 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 1} Cf. Holtzmann, R., Der Weltherrschaftsgedanke des mittelalterlichen Kaisertums und die Souveränität der europäischen Staaten (Wissenschaftliche Buchgemeinschaft, Tübingen, 1953)Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 2} Lampert, of Hersfeld, (Annales, p. 270)Google Scholar describes Henry IV as ‘in imperio natus et nutritus’.

^{page 66 note 3} Hessonis scholastici relatio de concilio Remensi, ed. Wattenbach, W., M.G.H., Libelli de Lite …, iii, p.26Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 4} See the Promissio Papae per Petrum Leonis dicta, M.G.H., Const[itutiones et Acta Publica], i, pp. 138–39, no. 85.

^{page 66 note 5} Liebermann, F., Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen (Halle, 1898), i, p. 534Google Scholar: ‘Teutonicorum maiestatem … triumphauit’, probably an allusion to the marriage.

^{page 67 note 1} William, of Jumièges, , Gesta Normatmorum Ducum, ed. Marx, , p. xxviiiGoogle Scholar; Robert, of Torigny, , Chronica, Prologue, ed. Howlett, R., Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I (R.S., 1884–1890), iv, p. 65Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 2} Gesta Normannorum Ducum, p. 300.

^{page 67 note 3} Ibid., p. 301: ‘Licet enim multo minoris dignitatis sit comes Andegavensis, quam imperator Romanus’.

^{page 67 note 4} Robert, of Torigny, , Chronica, pp. 123 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 67 note 5} Gesta Normannorum Ducum, pp. 303–305, especially p. 304: ‘quae semel et iterum in urbe Romulea, quae caput est mundi, per manus Summi Pontificis imperiali diademate processerat insignita’.

^{page 68 note 1} On the custom in the empire, see Klewitz, H. W., ‘Die Festkrönungen der deutschen Könige’, Zeitschrift f. Rechtsgesch., lix, Kanon. Abt. xxviii (1939) PP 48 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 68 note 2} Robert, of Torigny, , Chronica, p. 164Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 3} See Henry V's letter to Bishop Hartwig of Regensburg in the Codex Udalrici, ed. Jaffé, P., pp. 314 ff., no. 178Google Scholar; Chronica Monasterii Casinensis, ed. Wattenbach, W., M.G.H., Scriptores, vii, p. 791Google Scholar. On 12 March, Pascal was at Capua, and from 16 March onwards, at Benevento: Jaffé, P. and Loewenfeld, S., Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (Leipzig, 1885), i, nos. 6545–46Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 4} Lib[er] Pont[ificalis], ed. Duchesne, L., ii (Paris, 1892), p. 304Google Scholar; on the chapel of St Gregory, see Eichmann, E., Die Kaiserkrönung im Abendland (Würzburg, 1942), ii, p. 25Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 5} Lib. Pont., ii, p. 344.

^{page 68 note 6} Chronica Monasterii Casinensis, loc. cit.; Vita Paschalis II, Lib. Pont., ii, pp. 304–305.

^{page 69 note 1} Chronica Monasterii Casinensis, p. 792.

^{page 69 note 2} Annales Romani, Lib. Pont., ii, p. 346: ‘cum festinatione Romam petiit cum paucis militibus’.

^{page 69 note 3} See Gelasius II's letter to the prelates, clergy, princes and faithful in France, dated 16 March 1118: Jaffe and Loewenfeld, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, no. 6635, and Migne, , Patrologia Latino., clxiii, 489Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 4} Robert of Torigny knew that Mathilda up to the time of her wedding, in 1114, was under tutelage and could not have been on the Roman expedition of 1110–11 (cf. supra, p. 64, n. 1). His carefully chosen words suggest evasiveness rather than error.

^{page 69 note 5} John, of Salisbury, , Historia Pontificalis, ed. Poole, R. L. (Oxford, 1927), p. 87Google Scholar, and Appendix vi.

^{page 69 note 6} de Diceto, Ralph, Ymagines Historiarum, ed. Stubbs, W., Radulfi de Diceto … Opera Historica (R.S., 1876), ii, p. 16Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 1} Oorkondenboek van het sticht Utrecht tot 1301, ed. Muller, S. and Bouman, A. C., i (Utrecht, 1920), p. 277, no. 302Google Scholar, and p. 291, no. 318.

^{page 70 note 2} Birch, W. de Gray, ‘A Fasciculus of the Charters of Mathildis, Empress of the Romans’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association, xxxi (1875), pp. 381 f.Google Scholar; Schramm, P. E., Die Deutschen Kaiser und Könige in Bildern ihrer Zeit, i, p. 216Google Scholar, and ii, Abb. 118.

^{page 70 note 3} See the Libellus at the end of the Draco Normannicus, ed. Howlett, , Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen … (R.S.), ii, p. 758Google Scholar. The relic was the arm of St James.

^{page 70 note 4} von Knonau, G. Meyer, Jahrbücher, vi, p. 115Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 1} At least one contemporary, Hugh the Chanter, felt this strongly; cf. Historians of the Church of York, ed. Raine, J. (R.S., 1879–1894), ii, p. 111Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 2} Suger, , Gesta Ludovici … Grossi, ed. Molinier, , pp. 26 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 3} M.G.H., Const., i, p. 566, no. 396.

^{page 71 note 4} Haller, J., Das Papsttum, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart, 1951), ii, p. 488Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 5} Annales Patherbrunnenses, p. 116.

^{page 71 note 6} Suger, , op. cit., p. 26Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 1} E.g. Scharnagl, A., Der Begriff der Investitur in den Quellen und der Literatur des Investiturstreites (Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen, lvi, Stuttgart, 1908), p.66Google Scholar; Corbett, W. J. in Cambridge Med. Hist., v, p. 532Google Scholar; Haller, , op. cit., ii, p. 482Google Scholar; Foreville, Raymonde, L'Église et la Royauté en Angleterre sous Henri II Plantagenet (Paris, 1943), p. 8Google Scholar; Cantor, N. F., Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England, 1089–1135 (Princeton, 1958), p. 202Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 2} Eadmer, , Historia Novorum, ed. Rule, M. (R.S., 1884), p. 186Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 3} Jaffé and Loewenfeld, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, no. 6073; Eadmer, , op. cit., p. 178 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 72 note 4} William, of Malmesbury, , Gesta Regum, ed. Stubbs, W. (R.S., 1887–1889), ii, p. 493Google Scholar; ‘retento tantum electionis et regalium privilegio’; Hugh the Chanter, , Historians of the Church of York, ii, p. 110Google Scholar: ‘nihil aut parum amisit, parum quidem regiae dignitatis, nihil prorsus potestatis quem vellet intronizandi’.

^{page 73 note 1} His extreme reluctance to part with them is well attested; see, for instance, William, of Malmesbury, , op. cit., p. 489Google Scholar: ‘vix tandem ad consentiendum … inflexus’.

^{page 73 note 2} Eadmer, , op. cit., p. 179Google Scholar: ‘donec per omnipotentis Dei gratiam ad hoc omittendum cor regium tuae praedicationis imbribus molliatur’.

^{page 73 note 3} S. Anselmi … Opera Omnia, ed. Schmitt, , v, p. 399, no. 451Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 4} Ibid., p. 400, no. 452; Jaffé and Loewenfeld, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, no. 6206.

^{page 73 note 5} von Knonau, Meyer, Jahrbücher, vi, p. 90Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 6} Eadmer, , op. cit., pp. 137–38Google Scholar; Jaffé and Loewenfeld, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, no. 5928.

^{page 74 note 1} Historians of the Church of York, ii, p. 114: ‘an propter hoc quod non bene Anselmum archiepiscopum amabat quia investituras prohibuerat, tune quidem incertum’.

^{page 74 note 2} Ekkehard, , Chronicon, ed. Waitz, , M.G.H., Scriptores, vi, p. 243Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 3} Annales Patherhrunnenses, p. 122.

^{page 74 note 4} ‘Regia munificus liberalitate datis ubique inestimabilis pecuniae stipendiis’ (Ekkehard, op. cit., loc. cit.).

^{page 74 note 5} For the history of the servitia in kind which bishoprics and royal abbeys owed to the crown, see Heusinger, B., ‘Servitium Regis in der deutschen Kaiserzeit’, Archiv für Urkundenforschung, viii (1923)Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 6} Waitz, G., Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte (Kiel, 1878), viii, pp. 372 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 1} Ekkehard, (Chronicon, p. 265)Google Scholar mentions the huge treasure which Henry V was thought to have amassed by the end of his reign; for examples of extortion, see infra.

^{page 75 note 2} Annales Rodenses, M.G.H., Scriptores, xvi, p. 698; Annales Pegavienses, ibid., p. 251.

^{page 75 note 3} Otto, of Freising, , Chronica … de Duabus Civitatibus, ed. Hofmeister, A., S[criptores] R[erum] G[ermanicarum] in usum scholarum, Hannover-Leipzig, 1912, p. 332 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 4} Chronica Regia Coloniensis, ed. Waitz, G., S.R.G. in usum scholarum, Hannover, 1880, p. 45Google Scholar: ‘Colonienses deditionem faciunt, insuper regi pro optinenda gratia sua 5000 marcarum solvunt.’

^{page 76 note 1} Cosmas, of Prague, , Chronica Boemorum, ed. Bretholz, B., M.G.H., S.R.G., nova series, ii (Berlin, 1955), pp. 187–88Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 2} See the Dienstrecht of the Bamberg ministeriales of c. 1060 in the Codex Udalrici, ed. Jaffé, P., no. 25, p. 52Google Scholar: ‘Si expeditio est in Italiam, dominus per singulas loricas unum equum det et tres libras’; see also a Weissenburg Dienstrecht, ibid., no. 14.—Henry IV's Italian expedition of 1081 depended largely on paid service (von Knonau, G. Meyer, Jahrbücher, iii, pp. 352 ff.Google Scholar).

^{page 76 note 3} E.g. Arnold of Selehofen, archbishop of Mainz, before the Lombard expedition of 1158; cf. Simonsfeld, H., Jahrb. d. Deutschen Reiches unter Friedr. I, i (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 639–41Google Scholar. In 1166, the bishop of Hildesheim had to pawn an estate to help him raise 400 marks so that he should be quit of service in Italy (Urkundenbuch des Hochstifts Hildesheim, ed. Janicke, K. (Publ. aus Preuss. Staatsarchiven, lxv, Leipzig, 1896), i, p. 322, no. 337Google Scholar). Philip of Heinsberg, archbishop of Cologne, mortgaged his mint in 1174 ‘ad Italice expeditionis preparationem’, and two great manors in 1176 (Urkundenbuch f. die Gesch. des Niederrheins, ed. Lacomblet, T. J., Düsseldorf, 1840–1858, i, p. 318, no. 452Google Scholar; p. 319, no. 455; p. 328, no. 468).

^{page 76 note 4} von Knonau, Meyer, Jahrbücher, vi, p. 129, n. 40. fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 77 note 1} For information on David, see Hausmann, F., Reichskanzlei und Hofkapelle unter Heinrich V und Konrad III, pp. 83Google Scholar and 310.

^{page 77 note 2} M.G.H., Const., i, p. 151, no. 101.

^{page 77 note 3} Ekkehard, , Chronicon, p. 243Google Scholar, sub anno 1110.

^{page 77 note 4} William, of Malmesbury, , Gesta Regum, ii, p. 498Google Scholar; Vitalis, Ordericus, Hist. Eccl., iv, p. 7Google Scholar: ‘Irensis quidam scolasticus’.

^{page 77 note 5} Eadmer, , Historia Novorum, p. 259 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 77 note 6} Brit. Mus., Cotton MS., Cleopatra E.I., fo. 31r.

^{page 78 note 1} Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum, ii, nos. 1243 and 1245; The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. Weaver, J. R. H. (Anecdota Oxoniensia, 1908), pp. 16, 19, 23Google Scholar.

^{page 78 note 2} Holtzmann, W., ‘England, Unteritalien und der Vertrag von Ponte Mammolo’, Neues Archiv, 1 (1935), pp. 282–301Google Scholar; id., Beiträge zur Reichsund Papstgesckichte des Hohen Mittelalters (Bonner Histor. Forschungen, viii, 1957), p. 107.

^{page 79 note 1} Jaffé and Loewenfeld, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, nos. 6450 and 6453; the texts are in Eadmer, , Historia Novorum, pp. 228 and 232Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 2} Anglo-Saxon Chronicle E, ed. Plummer, , Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, i, p. 251Google Scholar; Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., Historians of the Church of York, ii, pp. 198 ff.Google Scholar; Simeon, of Durham, , Historia Regum, ed. Arnold, T., Symeonis monachi opera omnia (R.S., 1882–1885), ii, pp. 268 ff.Google Scholar; The Chronicle of John of Worcester, p. 17.

^{page 80 note 1} That this was one of the reasons for William's election is clear from William, of Malmesbury, , Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A. (R.S., 1870), p. 146, n. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 2} John of Worcester, op. cit., loc. cit.; Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., pp. 199 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 3} Anglo-Saxon Chronicle E, p. 252; Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., p. 201Google Scholar; John of Worcester, op. cit., loc. cit. William and his companions must have reached Rome early in May. The papal privilege confirming his election and announcing the grant of the pallium is dated 21 May (Jaffé and Loewenfeld, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, no. 7136). We know that he was shaken over the pit and kept waiting for at least a fortnight (Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., p. 202Google Scholar). A papal privilege for Seffrid (Jaffé and Loewenfeld, op. cit., no. 7071) is dated 15 May, another for Bernard of St David's (Ibid., no 7073), 25 May.

^{page 80 note 4} Simeon, of Durham, , Historia Regum, p. 272Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 1} Ibid.; Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., p. 202Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 2} Hugh the Chanter, op. cit., loc. cit.: ‘papa quidem volente’.

^{page 81 note 3} Ibid., p. 206, I. 1: ‘nobiscum’.

^{page 81 note 4} Ibid., p. 201: ‘praemissa salutatione domino papae ab imperatore, a rege, ab episcopis Angliae, a capitulo Cantuariae, missas a singulis litteras seorsum obtulit’. It is mentioned in Dueball, M., Der Suprematstreit zwischen den Erzdiözesen Canterbury und York, 1070–1126 (Historische Studien, clxxxiv, 1929), p. 95Google Scholar. The emperor's intervention was noted by T. F. Tout in his article ‘Corbeil, William of’, Dictionary of National Biography.

^{page 81 note 5} Simeon, of Durham, , Historia Regum, p. 272Google Scholar.

^{page 82 note 1} Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., p. 202Google Scholar: ‘pro amore imperatoris qui nuper ecclesiae Romanae reconciliatus erat’.

^{page 82 note 2} M.G.H., Const., i, p. 161, no. 108.

^{page 82 note 3} Ibid.

^{page 83 note 1} Historia Regum, loc. cit.: ‘tandem gratia imperatoris praefati et Henrici regis Anglorum’.

^{page 83 note 2} Hugh the Chanter, , op. cit., p. 203Google Scholar: ‘s vero ei nocere voluisset, hac vice omnino non habuisset’, i.e. the pallium.

^{page 83 note 3} Hugh then described the last, uncompromising, attempt of the Canterbury interest to fight its claim against York at the curia; see Southern, R. W., ‘The Canterbury Forgeries’, Eng. Hist. Rev., lxxiii (1958), pp. 223 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 83 note 4} The investiture of an abbot of Fulda with his regalia in November 1122 was the earliest (Ekkehard, , Chronicon, p. 260Google Scholar).