Philip V's negotiations with his subjects to secure subsidies and support in 1318 and 1319 significantly affected the evolution of royal policies and general attitudes toward taxation and consultation in fourteenth-century France. Though many aspects of these governmental activities have been studied, the precise nature of the monarchy's aims and plans, and the complex interrelationship of the reactions of different groups and different regions are still not fully understood. The work which has been done has concentrated on analysis as a prelude to synthesis: the various stands taken by townspeople, by nobles, and by ecclesiastics have been treated, and the responses of various areas have been considered. Much of the material necessary for a comprehensive assessment has been examined and ordered, yet there remain problems, relatively restricted in nature and scope, which demand consideration before the meaning and implications of the events of 1318 and 1319 can be adequately comprehended.

Cette nouvelle enquête sur I'allégorie de la spoliatio Aegyptiorum pourra paraître de prime abord désuète vu le nombre d'auteurs qui en ont déjà parlé. Nous avions nous-même, il y a plus de cinquante ans, rédigé une brève note intitulée “Les dépouilles des Égyptiens” dans le volume Le magistère chrétien, éd, et trade Gustave Combes et Jacques Farges, Bibliothèque augustinienne, 11 (Paris, 1949), 582–84, à propos d'un passage du De doctrina christiana 2.40.60–61, aù Augustin commente l'épisode biblique relatant la fraude des Israélites à leur départ d'Égypte. Par la suite nous n'avons cessé de nous intèresser à ce thème et d'enrichir notre propre dossier par des enquêtes personnelles tout en prêtant attention aux publications s'y rapportant et dont nous donnons la liste dans une première note qui révèle le succès littèraire et historique de cette allégoric biblique.

“Two angels shall lead him,” predicts The Prophecy of the True Emperor, offering signs by which the people will recognize a foreordained holy leader, sent to restore a divided, besieged, and weakened Christendom. Although this prophecy, which was translated from Greek into Latin in the second half of the thirteenth century, spoke only of an emperor, western Christians soon came to ignore or even change the word “emperor,” preferring to read the text as a prophecy concerning the papacy. The peculiar reception of that prophecy cannot be understood apart from a crucial conceptual development that occurred in Italy during the years surrounding the turn of the fourteenth century. Whereas many thirteenth-century hopes and fears of the future were expressed through the medium of prophetic writings, these texts mainly emphasized the influence of the emperor and other secular rulers on the future course of history, for better or for worse. However, the election of the hermit Peter of Murrone as Pope Celestine V in 1294 offered unprecedented hope — especially among groups of Spiritual Franciscans — that the papacy would become the vehicle of social, moral, and spiritual reform. So great the hope, so great the disillusionment, for Celestine stepped down a few months later. He was replaced and imprisoned by Boniface VIII (r. 1294–1303), who shared none of his predecessor's sympathy for the Spirituals or their ideals. In the wake of this turmoil was born a prophetic narrative according to which the papacy first had to be usurped by one or more wicked popes before finally being restored by a particularly virtuous one. The latter would be no ordinary pretender to the throne of Peter, subject to the political machinations of cardinals and barons, for he would be elected by divine providence and crowned by an angel (Fig. 1). Thus originated the concept of the angel pope, the pastor angelicus, which was to remain a powerful image of dissent and reform in the following centuries.

En este trabajo nos proponemos revisar uno de los sucesos trascendentales que repercutieron sobre la cultura del Imperio Romano, produciendo modificaciones sustantivas en todos los órdenes de su vida, y de tan pronunciada magnitud, que incluso se consolidó como sustrato medular del imaginario medieval, en general, y de su literatura, en particular. Ese acontecimiento, de dinámica progresión temporal, es la paulatina infiltración del cristianismo, cuya actividad culmina con la conquista del poder político — observando principios que seguirá ejercitando hasta en tiempos de absoluta hegemonía —, y su relación con la cultura oficial.

While it is true for most literature, theological and otherwise, that an informed awareness regarding antecedents provides valuable perspective toward its interpretation, this is especially true for the theology of the Carolingian period. The Carolingians often used their source material in verbatim citations which remained unacknowledged. One has the impression of a kind of homemade theology, constructed out of bits and pieces of materials that were chosen partly because they were convenient or familiar. The result at its best had an appeal not unlike the patchwork quilt which has a unity and charism all its own even though it is cut predominantly from pieces which were not themselves the work of those designing the quilt. In order to appreciate the final effect achieved by such literature, it is crucial then to be able to identify not only the authors upon whom the writer is relying, but the precise patches of material which have been cut from each, so that we may observe the final effect as the result of a complex of decisions to select, combine, juxtapose, add to, adjust, comment upon, and otherwise utilize a large body of literary fragments.

Das große abendländische Schisma (1378–1449) brachte zahlreiche Abhandlungen zum Thema Konzil hervor, aus denen die Konzilsidee des Spätmittelalters gewonnen werden kann. Namen wie Dietrich von Niem, Konrad von Gelnhausen, Heinrich von Langenstein, Pierre d'Ailly, Jean Gerson, Jean Courtecuisse, Juan Torquemada u.a. verdeutlichen das Gemeinte. Im Umkreis der Literatur zum zweiten Nicaenum (787), vor allem in den Libri Carolini, ist andererseits die spätpatristische Konzilsidee greifbar. Zwischen dem großen abendländischen Schisma und dem zweiten Nicaenum aber liegt ein Zeitraum von 500 Jahren und damit ein halbes Jahrtausend Entfaltung der Konzilsidee. Wie denkt man in dieser Zeitspanne über Konzilien? Auf welche Momente und Aspekte konzentriert sich das Interesse? Wo liegen die wesentlichen Unterschiede im Vergleich zur patristischen Phase der Entfaltung dieser Idee? Die entscheidende Vorfrage lautet natürlich: Welche Quellen stehen uns für den genannten Zeitraum zur Beantwortung unserer Frage zur Verfügung? Wie für die patristische Periode kommen auch für die mittelalterliche wieder einzelne Autoren in Frage. Männer wie der streitbare Bischof Hinkmar von Reims und der Unionstheologe Anselm von Havelberg, vielleicht auch Gerbert von Aurillac, der nachmalige Papst Silvester II., sind hier zu nennen.

In the sixth canto of the Inferno Dante depicts the punishment of the gluttonous. They are represented as lying in the mire under a continuous heavy storm of hail and snow. Three-headed Cerberus keeps barking over them and rending them apart:

The list of manuscripts dealing with the work of Cistercian writers is not the result of any systematic search into the possibilities of English libraries, but rather the by-product of work, carried out over a number of years, on the writings of Saint Bernard and Saint Ailred of Rievaulx. In scanning the pages of manuscript catalogues or in examining the manuscripts themselves, one naturally came upon a number of Cistercian texts, which, though irrelevant to one's studies at the time, were noted down on scraps of paper in case they might prove interesting later on when one had more leisure. As the notes increased and the hoped-for leisure grew less and less as the days went by, the possibility of using them within a reasonable time seemed extremely slender. On the suggestion of my friend and collaborator, Dom Jean Leclercq, they are being printed now in case they may prove useful to other students who are interested in the same group of writers and who may be glad to find, within a small compass, information that must otherwise be hunted for throughout many books.

In 1332 Philip VI of Valois set in motion a campaign to levy traditional aids in his kingdom. Although for a number of reasons the effort failed, the episode casts significant light on the development of royal fiscal policy in France. Its importance lies chiefly in the fact that it terminated, at least temporarily, a period of experimentation and indecision lasting since the time of Saint Louis, who had claimed as legally due to him by the general custom of the realm various traditional aids. These customary payments were fundamentally arbitrary levies which kings and other lords collected from their vassals and subjects on occasions and in amounts determined essentially by customary practice and by the extent of the lord's power over his dependents, rather than by the lord's evident and undeniable need for help. Some aids — those taken for crusading and to ransom the lord — were easier to justify than others—those collected for marrying a daughter or knighting a son, for example. The legitimacy or illegitimacy of the aids was not, however, of central importance, since custom was their chief justification, and it was long usage that Saint Louis emphasized in claiming the aids he sought. His success in implementing his demands was not great, thanks to the manipulability and vagueness of custom. Still, the conviction with which he voiced his claims was impressive.

Studies dealing with the attitudes of various writers of the patristic period towards Hellenism, including the aspect of paideia, have tended to concentrate, up to the present, on a specific writer or time-span. It is no accident that fourth-century writers have loomed large in recent investigations in this area, since the fourth century was pivotal in determining Christian attitudes to pagan literary traditions. Here it is my aim to draw attention not to a single writer or period but rather to the representatives of a Christian literary genre, and to discuss their stance with regard to Hellenism, in particular paideia. My choice falls on the Greek ecclesiastical historians; although they have been scrutinised increasingly in the past twenty years, their collective attitude to Hellenic culture or Greek letters has not yet received a separate study. Those early Greek historical works that have survived to us more or less intact — the histories of Eusebius of Caesarea, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Evagrius Scholasticus — provide us with a more reliable overall picture of the Hellenism of their composers than, for example, the fragmentary Church Histories of Philostorgius and Theodore Lector; taken together, they give us at the same time a useful chronological spread from the early fourth to the late sixth century. The crucial questions to be posed are to what extent these writers deemed Hellenism to be compatible with ecclesiastical historiography, and how typical their perspective on Hellenism was of their own times. Where appropriate, we shall also try to ascertain how these church historians stand with regard to using classical citations and references in their narratives, how they view the classical past, and what their attitude is towards non-Greek culture.

During the second half of the fourteenth century most of France and many parts of Italy faced a social problem of massive proportions in the activities of the routiers, unemployed and rampaging mercenary soldiers. The popes of the period, Innocent VI, Urban V, and Gregory XI, took a leading role in attempts to deal with this daunting problem, and the purpose of this article is to examine one of the chief instruments which they employed, the crusade. The place of the mercenary companies in the crusading movement was paradoxical. On several occasions from 1357 onwards the popes issued crusading indulgences to those who fought against the routiers on the grounds that they presented a serious threat to the well-being of the Christian community, the populus christianus. But the popes also hoped to use the companies in the service of Christian Holy War by persuading them to travel to the eastern Mediterranean, to Hungary or to Granada, to fight the Muslims. Both approaches sprang from long-established papal policy towards those considered as Christendom's internal foes. When the curia tried to bring about the destruction of the routiers by offering spiritual rewards to their opponents it placed the mercenaries in the roll-call of Christian rebels and excommunicates combatted by means of the crusade, alongside the emperor Frederick II, Peter II of Aragon, the Visconti, and others. And when it attempted to send the companies beyond the frontiers of Christendom, it was adopting a strategy which dated back at least as far as the First Crusade. So both aspects of papal policy towards the routiers were highly traditional. They were also unsuccessful, which raises important questions about the way the later Avignon popes thought about and exercised their power. In the mid-thirteenth century the popes successfully resisted the ambitions of the Staufen and destroyed their might; a century later they proved unable to contain the companies. Was this because the Avignon papacy was out-of-date in its policies, because it failed to appreciate and adjust to the profound changes which had occurred in society and government? In broader terms, does traditionalism in this instance betoken the ideological bankruptcy which some scholars have seen as a leading characteristic of the papacy in the fourteenth century? In order to answer these questions I shall first examine the nature of the threat which was posed by the companies, then look in detail at the two aspects of the policy adopted by the curia in response to it.

Within less than twelve months in the years 1955 and 1956 three senior members of the Department of Art and Archaeology of Princeton University departed this life: Charles Rufus Morey, Albert Matthias Friend, and Earl Baldwin Smith. All three were scholars of distinction, and of all three it can be safely asserted that through their own work and through their influence upon their numerous students they decisively shaped the character and quality of American scholarship in the field of medieval art. This is especially true of Morey, who may be said to have made the tradition so hopefully inaugurated by Dr. Allan Marquand and to have passed the torch on to his pupils. If the invitation to catalogue the Museo Sacro of the Vatican Library was an extraordinary compliment paid to Morey, the master, the appointment to the office of Director of Studies at the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection of Harvard University was an outstanding distinction conferred upon Friend, his pupil. It was in this position that Friend's activities and influence assumed more and more international or cosmopolitan proportions, and so it came about that when the plan of a ‘Festschrift’ to be presented to him on his sixtieth anniversary was broached, not only colleagues and pupils of Princeton University, but more than one foreign scholar whom he had been instrumental in bringing to Dumbarton Oaks was invited to participate. The result was the volume now under consideration, which comprises in all thirty-two articles in the two fields of late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. For all the diversity of subjects treated, which is considerable, there is an extraordinary homogeneity to this liberal A dedicatory inscription composed in brilliant Greek was very appropriately prefixed to the volume, to complete an offering which Friend had the pleasure of receiving more than a year before his death.

The following list is a logical sequel to the bibliography of printed catalogues published some years ago (Traditio VI [1948] 227-317), and it serves the same purpose, namely to facilitate the study of Latin manuscript books, which is important to classical and patristic scholars as well as to historians of the Middle Ages and of the Renaissance. A continuing exploration of the extant collections still leads to the discovery of unpublished writings, brings to light copies of known texts that are of special interest, or at least gives statistical evidence for the diffusion of certain well known works at the time when the manuscript book was the predecessor or rival of the printed book. Information on the general importance and content of the various manuscript collections proved essential both for the project of ‘Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries,’ which has been undertaken by a group of scholars under the auspices of several learned societies, and for a summary list of philosophical and literary manuscripts of the Renaissance which I am preparing for the Warburg Institute in London. The present list is an outgrowth of these two undertakings, and it was first compiled in a less elaborate fashion for the former project and issued in mimeographed form under its auspices in 1951.

The only instance in which the present-day Roman liturgy refers to Moses as a saint is the beginning of the entry for September 4th in the Martyrologium, which says: ‘In Monte Nebo terrae Moab sancti Moysis legislatoris et prophetae.’ This entry is found in Baronius' edition of 1586. In the annotated edition, Baronius commented on this entry: ‘Agunt de eodem hoc die non tantum Latini omnes, sed et Graeci in Menologio.’

Simultaneously with the preparation by the present writer of his article on ‘Medieval Georgian Historical Literature (VIIth–XVth Centuries)’ the Historical Institute of the Georgian Academy of Sciences published the long-awaited text of the Queen Anne Codex of The Georgian Annals, the oldest version of that historical corpus so far discovered. This publication necessitates a few additions to, and corrections of, the above-mentioned article. This is the reason for this note.

The following essay is concerned with the significance of the references to the realm of heroic myth in Euripides' Orestes. It will deal with the way in which Euripides constructs the context of myth in which the action of the play is set and the importance of this perspective for interpretation of the drama. My object is to show that this dimension of the drama is both more explicit and significant than has been commonly recognized. I believe that an examination of the references to the traditional tales about the house of Atreus will reveal that they are not just a bow to either the conventions of the Attic stage or the sensibilities of the audience, but rather that they form an important component of Euripides' drama. In most studies of the play the significance of these references has been neglected; few critics or commentators have expended much interest or enthusiasm on this facet of the drama, and the references to this dimension of the drama's experience have tended to be regarded with little more than antiquarian interest. Consequently, before I turn to the examination of the mythical references in the Orestes, I would like to comment briefly upon two interrelated areas of inquiry which have tended to support this general attitude toward the play; these are the problems of interpretation posed by the play as a whole and then the very problematic question of Euripides' attitude to myth.

The following Notes are concerned with Summae of which editions have been undertaken by members of the Institute, or which otherwise have been discussed in previous issues of the Bulletin.

Chaucer's character descriptions contain details from the medieval science of physiognomy which create a stratum of meaning hidden to the modern reader. Curry and others have pointed out a number of these details; for instance, the significance of the physical traits ascribed to the Pardoner; the very different implication of those assigned to the Miller; the Wife of Bath's ‘gat-tothedness.’ in knowledge of physiognomy was widespread in the Middle Ages, Chaucer's contemporaries presumably recognized not only the details which modern scholars have identified but quite possibly many more also.