Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
In Section 1 of the present essay I present evidence that in the early twelfth-century nominalists were called vocales, a name that only later was replaced by nominales. In Section 2 I argue that ‘vocalism' arose about 1080, one generation of scholars before Roscelin. Since Garlandus' vocalistic Dialectica could be thought to provide evidence of an even earlier origin of the theory, Section 3 will deal with the date of this work, which has wrongly been assigned to the mid-eleventh century or earlier. Sections 4–6 will present a number of unpublished texts by vocalist authors, and the Appendix will supply editions of vocalist texts commenting on or otherwise discussing Porphyry's Isagoge.
1 Reiners, J., Der Nominalismus in der Frühscholastik: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Universalienfrage im Mittelalter—nebst einer neuen Textausgabe des Briefes Roscelins an Abaelard (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelatters [henceforth BGPMA] 8.5; Münster in Westfalen 1910) 10–12.Google Scholar
I am indebted to Dijs J., Ebbesen S., Mews C., and Rosier I., all of whom read an earlier draft and gave me invaluable comments, and to Ebbesen S. and Lohr C. H., for their help with questions of style. I would also like to express my sincere thanks to Gasparri F. (C.N.R.S., Paris) for her help in palaeographical and codicological matters (see Section 3), to Luscombe D. for sending me a copy of his unpublished dissertation (see Section 5), and to Schemmel B., Director of the Staatsbibliothek in Bamberg, for his generosity when I visited the library in 1986.
2 Ottaviano, C., ‘Un opuscolo inedito di Abelardo,’ Fontes Ambrosiani III (Florence 1933) 95–207. A better edition is needed. For the present, one must consult passages published in Geyer, B., Peter Abaelards Philosophische Schriften I-IV (BGPMA 21. 1–4; Münster i. W. 1919–1933) 581–88, and in Mews, C., ‘A Neglected Gloss on the “Isagoge” by Peter Abelard,’ Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Theologie 31 (1984) 35–55. See also n. 72 below.Google Scholar
3 Mews, ‘Neglected Gloss.’Google Scholar
4 For this manuscript, see M.-T. d'Alverny's description in Bibliothèque Nationale: Catalogue générale des manuscrits latins IV (Paris 1958) 398–405.Google Scholar
5 The term status is first introduced into the discussion of universals in Abelard's Logica ‘Ingredientibus’ as his own terminology (see the index of Geyer, Philosophische Schriften). But shortly thereafter a group of realists also adopts the term. Our commentary says, for example, on fol. 123vb = 125va: ‘Ut homo Socratis et homo Platonis, cum essentialiter differant, tamen materiae et formae eorum consimiles effectus operantur; asinus vero et lapis diversae species et in essentia et secundum indifferentiam sunt, cum dissimiles status habeant et effectus dissimiles exigant. Status autem appello vel res ex materia et form is constitutas vel passiones, id est constitutiones quae in rebus sunt constitutis vel partes quae ipsas res constituunt.’ Further evidence of a realist status theory is provided by another text, published by Haur, B.éau, in Notices et extraits de quelques manuscrits latins de la Bibliothèque Nationale V (Paris 1892) 298–325. A critical edition of the latter text is being prepared by Dijs, J. and will appear in Vivarium. Google Scholar
6 The indifferentia theory on universals, which William of Champeaux devised after being attacked by Peter Abelard in ca. 1108–1109 (see n. 24 below), later developed into two theories, collectio and status theory (by these labels I mean theories in which either collectio or status works as a key-term together with indifferentia). Introducing types of indifferentia theory, Abelard uses only indifferentia and collectio in his Logica ‘Ingredientibus,’ but status in addition in his Logica ‘Nostrorum petitioni sociorum.’ See Geyer, , Philosophische Schriften 13.16–16.18 and 518.9–522.9. Mews, C. dates the former work to ca. 1117/1121, the latter to 1121/1124 (?), in his ‘On Dating the Works of Peter Abelard,’ Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen-âge [henceforth AHDL] (1985) 73–134 (henceforward I follow his conclusions as to the dates of Abelard's works).Google Scholar
7 For this manuscript and the commentary, see L. M. de Rijk, Logica Modernorum: A Contribution to the History of Early Terminist Logic II 1 (Assen 1967) 77–81.Google Scholar
8 Sententia vocum can, however, also be used to mean ‘the sense of the words,’ as in a commentary on De differentiis topicis, MS Paris, Arsénal 910, fol. 48ra: TOPICORUM VERO etc. (PL 64.1182A12): ‘Ostenso quae species argumenti, cui facultati deserviat, ostendit cuius inventionis copia?m〈 comparare intendit. Quid sit autem copiam habere argumenti (-ta MS) quaeritur. Et dicit m?agister〈 P?etrus〈 quod ille copiam argumenti habeat qui exposita sibi et vi et sententia vocum in argumentatione dispositarum, scit de ipso argumento iudicare. Sed quaeritur quomodo dicat “exposita sibi vi (et) significatione.” Si enim ita dicat quod simpliciter exposita vocum significatione quae in argumento[rum] sunt, sciat ex qua habitudinum illatum sequatur ex praemisso, hoc falsum est.’ According to Green, N. J.-Pedersen, The Tradition of the Topics in the Middle Ages: The Commentaries on Aristotle's and Boethius’ ‘Topics’ (Munich 1984) 426, ‘This work must be placed late in the 12th century.’Google Scholar
9 Waitz, G. and de Simson, B., ed., Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Imperatoris Friderici I. (MGH in usum schol. 46; Hannover 1978) 69.3–20.Google Scholar
10 Cf. de Rijk, L. M., ‘Some New Evidence on Twelfth-Century Logic,’ Vivarium 4 (1966) 23–28.Google Scholar
11 Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France XII (Paris 1781) 36c.Google Scholar
12 For earlier unsuccessful attempts to identify John, see É. Lesne, Les Écoles de la fin du VIIIe siècle à la fin du XIIe (Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France 5; Lille 1940) 602 n. 3.Google Scholar
13 MGH SS XIV, 275.13. For Master Rainbertus’ career, see Lesne, , Les Écoles 338.Google Scholar
14 Ph. Jaffé, ed., Monumenta rerum germanicarum 5, nos. 98–100 (Berlin 1869; repr. Aalen 1964) 187–88.Google Scholar
15 Schmitt, F. S., ed., S. Anselmi Cantuariensis archiepiscopi opera omnia II (2d ed. Stuttgart/Bad Cannstatt 1968) 9.19–22.Google Scholar
16 Master Rainbertus signed a document of the bishop of Lille (1105–1113). See Lesne, , Les Écoles 338.Google Scholar
17 As for Otto, see the passage quoted in Section 1 above. John says in Metalogicon 2.17 (ed. Webb, C. C. J., Oxford 1929, 92): ‘Alius ergo consistit in vocibus; licet hec opinio cum Rocelino suo fere omnino iam euanuerit.’Google Scholar
18 Reiners, , Der Nominalismus (n. 1 above) 32–33.Google Scholar
19 ed. Baeumker, C. and von Waltershausen, B. S., Frühmittelalterliche Glossen des angeblichen Jepa zur Isagoge des Porphyrius (BGPMA 24.1; Münster im Westfalen 1924), based on MS Paris, Bibl. Nat., lat. 12949; however, the edition leaves out a large number of glosses found in the manuscript. Besides, there are several other manuscripts of these glosses. See Marenbon, J., ‘Working Catalogue of Glosses and Commentaries to the Isagoge, Categories, and De interpretatione’ (Warburg Institute Surveys and Texts, forthcoming), The, Section A. mysterious Jepa or Icpa has recently been identified as Israel the Scot by É. Jeauneau in his ‘Pour le dossier d'Israël Scot,’ AHDL (1986) 7–72.Google Scholar
20 See Marenbon, , ‘Working Catalogue,’ item P2. The date is that of the manuscripts.Google Scholar
21 See ibid., item P13. The manuscript is from the early twelfth century. But the fact that the work is nothing more than excerpts from Boethius’ commentaries on Porphyry indicates the earlier date.Google Scholar
22 See Lohr, C. H., ‘Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries,’ Traditio 23 (1972) 383, and Marenbon, ‘Working Catalogue,’ item P3. The oldest version is preserved in MS Oxford, Bodl. Libr., Laud. lat. 67, fols. 9v–14v; revised versions, in MSS Assisi, Bibl. Com., 573, fols. 4r–15v and Paris, Bibl. Nat., lat. 13368, fols. 214r–223r. I am preparing an edition, which will appear in Grammatica speculativa; I shall discuss the date in detail in the introduction to my edition.Google Scholar
23 See Marenbon, , ‘Working Catalogue,’ item P16. There are few clues to the date of this commentary. But it is more dependent in its phrasing on Boethius’ commentaries than (vi), which suggests a date earlier than that commentary.Google Scholar
24 See ibid., item P14. An edition is being prepared by Dijs, J. This commentary must have been written by William of Champeaux himself or by a student of his after he revised his theory of universals as a consequence of Abelard's attack in 1108/1109. According to Abelard's Historia calamitatum (ed. Monfrin, J., Paris 1978, 65.85–91), William revised his theory from claiming that universals are essentialiter or in essentia the same to holding that they are indifferenter the same. Now, the commentary in Paris 17813 says on fol. 10vb: ‘Quidam volunt omnes species et individua esse unum in materia…. Nos autem dicimus (dicens MS) omnes res etiam in essentia esse penitus diversas.’ (The same assertion is also found on fol. 13ra.) Again, in several places on fol. 9ra the commentary says that those different things are unum per indifferentiam. Here we encounter the most primitive ‘indifferentia theory.’ The indifferentia theory developed into the collectio and status theory in the 1120s (see n. 6 above); that is to say, this commentary was probably written in the second decade of the twelfth century.Google Scholar
25 The relevant passage of (vi) is published in Hauréau, Notices et extraits V (n. 5 above) 293–96. Those of (iv) and (v) have never been printed, but they are too long to quote here.Google Scholar
26 It is typical of commentaries of this period to discuss in the beginning the intentio of the author of the work to be commented on, its utilitas, the ordo of the discussion, and so on. See Hunt, R., ‘The Introduction to the Artes in the Twelfth Century,’ Studia mediaevalia in honorem admodum Reverendi Patris Raymundi Josephi Martin (Bruges 1948; repr. in his Collected Papers on the History of Grammar in the Middle Ages, Amsterdam 1980) 85–112.Google Scholar
27 Minio, L.-Paluello (ed.), Aristoteles Latinus I 6–7: Categoriarum supplementa (Leiden 1966).Google Scholar
28 Brandt, S. (ed.), Anicii Manlii Severini Boethii in Isagogen Porphyrii Commenta (CSEL 48, Vienna–Leipzig 1904; repr. New York–London 1966).Google Scholar
29 Anicii Manlii Severini Boethii In Categorias Aristotelis (PL 64.159A7–161B2).Google Scholar
30 For the late ancient background of these Boethian inconsistencies, see Ebbesen, S., ‘Philoponus, “Alexander” and the Origins of Medieval Logic,’ in Sorabji, R., ed., Aristotle Transformed (London 1990) 445–61, particularly 455–56.Google Scholar
31 There is a certain difficulty, the solution of which I do not know, in reconciling the testimonies of John and Otto with the fact that the Disputata Porphyrii does not give any answer to Porphyry's questions, though there are reasons to think that it is Roscelin's work, as I shall show in Section 5 below.Google Scholar
32 For example, the commentary states on fol. 123ra = 125ra: ‘Item opponitur quod incongrue tractat Porphyrius de rebus, cum Aristoteles agat de vocibus. Quod sic solvitur…. Vel potest dici quod hic agitur principaliter de vocibus sicut in Categoriis, nec tamen est concedendum voces solas esse genera et species.’ And again, on fol. 123vb = 125va, the commentary begins to discuss realist theories on universals with these words: ‘Alii autem aliter de universalium natura confirmant, quibus res principaliter videntur esse genera et species et cetera universalia de pluribus praedicabilia, voces autem genera et species et cetera secundario gratia rerum esse dicunt.’Google Scholar
33 Ed. L. M. de Rijk, Garlandus Compotista, Dialectica, First Edition of the Manuscripts with an Introduction on the Life and Works of the Author and on the Contents of the Present Work (Assen 1959).Google Scholar
34 See de Rijk's arguments in ibid., § 9, liii–lv.Google Scholar
35 Cordoliani, A., ‘Note sur un auteur peu connu: Gerland de Besançon (avant 1100–après 1148),’ Revue du moyen âge latin 1 (1945) 411–19.Google Scholar
36 Rijk, De, Garlandus Compotista, ix–xiv.Google Scholar
37 Ibid., xlix.Google Scholar
38 See de Vregille's, B. articles on the two Gerlands in DHGE XX (Paris 1984) 883–87. See also Kuttner, S., ‘Gerland of Besançon and the Manuscripts of his “Candela”: A Bibliographical Note,’ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΙΣ: Studies in Memory of Quain Edwin A. (New York 1976; repr. in his Medieval Councils, Decretals, and Collections of Canon Law, London 1980).Google Scholar
39 Rosier, I., ‘Évolution des notions d’equivocatio et univocatio au XIIe siècle,’ in her L'ambiguïté: Cinq études historiques (Lille 1988) 105 n. 6; and idem, ‘Note sur une surprenante citation des Topiques d'Aristote au XIe siècle,’ Bulletin de philosophie médiévale 28 (1986) 178–84.Google Scholar
40 Rosier, I. poses two more relevant points: (1) Gerland is isolated in using Aristotle's Topics to discuss equivocation; and (2) examples given in the Dialectica of modes of equivocation are not exactly the same as those in the Boethian translation of the Topics nor in the Translatio anonyma, that is to say, he might have used a different version from those so far known. These points remain open. I have attempted in vain to find any parallel in all the known extant commentaries on the Categories (chap. 1) and in some commentaries on Boethius’ De divisione (PL 64.888D3ff.) from the eleventh and the twelfth centuries.Google Scholar
41 See Minio-Paluello, L., ‘The “Ars disserendi” of Adam of Balsham “Parvipontanus,”’ Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 3 (1954) 136–40. See also his ‘The Text of Aristotle's Topics and Elenchi: The Latin Tradition,’ in his Opuscula: The Latin Aristotle (Amsterdam 1972) 300. For the date, see the former work, 117.Google Scholar
42 The evidence is collected in Minio, L.-Paluello (ed.), Aristoteles Latinus III 1–4 (Bruges–Paris 1962) 433–36.Google Scholar
43 I owe this assumption to Mews, C. Google Scholar
44 For this manuscript, see Section 6 below.Google Scholar
45 Green-Pedersen, , Tradition (n. 8 above) 418.Google Scholar
46 Ebbesen, S., ‘Analyzing Syllogisms or Anonymus Aurelianensis III—The (Presumably) Earliest Extant Latin Commentary on the Prior Analytics, and Its Greek Model,’ Cahiers de l'institut du moyen-âge grec et latin 37 (1981) 1–20. For the text quoted, see 14.5–9.Google Scholar
47 Minio-Paluello, , Aristoteles Latinus III 1–4 295–372.Google Scholar
48 Dialectica, ed. de Rijk (n. 33 above) 7.10–11. The word materia is repeated once in line 11 and recurs in lines 12, 14, 20 and 21. De Rijk, however, has needlessly ‘corrected’ this to maneria in all cases.Google Scholar
49 Porphyry does make an analogy between genus/difference and materia/forma, but never identifies them simply (Isagoge, ed. Minio-Paluello 18.9–15). The simple identification must stem from Boethius’ De divisione (PL 64.879C12–15): ‘Amplius quoque genus speciebus materia est. Nam sicut aes accepta forma transit in statuam, ita genus accepta differentia transit in speciem.’Google Scholar
50 The relevant passage is ‘speciem nihil aliud esse quam genus informatum, et individuum nihil aliud esse quam speciem informatum,’ which is printed in Cousin, V., Ouvrages inédits d'Abélard (Paris 1836) lxxix n. 1.Google Scholar
51 Dialectica, ed. de Rijk 79.21–29: ‘Similiter quando dico “Homerus est poeta” et in similibus, scilicet ubi accidens praedicatur cum “est” copula, “est” accipitur ibi copula secundum accidens, quia ergo “est” et “poeta” praedicantur de Homero. Praedicabitur etiam inde “est” simpliciter? Non. Nam “est” praedicatur de Homero sequendo hanc vocem quae est accidens ad se designandum, de, i.e. Homero praedicabitur “est” adiacenter, quod bene apparet per hanc vocem quae est “poeta” inhaerentem ei “Homero” per ipsum “est” copulam, et ideo non potest inde praedicari simpliciter….’Google Scholar
52 See the passage of the Glosule: ‘ex vi praedicationis hoc solum intendit haec propositio (scilicet “Socrates est albus”) quod albedo inhaeret Socrati, …’ printed in Hunt, R., ‘Studies on Priscian in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,’ Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 1 (1943) 227 (repr. in his Collected Papers [n. 26 above]).Google Scholar
53 See the relevant texts collected in Hunt, R., ‘Studies’ 31–38, and in Fredborg, K. M., ‘Tractatus glosarum Prisciani in MS Vat. lat. 1487,’ Cahiers de l'institut du moyen âge grec et latin 21 (1977) 21–44.Google Scholar
54 Dialectica, ed. de Rijk 79.29–33.Google Scholar
55 See the study on Abelard's status theory in Tweedale, M. M., Abailard on Universals (Amsterdam/New York/Oxford 1976) 213–304.Google Scholar
56 See fol. 14ra: ‘potens ridere non est definitio risibilis, nisi accipiatur potens ridere in eo statu in quo est; et risibile debet accipi habile ad ridendum in eo statu in quo est.’ For the date of this commentary, see n. 24 above.Google Scholar
57 See Dialectica, ed. de Rijk 129.7–141.3. For this topic, see the discussion of Tweedale, Abailard on Universals 285–302, where the author argues as if this theory in Abelard's Dialectica is more advanced than the ‘inherence theory’ in the Logica ‘Ingredientibus.’ Mews argues contrariwise, and takes the Dialectica to be the earlier of the two works; see his ‘On Dating …’ (n. 6 above) 84–87.Google Scholar
58 See Gerland's, Dialectica, ed. de Rijk 46.4–8; and Abelard's, ed. de Rijk, 163.30–38.Google Scholar
59 See Gerland's, Dialectica 47.27–48.7, and Abelard's 164.6–31.Google Scholar
60 See Gerland's, Dialectica 47.12–48.7, and Abelard's 164.32–165.8.Google Scholar
61 See Gerland's, Dialectica 45.18–46.3, and Abelard's 165.10–30.Google Scholar
62 See Gerland's, Dialectica 7.27–30, and Abelard's Editio, in Dal Pra, M., ed., Pietro Abelardo: Scritti di Logica (2d ed. Firenze 1969) 10.25–27.Google Scholar
63 What I say below of the two masters is based on the sources referred to in de Rijk, Garlandus Compotista x-xi; Lesne, Les écoles (n. 12 above) 86, 243; Kuttner ‘Gerland of Besançon’ (n. 38 above); and De Vregille's articles referred to above in n. 38.Google Scholar
64 Rijk, De, Garlandus Compotista, xi. Kuttner, without knowing de Rijk's work, makes the same tentative claim and for the same reason in his ‘Gerland of Besançon’ 74.Google Scholar
65 See Reiners, , Der Nominalismus (n. 1 above) 65.25–28 (= PL 178.360C).Google Scholar
66 See MGH SS VIII 257.Google Scholar
67 See Abelard's, Historia calamitatum, ed. Monfrin 88.877–880. For the discussion to date concerning the identification of ‘Terricus’ in the Historia Calamitatum with Thierry of Chartres, see Fredborg, K. M., The Latin Rhetorical Commentaries by Thierry of Chartres (Toronto 1988) 5.Google Scholar
68 The most recent list of Abelard's extant works and their editions is found in Mews, ‘On Dating’ (n. 6, above) 133–34.Google Scholar
69 In PL 178.357–372; a better edition is in Reiners, Der Nominalismus 62–80.Google Scholar
70 Minio, L.-Paluello, Abaelardiana inedita (Roma 1958) xli–xlvi (the description) and 109–21 (the edition). For the MS, see also Lohr, C. H., ‘Aristotelica Gallica: Bibliothecae M-Z,’ Theologie und Philosophie 63 (1988) 79–121 at 87–89.Google Scholar
71 The LI is edited in Geyer, Philosophische Schriften I (n. 2 above), which should be supplemented by Minio-Paluello, Abaelardiana inedita 3–108, and Dal Pra, Scritti di Logica (n. 62 above) 205–330; the Theologia in Ostlender, H. (ed.), Peter Abaelards Theologia ‘Summi boni’ zum ersten Male vollständig herausgegeben (BGPMA 35.2/3; Münster im Westfalen 1939); the Glossae in Ottaviano, C., Fontes Ambrosiani V (but see n. 2 above); and the LNPS in Geyer, Philosophische Schriften II.Google Scholar
72 Compare Glossae, ed. Ottaviano 147.8–148.3 with LPSN, ed. Geyer 534.6–31; 148.21–30 with 534.32–535.5; 149.1–7 with 535.19–26; 149.19–26 with 535.40–536.6; 150.15–22 with 536.11–17; and 150.23–29 with 536.40–537.6. Ottaviano's edition of Glossae is very inaccurate. I enumerate here some serious misreadings and necessary emendations of Tr. IV, cap. II (pp. 147–51): 147.8 differentiis; species predicatur] differentiis specie, praedicatur 14 predicari; predicari enim] predicari, i.e. (enim MS) 19 dictorum dictione] dictioni dictio 148.3 Hic socrates] hoc ?corpus fuit〈 Socrates 6 quoddam] quo?s〈dam 21 secum] sic MS, sed legendum Socratem 27 habent] habet necessarium] necesse 29 Persona hec est] perso?naliter〈, hoc est 30 significata] res subiecti predicata] ?res〈 predicati 149.10 quia] quod 150.1 differentibus〈〈; scilicet] differentibus specie〈〈 8 Que] quod 9 genus] sic MS, sed que legendum 15 hec] hoc 22 quisque quod] ‘quis’ ‘que’ ‘quod’ 22 deprehendit] de persona (p MS) 151.1–2 hec prolatio … tamen vera est … falsa] haec prolatio ‘ “leo” predicatur de pluribus’ tantum (tamen MS) verum est, non etiam falsum. 8 significatus] significativum 12 pluribus] add. leo est species 17 Velut] vere (Vī MS).Google Scholar
73 See the LNPS 544.22. For Master Vasletus, see Lesne, , Les écoles 129–30, Luscombe, D. E., The School of Peter Abelard (Cambridge 1970) 56–57, and other literature referred to there.Google Scholar
74 Grabmann, M., Bearbeitungen und Auslegungen der aristotelischen Logik aus der Zeit von Peter Abaelard bis Petrus Hispanus: Mitteilungen aus Handschriften deutscher Bibliotheken (Abh. Akad…. Berlin 1937) 24–26.Google Scholar
75 Green-Pedersen, , Tradition (n. 8 above) 418–31.Google Scholar
76 Scheppss, G., ‘Zum lateinischen Aristoteles und Boethius,’ Blätter für das bayerische Gymnasialschulwesen 29 (1893) 116–17 (which I have not seen); Brandt, CSEL 48 (n. 28 above) lxvi–lxvii; Geyer, Philosophische Schriften 596 n. 1; Grabmann, Bearbeitungen und Auslegungen 24–26.Google Scholar
77 Luscombe, D. E., Peter Abelard and His School (King's College Fellowship Dissertation, Cambridge 1962) 225–34.Google Scholar
78 Fredborg, ‘Tractatus glosarum Prisciani’ (n. 53 above) 22–27.Google Scholar
79 Namely, between commentaries numbered ‘Β.1’ and ‘B.7a’ in his list. See his comments to B.7a in Tradition 422. The commentary B. 1, which is (7) in our Munich manuscript, being written by a vocalist, as I shall soon show, B.7a might be another vocalist text related to our present concern.Google Scholar
80 The most recent collection and discussions of such testimonies is found in E.-H. Kluge, W., ‘Roscelin and the Medieval Problem of Universals,’ Journal of the History of Philosophy 14 (1976) 405–14. And one should still consult Picavet, F., Roscelin, philosophe et théologien d'après la légende et d'après l'histoire (Paris 1911).Google Scholar
81 Three times to Ma?gister〈 Gos?linus〈 (fol. 178ra, 178va, 179rb), once to Ma?gister〈 (da.[?] MS) Wal. (fol. 178va), once to Ma?gister〈 W., and once to Ma?gister〈 Ulg. (fol. 179rb).Google Scholar
82 Geyer, , Philosophische Schriften 74.4 reads specierum, MS spā.Google Scholar
83 Green-Pedersen, N. J., ‘The Doctrine of “Maxima Propositio” and “Locus Differentia” in Commentaries from the 12th Century on Boethius’ “Topics,” ’ Studia mediewistyczne 18 (1977) 130. See the excerpts 1–3 from this commentary published by him, ibid. 144–48.Google Scholar
84 See the comment to B.1. in Green-Pedersen, Tradition 418.Google Scholar
85 See Grabmann, , Bearbeitungen und Auslegungen (n. 74 above) 25, and Green-Pedersen, ‘The Doctrine’ 125.Google Scholar
86 Hunt, ‘Studies on Priscian’ (n. 52 above) 13 and 31.Google Scholar
87 Grabmann, , Bearbeitungen und Auslegungen 25. He wrongly locates his two quotations as ‘fol. 67r’; the actual location is fol. 67v.Google Scholar
88 The Migne edition (PL 64.833A5–6) reads in una eademque, without re or rem. Google Scholar
89 As I have discussed in Section 3 above, (7) contains an enigmatic reference to Aristotle's Analytics. Several references to the Analytics of Aristotle and Boethius (!) are also found in (11), fol. 30: ‘Eius (= Boethii) autem intentio est introducere lectorem per has faciliores praeceptiones in sua (!) secunda Analytica (sic MS) sive in Aristotelis Analytica. … Haec vox quae est intentio idem hic significat quod haec alia vox quae est tractatus, omnia videlicet praecepta quae in hoc volumine comprehenduntur, utpote in secunda Analytica tendentia,’ ‘ “Liber” vero idcirco hic dicitur quoniam praecepta in eo entia librat, cum sua materia in Analytica in quae intendunt,’ and on fol. 30v: ‘ego (= Boethius) statui …, proposui, i.e. dare praecepta meis posteris quae quasi quidam pons eos ad difficultiora Analyticorum secundorum sive Aristotelis praecepta ducerent…. ego statui linquere multa praecepta posteris meis per quae quasi quodam ponte possint venire in res obscurissimas, in, i.e. cognitionum praeceptorumque nimis obscura sunt ab Aristotele data in suis Analyticis sive quae a me sunt clara in meis (= Boethii!) secundis Analyticis.’ A reference to Boethius’ Analytics is also found in a treatise found in MS Vienna, VPL 2459, fol. 105va–b: ‘Item. Color disgregativum visus est definitio (differentia MS) albedinis, color congregativus /105vb/ visus est definitio (divisio MS) nigredinis, ut ait Boethius in Analyticis.’ Is this an incorrect reference to Aristotle's Topics I (107B29) or VII (153A38)? O: MS Orléans, Bibl. Com. 266 (261), pp. 267a–278b Google Scholar
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3 quamvis] post correct., quis ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
4 nihil] ih’ OGoogle Scholar
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6 meus] add. et exp. non fu OGoogle Scholar
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14 praedicatum] dīcat OGoogle Scholar
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16 lilio] scripsi, lilium OGoogle Scholar
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18 praedicatum] OGoogle Scholar
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20 rem] add. et exp. pre OGoogle Scholar
21 de contento] scripsi, continenti OGoogle Scholar
22 animal] add. et exp. est OGoogle Scholar
23 Cat. 5, 3A36–37Google Scholar
24 substantiae] sub't'e OGoogle Scholar
25 praedicari] scripsi, praedicatum OGoogle Scholar
26 quod vi substantivi] scripsi, Qui subiectum OGoogle Scholar
27 hoc] scripsi, haec OGoogle Scholar
28 op(positio) in marg. add. OGoogle Scholar
29 et] scripsi, in OGoogle Scholar
30 apponi] add. et exp. potest OGoogle Scholar
31 quasi subici] scripsi, que si (ut videtur) subiectum OGoogle Scholar
32 altero] scripsi, aliquo OGoogle Scholar
33 op(positio)] add. in marg. OGoogle Scholar
34 quia] add. et exp. si OGoogle Scholar
35 alio] sic O, sed fortasse altero legendum Google Scholar
36 op(positio)] in marg. add. OGoogle Scholar
37 vide Inst. Gram. 17.44, ed. Keil, H. 135.1–6Google Scholar
38 quidem] q quod solet solvi quod OGoogle Scholar
39 significationum] sig'anū OGoogle Scholar
40 individualis faciat et invertanda indicavit OGoogle Scholar
41 Papae] pappe OGoogle Scholar
42 nominativi] scripsi, nominativus OGoogle Scholar
43 obliqui] scripsi, obliquus OGoogle Scholar
44 op(positio) add. in marg. OGoogle Scholar
45 Cat. 5, 4A10–110Google Scholar
46 Si] add. et exp. diceretur OGoogle Scholar
47 verum] ùūm OGoogle Scholar
48 coniunctim] cōtī OGoogle Scholar
49 autem] scripsi, ut vel vero OGoogle Scholar
50 tantum OGoogle Scholar
51 sine] si OGoogle Scholar
52 oppositio add. in marg. OGoogle Scholar
53 differunt] scripsi, differre OGoogle Scholar
54 homine] scripsi, homo ibi OGoogle Scholar
55 eandem] eundem ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
56 oppositio add. in marg. OGoogle Scholar
57 appositus] scripsi, oppositus OGoogle Scholar
58 si] sic ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
59 hoc] scripsi, homo OGoogle Scholar
60 Quicquid] scripsi, Q q ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
61 componitur] add. et exp. fit OGoogle Scholar
62 consequentia] lectio incerta, ɔsqā OGoogle Scholar
63 videlicet] uidl’ OGoogle Scholar
64 vide De Div., PL 64.888A10–14Google Scholar
65 manum] magnum ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
66 manus] sed partem man. add. et exp., et carnis supra man. scripsit OGoogle Scholar
67 eum] esse add. et exp. OGoogle Scholar
68 esset] esset ante correct. et esse post correct. OGoogle Scholar
69 vide De Div., PL 64.879D12–880A2Google Scholar
70 in] i. OGoogle Scholar
71 fuisse] funsse (!) OGoogle Scholar
72 esse] scripsi, omne OGoogle Scholar
73 calumnia] lectio incerta, columpnia OGoogle Scholar
74 haberetur] habentur OGoogle Scholar
75 animis] scripsi, animalibus OGoogle Scholar
76 par] pars ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
77 per praedicationem] inverti, praedicationem per OGoogle Scholar
78 in quomodo se habet] iquit(!pro in quid) ante correct. OGoogle Scholar
79 nomine] n& OGoogle Scholar
80 pronomine] pn& OGoogle Scholar
81 vel] pl add. et exp. OGoogle Scholar
82 vocabula] uocll'a OGoogle Scholar