Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
The dispute between the Durham Benedictine Uthred of Boldon and members of the mendicant orders on the issue of ecclesiastical possessions was only one in a series of intra-clerical controversies in England during the later fourteenth century. Spanning a decade from the early 1360s to the early 1370s, it occupies a crucial area between the attack on mendicant privileges by Richard FitzRalph, the archbishop of Armagh, and Wyclif's denunciation of the endowed church. C. H. Thompson first pointed to the importance of this period between the activities of FitzRalph and those of Wyclif for the development of political thought. The issue has recently become more pressing with Wendy Scase's identification of the development of a “new anticlericalism” in the later fourteenth century. Older traditions of anticlericalism, she claims, had as their targets specific classes of cleric. These traditions, however, were established during this period on a new basis that allowed them to become anticlerical in the fullest sense of the word. “The old traditions of opposition to clerics were developed and unified in a new polemic which opposed all clerics. This was the essential strength and danger of the new anticlericalism.” The present study concentrates on one central aspect of this extension of the anticlerical polemic: the attack on ecclesiastical endowment.
1 Thompson, C. H. “Uthred of Boldon, a Study in Fourteenth-Century Political Theory,” Ph.D. diss., Victoria University, Manchester, 1936, 1:ii–iii. Part II of Thompson's dissertation consists of a typescript of Uthred's pamphlets De dotacione ecclesie and Contra garrulos dotacionem ecclesie impugnantes from Durham MS A. iv. 33, fols. 69r-110r, copied in a fifteenth-century hand. This typescript serves as the basis for the present study; all citations in this essay are from it. I am grateful for the editorial assistance given to me by Professor Crowder, C. M. D. Google Scholar
2 Wendy Scase, ‘Piers Plowman’ and the New Anticlericalism, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature 4 (Cambridge, 1989), ix–x.Google Scholar
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6 There is general agreement on the dating of and relationship between these controversies. See Thompson, “Uthred,” 26; Marcett, Uthred de Boldon, 8–9; Pantin, W. A., The English Church in the Fourteenth Century (Cambridge, 1955), 167–69 and “Two Treatises on the Monastic Life,” 364; Knowles, M. D. “The Censured Opinions of Uthred of Boldon,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 37 (1951), 311–13, and The End of the Middle Ages, vol. 2 of The Religious Orders in England (Cambridge, 1961), 50; Stephen Forte, “A Study of Some Oxford Schoolmen of the Middle of the Fourteenth Century, with special Reference to Worcester Cathedral MS. 65” (B. Litt. thesis, Oxford University, 1947), 123–25; Szittya, Penn R. The Antifraternal Tradition in Medieval Literature (Princeton, 1986), 109–10; Miller, Carol M., “The Monastic Treatises of Uthred of Boldon” (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1984), 11–16. Hilton may have been involved as well in the attempt to have Uthred charged with heresy (see Knowles, “Censured Opinions,” 330).Google Scholar
7 There is considerable disagreement on the dating of Uthred's central polemics from the disendowment debate. Thompson (“Uthred,” vii and 28–29) and Knowles (End of the Middle Ages, 66) regard them as anti-mendicant treatises and assign them to the conflict with Hilton in 1366/7. Marcett (Uthred de Boldon, 18–19), Pantin (“Monastic Treatises,” 364–65 and English Church, 169–72), Miller (“Monastic Treatises,” 21–23), and Scase (‘Piers Plowman,’ 12), regard them as primarily defences against the attacks of the Wycliffites, although they do allow that Uthred's opponents may have included some friars, and suggest that they were written after Uthred's departure from Oxford in 1367/8, likely ca. 1374–76.Google Scholar
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10 Unfortunately, there is no consensus on when Wyclif determined against Uthred. Thompson (“Uthred,” 31–5) and Knowles (End of the Middle Ages, 66–67), follow the lead of early biographers of Wyclif and opt for a date between 1366 and 1368. For a date between 1373 and 1375, see Loserth, J. “The Beginnings of Wyclif's Activities in Ecclesiastical Politics,” English Historical Review 11 (1896): 319–28; Workman, Herbert B., John Wyclif: A Study of the English Medieval Church (Oxford, 1926; repr. Hamden, Conn., 1966), 1:231–39 and Dahmus, Joseph H. The Prosecution of John Wyclif (New Haven, 1952), 4–5; for late 1372 or 1373, see McFarlane John Wycliff, 62 and George Holmes, The Good Parliament (Oxford, 1975), 168. The most recent, and most convincing, contribution to this debate has been made by Thomson, Williell R., The Latin Writings of John Wyclyf: An Annotated Catalogue, Subsidia Mediaevalia 14 (Toronto, 1983), 41 and 229–30. Thomson suggests that Wyclif's determination may have been occasioned by Uthred's missing treatise, possibly De non auferendis ecclesie bonis (Thompson, “Uthred,” 28). Pantin (“Two Treatises,” 365) suggests that this work may be identical with Contra garrulos dotacionem. Nonetheless, Thomson maintains, the appearance of Uthred at a great council in London in 1374, in which he defended papal claims to dominion, was “an adequate stimulus for Wyclyf's recalling the monk's earlier utterances—of course we may safely presume he had known of them at the earlier date.” Thomson, Latin Writings of Wyclif, 230. On Uthred's role in the great council, see Frank Scott Haydon, ed. Eulogium Historiarum sive Temporis Rolls Series 9 (London, 1863), 3:337–39.Google Scholar
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15 Dawson, “Richard FitzRalph” (n. 4 above), 332–43.Google Scholar
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17 Ibid., 12.Google Scholar
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20 Thompson, “Uthred” (n. 1 above), 68–69, was the first to note this.Google Scholar
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22 De dotacione ecclesie sponse Christi. fols. 69–69b: “Set sacerdocium domini Iesu Christi quod est iam pro tempore legis gratie est magis spirituale ac minus intendens prediis, possessionibus et huiusmodi, eo quod vulpes foueas habent et volucres celi nidos. Filius autem / hominis non habet vbi caput suum reclinet, Math. 8°, Luc. 9°”; fol. 73: “… Iesus respondit: Vulpes foueas habunt et volucres celi nidos. Filius autem hominis non habet vbi caput suum reclinet, patet Math. 8°, Luc. 9.” On Bonaventure's use of these passages, see Lambert, , Franciscan Poverty, 131.Google Scholar
23 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 73b: “Confirmatur eo quod dominus noster Iesus Christus quoscunque vocauit ipsos ad sequelam suam inuitauit quatinus eum vita et moribus sequerentur.” One of the most prominent passages cited in support of this statement is Christ's advice to the rich young man contained in Matthew 19:21, Mark 10:21, and Luke 18:22: “Immo illi diuiti multas possessiones habenti respondit Iesus: Si vis perfectus esse, vade et vende omnia que habes, etc.; et veni et sequere me, patet Math. 19, Marc. 10, Luc. 18.”Google Scholar
24 Ibid., fol. 73b: “Vocando enim Petrum, Andream, Iohannem et Iacobum, dixit eis: Venite post me, faciam vos, etc. At illi relictis omnibus secuti sunt eum, Math. 4. Similiter vocando Mattheum de theolonio dixit ei: Sequere me, Math. 9, Marc. 2, Luc. 5. Similiter vocando Phillipum, Ioh. 1°.”Google Scholar
25 Conrad Eubel, ed. Bullarium Franciscanum (Rome, 1898), 5:443 and “Tractatus de Christi et Apostolorum Paupertate,” ed. Livarius Oliger, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 24 (1931): 323.Google Scholar
26 Opus nonaginta dierum in Opera politica, ed. Sikes, J. G., Bennett, R. F. and Offler, H. S. (Manchester, 1963), 2:98.741–42.Google Scholar
27 Lambert, , Franciscan Poverty (n. 11 above), 137, and Dawson, “Richard FitzRalph” (n. 4 above), 317.Google Scholar
28 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 74: “Apostoli qui erant sequances verissimi domini Iesu Christi et ab ipso deputati ut pascerent oues eius, patet Ioh. 21, statim post missionem sancti spiritus in eos, ab ipso spiritu plenius informati vitam ecclesiasticam instituerunt, scilicet ut forent eis omnia communia nec agros nec domos, possessiones aut substancias retinerent, set omnia huiusmodi venderent et precium inter singulos diuiderent, prout cuique opus erat nec quisquam egens erat inter eos, patet Act. 2° et 4 capitulis.”Google Scholar
29 Ibid: “Similiter Act. II° patet quomodo Agabo propheta predicente famem magnam futuram, discipuli singuli prout vnusquisque habebat miserunt per Saulum et Barnaban in ministerium fratribus habitantibus in Iudea; immo de collectis que fiebant in sanctos viuentes in communi, patet prima Corin. 16, 2a Corin. 8 et 9 capitulis.”Google Scholar
30 Bullarium Franciscanum, 5: 445–46, and Opus nonaginta dierum 107.781–82.Google Scholar
31 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 79: “Quis enim hiis diebus superbior, quis honoris cupidior, quis ad iniurias perferendas impaciencior, quis in incessu gestu et apparatu et in corde elacior quam isti diuites ecclesiastici? 2° ad auariciam et cupiditatem, et radix omnium malorum est cupiditas; ideo, qui volunt diuites, fieri incidunt in temptacionem et laqueum diaboli et in desideria inutilia et nociua que mergunt homines in interitum et pedicionem, etc. Tu autem o homo dei hec fuge, etc., prima Thim. 6to.”Google Scholar
32 Opus nonaginta dierum 75.604.Google Scholar
33 Ibid. 76.610–11: “… ex quibus verbis datur intellegi quod qui perfectus esse desiderat, debet omnia vendere et dare pauperibus, et per consequens proprietatem omnium abdicare.”Google Scholar
34 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 72b: “Vnde quidam vocatus doctor de Lira super illa littera, vrbes ad habitandum, dicit ad habitandum, non dicit ad dominandum vel redditus inde recipiendum, quia sic erant ipsius regis vel aliorum dominorum.” Google Scholar
35 Bonaventure, , Apologia Pauperum. in Opera Omnia, ed. Lauer, R. P. (Ad Claras Aquas, 1898), 8: 286.Google Scholar
36 Ibid., 7: 279–80.Google Scholar
37 Bullarium Franciscanum (n. 25 above), 5: 417. John XXII had reintroduced the argument of Gerard of Abbeville on consumable possessions in the Bull Ad conditorem of December 1322.Google Scholar
38 Ibid., 420.Google Scholar
39 Ibid., 426.Google Scholar
40 Ibid., 439.Google Scholar
41 Opus nonaginta dierum 20.462 (n. 26 above).Google Scholar
42 Ibid., 466.Google Scholar
43 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 71: “Et generaliter dominus ordinauit vt leuite recipientes decimas a populo decimam illarum decimarum offerent sacerdoti vt reputaretur ipsis leuitis oblacio deo grata tanquam de suis propriis illam decimam obtulissent, omnes enim decime leuitarum erant pro suo ministerio in tabernaculo sibi dato. Ad illud, Deuteronomio 18°: Non habebunt sacerdotes et leuite et omnes qui de eadem tribu sunt, partem et hereditatem cum reliquo populo Israel. Et consequenter ordinans vnde viuerent, addit: Quia sacrificia domini et oblaciones commedent, et nichil aliud accipient de possessione fratrum suorum; dominus enim ipse est hereditas eorum, etc.”Google Scholar
44 Bullarium Franciscanum 5: 440.Google Scholar
45 Leff, Gordon, William of Ockham: The Metamorphosis of Scholastic Discourse (Manchester, 1975), 626.Google Scholar
46 Opus nonaginta dierum 88.662: “… sed ex hoc non sequitur quod illud dominium non erat introductum iure humano, licet sequatur quod non erat introductum iure regum.”Google Scholar
47 Ibid., 658–59: “Et ita clerici quicquid possident, iure humano possident; quia Deus nec in speciali nec in communi unum denarium dedit clericis, licet ordinaverit quod fideles eis debeant necessaria ministrare.”Google Scholar
48 See Aubrey Gwynn, The English Austin Friars in the Time of Wyclif (London, 1940), 64–65, and Richard Scholz, Unbekannte kirchenpolitische Streitschriften aus der Zeit Ludwigs der Bayern (1327–1354), vol. 1 (Rome, 1911), 13–22 and vol. 2 (1914), 16–28. The first of six articles discussed by William concerns the dominion of the Church over temporal goods. Unlike Uthred, he is content to restate Giles of Rome's position without serious modification.Google Scholar
49 Thompson, “Uthred” (n. 1 above), 86, 96–97.Google Scholar
50 Scase (‘Piers Plowman’ [n. 2 above], 53) indicates that the possessioners took particular interest in the writings of FitzRalph, as evidenced by the manuscript remains in their libraries.Google Scholar
51 On Ecclesiastical Power 2.10.134–35.Google Scholar
52 Riviere, Jean, Le Problème de l'Eglise et de l'Etat au temps de Philippe le Bel (Louvain and Paris, 1926), 212, 217.Google Scholar
53 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 91b: “Hec sunt dominia iure hereditario de persona in personam succedencia, vel alio modo licito et legitimo perquisita et transeuncia per personas habuerunt et eciam habent alia dominia ab ipso Christo domino principali et istis dominis personalibus collata, …”Google Scholar
54 Ibid., fols. 82b–83: “Set secundus Adam, dominus noster Iesus, innocens et purus ab omni peccato, immo multo dignior homo quam vnquam fuerat primus Adam propter ipsam / diuinam personalitatem qua fuerat eius humanitas personata sine omni huiusmodi forisfactura, solus inter homines natus est in primo hominis dominio naturali: …”Google Scholar
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56 On Ecclesiastical Power 2.3.66–67.Google Scholar
57 Ibid., 67–71.Google Scholar
58 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 84b: “… set ipso tabernaculo fixo localiter in Silo ne vlterius localiter mouereter, ut patet Ios. 18; statim ut patet Ios. 21°, dederunt principes filiorum Israel ipsis sacerdotibus et leuitis secundum mandatum domini 48 precipuas ciuitates cum suburbanis earumdem sic et ecclesie localiter et stabiliter fundate, set non prius erant hec dominia, localia et mundialia annectenda, non tamen tempore Christi fuerat hec predialis dotacio ecclesie sicut nec tempore Moisis tabernaculo facienda.”Google Scholar
59 Ibid., fol. 72: “Ex quibus videtur sequi quod leuite non habuerunt civitates istas nec suburbana ad dominandum set solum ad habitandum et pecora nutriendum, quia cum precepit dominus dare leuitis urbes istas 48, addidit ‘ad habitandum’, …”Google Scholar
60 Ibid., fol. 72b: “Similiter leuite non poterant vendere suburbana ipsis distributa ad sua pecora nutrienda quia possessio sempiterna est, patet Leu. 25. Ergo non erant domini illorum suburbanorum cum posse vendere pertineat ad dominum verum rerum. Immo licuit aliis filiis Israel vendere pro perpetuo domos suas infra vrbes muratas situatas quod non licuit leuitis, quin in iubeleo redirent, patet Leu. 25. Ergo leuite non erant veri domini vrbium vel domorum.”Google Scholar
61 Ibid., fol. 93: “Ad 2m huius 2i cum assumitur quod sacerdotes et leuite vendere pro perpetuo non poterant domos suas aut suburbana, etc., et ideo non erant domini eorumdem dicitur sicut iam supra quod ideo eorum dominia erant veriora et stabiliora quia per eos alienari non poterant, sicut et deus est verissimus dominus qui a se vendere vel alienare non poterit dominium alicuius.”Google Scholar
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63 Leff, “The Bible and Rights” (n. 21 above), 230–35. Dawson (“Richard FitzRalph” [n. 4 above], 316–29), on the other hand, speaks of a conception of natural law among the Franciscan theorists beginning with Bonaventure.Google Scholar
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65 De pauperie salvatoris 1.20.310, 2.20.362–63.Google Scholar
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67 Ibid., fols. 93b–94: “Dicitur enim habere quod haberi vel non habere verius diceretur, sicut auari, cupidi et venales dicuntur aurum, argentum, diuicias [et] possessiones habere que nolunt aliis instante necessitate communicare debite ut deberent…. Dicitur eciam habere set proprie qui quodcunque habuerit ad effectum vtendi et communicandi debite illud habet….” fols. 94–94b: “… illo primo modo habendi, quia eos communicare nolunt nisi pro tempore pullis suis quando, nec dominus Iesus nec aliquis veraciter enim sequens habet vbi caput suum reclinet, quia sic habere quicquam est non solum omni christiano set eciam creature rationali cuilibet interdictum. 2° tamen modo habendi habuit ipsemet dominus Iesus et habet quia verus dominus omnium mundanorum, non tamen vbi caput suum reclinet set ad seruicium suum prout voluit seu vult omnia huiusmodi mundi et sic habere communicauit fidelibus / suis sequacibus quam ecclesiasticis quam secularibus singulis pro gradu suo sicut aliter superius in primo argumento pro veritate principalis dubii est predictum. Ita quod isto 2° modo habere diuicias, dominia, predia, possessiones et huiusmodi non repugnat, immo maxime conuenit et expedit verissime sequele Christi, …”Google Scholar
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69 De dotacione ecclesie, fol. 96b: “In cuius signum omnia predia, possessiones et huiusmodi ecclesie appropriata sunt mortificata tanquam mortua quo ad mundum, quia sicut ipsi ecclesiastici sic et omnia predia, dominia, possessiones et huiusmodi quamuis sint in mundo, sunt penitus non de mundo.”Google Scholar
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72 “De dotacione eclessie,” fol. 91b: “Primi alienare poterunt sua dominia quia tamen personas concernencia, non secundi quia officium remanet post personam et per personam aliam occupandum, ut sit dominium quasi immortale quia non moritur cum persona occupante quamuis ab eo persona occupans moriatur; ideo ista secunda sunt veriora et stabiliora dominia quam sunt prima, quia similiora dominio diuino quod alienari non poterit quousmodo, etc.”Google Scholar
73 Scase, , ‘Piers Plowman’ (n. 2 above), 47–49.Google Scholar
74 Contra garrulos dotacionem, fol. 99b: “… excitant dominos temporales ad personas ecclesiasticas castigandas et temporales possessiones ecclesie auferendas, ut Christum pauperem sequuntur in consimili paupertate.”Google Scholar
75 Ibid., fols. 104b–105: Contra illud dictum in motiuo 7° obicitur de temporalibus deo et ecclesie collatis, mortuo tamen prelato pro tempore vocacionis redeuntibus ad man-/ us patronorum quousque prelatus alius elegatur. 2° obicitur quod patrono reseruatur in huiusmodi prelaciis dignitas talis quod illi quibus a patrono conceditur potestas futurum prelatum eligendi, non procedent ad eleccionem huiusmodi nisi ab ipso patrono prius petita eligendi licencia et optenta. 3° obicitur quod electus talis presentabitur patrono vt consenciat eleccioni et electo, et recipiat electus temporalia ecclesie a patrono qui consensit et collacio tunc temporalium, videntur consistere in ipsius patroni libera voluntate. 4to obicitur quod licet regibus accipere temporalia ecclesie et in suis manibus assesiare cum prelati ecclesie tales delinquerint contra illos et illa temporalia retinere ad sue beneplacitum voluntatis.”Google Scholar
76 Emerton, Ephraim, The Defensor Pacis of Marsiglio of Padua: A Critical Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1920; repr. New York, 1951), 78. See also Dawson, “Richard FitzRalph” (n. 4 above), 316, and Walsh, Fourteenth Century Scholar (n. 4 above), 357, 381–83.Google Scholar
77 Scase, ‘Piers Plowman,’ 98.Google Scholar
78 Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, ed. Previté-Orton, C.W. (Cambridge, 1928), 2.14.246–47.Google Scholar
79 Ibid., 248–49.Google Scholar
80 In the rule of 1223, Francis allowed that the brothers might have recourse to an amicus spiritualis, a money agent responsible for purchasing clothing and providing for sick friars. In the Bull Quo elongati, Gregory IX allowed for recourse to the amicus spiritualis for “imminent necessities.” The pope also declared that dominion over property held by the order was retained by the donor, and he created the office of nuntius as an agent of the donor. With the promulgation of the Bull Ordinum vestrum by Innocent IV in 1245, dominion over the goods held by the order was transferred to the Holy See. Two years later, with the Bull Quanto Studiosus, Innocent IV replaced nuntius and amicus spiritualis with a procurator who administered the possessions held by the order on behalf of the papacy. See Lambert, , Franciscan Poverty (n. 11 above), 84–88 and 96–102.Google Scholar
81 Scase, ‘Piers Plowman,’ 103.Google Scholar
82 Contra garrulos, fol. 100b: “… ergo non liceret de iure taliter commutanti nec alicui alteri post eum repetere illud corporale et temporale taliter commutatum, nisi reddere ac alienare a se voluerit spirituale illud et eternum quod recepit vel reciperet in futuro; …”; fol. 101b: “Nullus dominus secularis conferens alteri seculari pari vel superiori suo dominium, possessionem, redditumve quemcunque poterit ad libitum suum vel auctoritate propria reaccipere dominium illud collatum…. Set nec rex nec imperator nec alius quicunque dominus secularis est, vel esse poterit superior deo et ecclesie immo nec par, set inferior … Ergo a forciori nulli domino seculari ex auctoritate alia seculari licet huiusmodi temporalia Christo et ecclesie collata reassumere …”Google Scholar
83 Ibid., fol. 101: “Secundum apostolum 1a Corin. 15° alludentem processui naturali corpus animale et terrenum per mortem interpositam fiet corpus spirituale et celeste quia seminatur animale surget corpus spirituale…. Ergo a consimili processu, cum bona quecunque deo et ecclesie collata secundum iura a mundo mortificantur et sic fiunt spiritualia, non poterunt ideo secundum ordinem naturalem ab huiusmodi spiritualitate ad animalitatem, scilicet ad manus laicorum iterum reuocari ut fiant codicionis deterioris et retrograde quam per prius iuxta quod derisorie dicitur cancerem retrograde incedere versus aquam.”Google Scholar
84 Ibid., fols. 104–104b: “2° quia in puram elemosinam eas dedit, pura quidem elemosina non habet aliquid mixtum, ita quod conferens pure nichil sibi retinet quia nec sermonem inpensum vel inpendendum, nec redditum resoluendum, nec aliquod super dominium, nec aliquod huiusmodi, nec eciam quicquam iuris: si enim conferens in sic deo et ecclesie collatis sibi aliquid reseruaret, illud sibi reseruatum non daret et sic non pure daret, nec res sic date forent pura elemosina set mixto ex isto dato et reseruato, quasi mixta ex spirituali et seculari…. 3° quia in elemosinam perpetuam istas dedit deo et ecclesie et ministris, perpetuum autem communi intellectu principium habet set non finem. Ex hiis igitur condicionibus quia res huiusmodi in elemosinam puram et in elemosinam perpetuam conferuntur deo, ecclesie et ministris, sequitur quod talis con-/ ferens magis a se et successoribus suis alienat et a se expropriat et simplicius donat res huiusmodi deo et ecclesie ac ministris quam dare posset alias alius possessiones retinendo sibi quantumcunque modicum redditum, sericium super dominium vel eciam quicquam iuris.”Google Scholar
85 Ibid., fols. 99b-100: “Ergo cum nec deo nec ecclesie sponse Christi sanctificate nec habenti maculam neque rugam aut aliquid huiusmodi Eph. 5to possit culpa alia imputare, sequitur quod / nec propter culpam quamcunque personarum ministrancium in ecclesia siue ipsis temporalibus ecclesie abutendo siue officium eis ex gradu ecclesie assumpto impositum omittendo aut quomodo aliter delinquendo possit ipse deus aut ecclesie sponsa sua per aliquam potestatem secularem iuste possessionibus suis spoliari…. quod nulla persona ecclesiastica ex tali collacione efficitur verus dominus ipsarum rerum deo et ecclesie collatarum, quia nulla persona ecclesiastica occupans res illas donatas potest omnes actus dominii, scilicet dare, vendere, alienare ac huiusmodi prout libet, sicut poterat conferens antequam eas contulerat, exercere.”Google Scholar
86 Thomson, , Latin Writings (n. 10 above), 41.Google Scholar
87 Determinacio Johannis Wyclif in Opera Minora, ed. Johann Loserth (London, 1913), 405.Google Scholar
88 Ibid., 409.Google Scholar
89 Ibid., 411.Google Scholar
90 Ibid., 412.Google Scholar
91 Ibid., 406–9.Google Scholar
92 Ibid., 410.Google Scholar
93 Ibid., 412.Google Scholar
94 Ibid., 412–13.Google Scholar
95 Scase, , ‘Piers Plowman’ (n. 2 above), 58–59.Google Scholar