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³ See, for some recent examples, Herrick, Marvin T., ‘The Place of Rhetoric in Poetic Theory,’ Quarterly Journal of Speech 34 (1948) 1–22; Hudson, Hoyt H., ‘Rhetoric and Poetry,’ Quarterly Journal of Speech 10 (1924) 143–54; Curtius 153ff.; Raby, F. J. E., A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1934) I 14 ff.: D’Alton, J. F., Roman Literary Theory and Criticism (London 1931) 438 ff.; Kroll, , Rhetorik 1048 and Studien 36, 107 ff.Google Scholar

⁴ The most nearly adequate treatment known to me is Norden 883–908. On the subject of poetic prose style see ibid. 30–41, and cf. Navarre 80 ff. and Kroll, , Rhetorik, passim. The influence of poetry on epideictic oratory is traced by Burgess 166–194.Google Scholar

⁵ The Arte of English Poesie (London 1589) ed. Arber, (London 1869) 25.Google Scholar

⁶ 80–96. Cf. Plato, , Phaedrus 262d 1–6. That poetry and oratory, whichever came first, are closely related has been recognized in every age. Cicero, Thus, De or. 3. 7. 27: ‘Poetis… quibus est proxima cognatio cum oratoribus,’ and Webbe, William, A Discourse of English Poetry (London 1586), ed. Arber, (London 1869) 19: ‘Poetry and Rhetoricall Eloquution… by byrth Twins, by kinde the same, by originali of one descent.’ Google Scholar

⁷ Cf. Varro (ap. Isidore, , Orig. 1. 38. 2): ‘Omnia enim prius versibus condebantur, prosae autem Studium sero viguit.’ Aelius Aristides, in the prologue to his Hymn to Serapis (Or. 45.7–8 Keil), disagrees, asserting that prose preceded verse and is more natural to man, just as it is more natural for him to walk than to ride. This view too had many adherents. See the eulogy of rhetoric by Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia late in the fifth century, who calls rhetoric the mother of poetry (as well as of jurisprudence, dialectic, and arithmetic), CSEL 6.407. For Renaissance views on the priority of rhetoric see Herrick, (above, note 3) and Norden, 898ff. Cf. Campbell, George, The Philosophy of Rhetoric (London 1823) 7: ‘Poetry… a particular form of certain branches of oratory.’ Google Scholar

⁸ Jaeger, Werner, Paideia I (2nd ed. New York 1945) 296.Google Scholar

⁹ See Blass, Friedrich, Die attische Beredsamkeit (2nd ed. Leipzig 1887) II 46, 335 ff. and Navarre 40–44. The Use of Poetry in the Training of the Ancient Orator Google Scholar

¹⁰ E.g. the speeches on Helen and Palamedes attributed to Gorgias, Protagoras’ treatment of the myth of Prometheus and Epimetheus in Plato, , Protag. 320c–322a, the speech of Prodicus about Heracles at the crossroads (Xenophon, , Mem. 2.1.21–34), the orations ascribed to Antisthenes on Ajax and Odysseus, and the Palamedes of Alcidamas. Mythical eulogy, a theme popular in lyric poetry, proved especially adaptable to the model oration presented by the rhetor for imitation by his pupils.Google Scholar

¹¹ One thinks for example of the ỏϱθοέπεια of Protagoras (Plato, , Phaedrus 267c), of Prodicus’ studies in etymology (Gorg. 489b) and synonyms (Euth. 277e and Crat. 384b) and Hippias’ concern with syllables, metres, and rhythms (Hipp. Min. 368d, Hipp. Mai. 285d). For some of the services to eloquence rendered by Sophistic see Navarre 66–71, Kroll, , Rhetorik 1044–8, and Marrou, , Histoire 93.Google Scholar

¹² Gomperz, Heinrich, Sophistik und Rhetorik (Leipzig 1912) 127–8 doubts that the interpretation of poetry formed a part of Protagoras’ rhetorical instruction. On the use of poetry for moral instruction by the Sophists see Kroll, , Studien 68 and Curtius 473–4.Google Scholar

¹³ Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 50 (1939) 35–84.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Norden, 25–29 for a study of antithesis and word-play before Gorgias, especially in Herodotus and Euripides, and Navarre 92–111 for all the ‘Gorgianic Figures’ in poetry before Gorgias.Google Scholar

¹⁵ 1404a 28ff. and cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De im. 9 (2.215 Usener-Radermacher) and De Lys. 3 (1.10–11 Us.-Rad.); Philostratus, , Vit. Soph. 492; Cicero, , Or. 165, 167, 175.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Thrasymachus of Chalcedon, an older contemporary of Gorgias, also employed rhythmic prose, and is credited by Aristotle with being the first to make artistic use of the paeon in prose (Rhet. 1409a 3). Cf. Or. 39 and 175, and see Kroll, , Rhetorik 1046 and Norden, 41 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Jaeger, (above, note 8) III 62, 134, 308, notes 8 and 10, and Blass (above, note 9) II 210.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Norden, , 117–8. A fragment of Isocrates’ lost τέχνη preserves his teaching on the subject of rhythm: Let not the speech be merely logos, for that is dry, nor metrical, for that is obvious, but let it be mixed with every rhythm, especially the iambic and trochaic (2.275 Benseler-Blass).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Or. 13 (Against the Sophists) yields still more concise a description of Isocrates’ ideal in prose style: to deck out the whole speech appropriately (πϱεπόντως) with enthymemes and to speak rhythmically and musically (16).Google Scholar

²⁰ Isocrates does not shrink from claiming superiority to Pindar (15.166).Google Scholar

²¹ Plato refers to the author of the first oration as ποιητής (Phaedr. 234e, 236d). Hermogenes often cites the Phaedrus to illustrate the poetic element in epideictic (e.g., Sp. 2.357.9 ff., 363.16 ff., 364.10 ff.). According to Hermogenes, Plato is to prose panegyric what Homer is to poetry (and poetry he regards as metrical panegyric: Sp. 2.405. 20 ff.).Google Scholar

²² Many of the later rhetors, while not fully grasping the lesson of the Phaedrus, with its parallel application of μύθος and ἀπόδειξις, αἴσθησις and λογισμός (see Solmsen, Friedrich, Die Entwicklung der aristotelischen Logik und Rhetorik [Berlin 1929] 291), nevertheless insist upon the value of poetry in teaching the student of oratory to handle ἤθη and πάθη. Cf. Quintilian 10.1.27, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De im. 2.204–5 Us.-Rad. (and see Bonner, , Dion. Hal. 40 ff.), ‘Longinus’ De subl. 15, Doxopater, Walz 2.901.Google Scholar

²³ Phaedrus 267a. Other versified τέχναι date from a later period in the history of rhetoric. Among them are the Carmen Incerti in 186 verses included by Halm, , Rhetores latini minores (Leipzig 1863) 62–70 and the Versus Rufini de compositione et de metris in 76 verses (Halm 574–84), the Colores of Onulf of Speyer, Book II (ed. Wattenbach, ) and the tenth-century collection of versified riddles, under the title Quaestiones enigmatum rethoricae artis , cited by Norden, 896. Two versified Italian handbooks on preaching are listed by Caplan, Harry and King, Henry H., Speech Monographs 16 (1949) 243. Here too should be mentioned the brief (twenty-two lines) sketch of the education of the orator in Petronius, , Sat. 5, which provides that the student ‘… det primos versibus annos Maeoniumque bibat felici pectore fontem’ (I owe this reference to Professor Adelaide D. Simpson.) Google Scholar

²⁴ E.g. Rhet. 1372a 2, 1404a 39, 1404b 7–8 and 28, 1405a 6f., 1419b 6–7; Poetics 1456a 35ff.Google Scholar

²⁵ Rhet. 1405b 9–14. For other criticisms of Gorgias for carrying the imitation of poetry too far, see ibid. 1405b 37 and Cicero, , Or. 175.Google Scholar

²⁶ E.g. Aristotle, , Rhet. 1404a 24ff., 1406a 12; Cicero, , Or. 68; Quintilian 2.4.3; 10.1.28; Demetrius, , De eloc. 112; ‘Longinus’ 15.Google Scholar

²⁷ Rhet. 1408b 11–20. Cf. Cicero, , Or. 37, 38, 42; Quintilian, 2.10.10; 3.4.13; 4.3.2; 8.3.11, and see Burgess 166ff.Google Scholar

²⁸ E.g. Rhet. 1415a 20 ff., 1378b 41, 1363a 7, 1365a 14, 1370b 7. Google Scholar

²⁹ 1.8.11–12. For other allusions to the value of direct quotation see below, p. 22 ft Google Scholar

³⁰ See Alexander, W. H., Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd Series, Section II, 34 (1940) 15–25; Kroll, , Rhetorik 1113–4, Studien 139 ff.; Verdenius, W. J., Mimesis (Leiden 1949); D'Alton (above, note 3) 426–34, and Fiske, George Converse, Lucilius and Horace (Madison 1920) 25–63.Google Scholar

³¹ 1.2.3. Note that imitatio is substituted for ingenium or natura in the conventional triad, on which see Shorey, Paul, in Transactions of the Amer. Philol. Assoc. 40 (1909) 185–201.Google Scholar

³² Cicero, , De or. 3.39 (on elegantia loquendi), 3.48 (latinitas); Quintilian 1.8.8–9; 10.1.65; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De im. 2.207 Us.-Rad.Google Scholar

³³ Cf. Quintilian 5.12.14, where the arrangement of arguments with the strongest at the beginning and the end, the weakest in the middle, is called the Homeric dispositio, with an allusion to Il. 4.297–9.Google Scholar

³⁴ Plutarch, , Dem. 7. Cf. Plutarch, Ps.-, Lives of the Ten Orators 844f. It is said that Demosthenes cured his famous lisp by reciting a verse from the Odyssey. Aristotle, , Rhet. 1403b 25, recognizes a certain similarity in poetic and rhetorical delivery. Vocal training in the Hellenistic schools consisted chiefly in the reading of poetry (Krumbacher, Armin, The Voice Training of Orators in Antiquity up to the Time of Quintilian, tr. by George R. Pflaum, Cornell University Thesis 1924). Cicero holds that the orator should possess the vox tragoedorum (De or. 1.128).Google Scholar

³⁵ Demosthenes 18.261; 19.246.Google Scholar

³⁶ For detailed descriptions of Greek and Roman education under the Empire consult especially Marrou, , Histoire and St. Augustin , Householder, and Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., Roman Education from Cicero to Quintilian (Oxford 1926); Jullien, E., Les professeurs de littérature dans l'ancienne Rome et leur enseignement depuis l'origine jusqu’à la mort d'Auguste (Paris 1885); Haarhoff, Theodore, The Schools of Gaul (Oxford 1920); Oldfather, C. H., University of Wisconsin Studies 9 (1923) 66–70.Google Scholar

³⁷ On the average age at which the boy entered the grammar school see Haarhoff, 106.Google Scholar

³⁸ Cicero, , Div. 1.116; Suetonius, , Gram. 4; Quintilian 1.4.2; Sergius, Keil, Gram. Lat. 4.486.15–16; St. Augustine, , Confess. 1.13. See Aelius Aristides, 32.21 and 32 (Keil) for the extent to which his grammaticus, Alexander of Cotiaion, was devoted to poetry.Google Scholar

³⁹ But see Quintilian 1.4.7 on the other main responsibility of the grammaticus: to teach his young pupils the art of correct speaking and the fundamentals of grammar. Varro distinguished four parts of the grammarian's task: lectio, enarratio, emendatio, iudicium (ap. Diomedes, Keil 1.426). Sergius (Keil 4.486) defines the ars grammatica as consisting ‘in intellectu poetarum et in recte scribendi loquendive ratione.’ According to Cassiodorus (Keil 7.214) grammar is the ‘peritia pulchre loquendi e poetis illustribusque oratoribus collecta.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Marrou, , Histoire 350–57, 546 on knowledge of Greek in the western part of the Empire. Up to the time of Augustus, the Greek poets were supreme in the Roman schools, but after the educational innovation of Q. Caecilius Epirota (Suetonius, , Gram. 16) it was possible to substitute Latin for Greek models, and thereafter, although the educated man was expected to know Greek and be familiar at least with Homer and Menander, there was no longer the same urgent necessity to use Greek exempla. Father Gwynn (above note 36) 227–30 points out that Quintilian himself, despite his learned discussion of Greek literature, shows no extensive first-hand knowledge of any Greek poet save Pindar. His quotations from other poets, including Homer, are such as would become familiar from classroom teaching. It was the Latin poets, especially Virgil, whom Quintilian read for pleasure. Nevertheless, although knowledge of Greek gradually declined in the West, the custom ot teaching Greek before Latin authors in the schools was tenacious. Marrou, , St. Augustin 28, refers to a Roman inscription of the Christian era containing an epitaph of a seven-year old boy who had studied Greek but died before he could take up Latin (CIL 6.33929). See also Haarhoff, (above, note 36) 220–31 on the position of Greek in Gaul in the fourth and fifth centuries.Google Scholar

⁴¹ For a detailed analysis of the duties of the grammaticus see Quintilian 1.8.13–9.6, and cf. Dionysius Thrax 2 (Uhlig), Empiricus, Sextus, Adv. gram. 1.3.58–9, and Cicero, , De or. 1.187.Google Scholar

⁴² On paraphrase in the school of the grammaticus see Quintilian 1.9.2. Cf. Curtius 155, and for the other progymnasmata see Marrou, , Histoire 239ff. and Reichel, Georg, Quaestiones Progymnasmaticae (Leipzig 1909).Google Scholar

⁴³ 13. Pliny the Younger adopts the same view in Ep. 7.9, advising his friend Fuscus to translate from Greek to Latin and vice versa, and while imitating the best authors, attempt to rival them, and see which can write better on the same topic. Cf. Quintilian 10.5.5 and Dio Chrysostom, Or. 18.2, and see D’Alton, (above, note 3) 431.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See Quintilian 2.1.1 ff. on the confusion between the proper spheres of grammaticus and rhetor. Cf. Cicero, , De or. 1.187 and Ausonius, 1.1.26–7, and see Marrou, , St. Augustin 47 ff., Histoire 548, and Haarhoff (above, note 36) 68.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Householder, Appendix II and Bonner, , Declamation 133ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Quintilian 2.10.5 and 3.8.53; Suetonius, , Rhet. 1; Rhetor, Seneca, Suas. 3; Servius on Aen. 10.18; Aristides, Aelius, Or. 52 Dindorf; St. Augustine, , Conf. 1.17.27; Ennodius Dictio 28. For the use in the late republic of cases involving characters from mythology, especially Orestes and Ajax, see the Auctor ad Herennium 1.11.18; 1.10.17; Cicero, , De inv. 1.13.18; 1.49.92.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Quintilian 2.4.3; 8 praef. 25; 10.2.21; Seneca, , Ep. 114.13, and cf. D'Alton (above, note 3) 111ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ 21 and 121 (Riese). Cf. Ennodius, , Dictiones 20, 26, 28 and IG 14.2012.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See Friedländer, Ludwig, Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire (tr. Freese, J. H., London 1908–1913) III 5 ff. for examples of this tendency towards archaism and its effect on education. Cf. Kroll, , Studien 156–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Mayor on Juvenal 7.227; Bornecque, , Les déclamations et les déclamateurs d'après Sénèque le Père (Lille 1902) 115 ff.; Comparetti, , Vergil in the Middle Ages (tr. Benecke, E. F. M., London 1908) 24ff.; Haarhoff 56, 69ff. For the continued reference to Virgil as the chief model of style and the source of exempla in medieval schools, see Haskins, C. H., The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass. 1933) 102ff.; Paré, E., La Renaissance du XII ^e siècle: Les écoles et l'enseignement (Paris and Ottawa 1933) 150 ff.; Rand, E. K., ‘The Classics in the Thirteenth Century,’ Speculum 4 (1929) 249–69.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ad M. Antoninum de orationibus (p. 155 f. Naber).Google Scholar

⁵² On the subject of the close imitation of Greek rhetorical education by Roman teachers, see Marrou, , Histoire 382 (‘La rhétorique est toute grecque’). A major difference lies in the Greek emphasis on suasoriae, at the expense of controversiae; Friedländer (above, note 49) III 12ff.; Marrou, , Histoire 279; Boulanger 41–52.Google Scholar

⁵³ See Menander Rhetor, Sp. 3.333, 340, 393, 402, 437, and for the use of models from lyric poetry cf. ‘Longinus’ 10 and 15, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De comp. 22 and 23. See also Hermogenes (Sp. 2.11.23) on panegyric and the origin of the term ἐγϰώμιον. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Sp. 3.333 ff. On the history of the prose hymn see Boulanger 309–12 and Burgess 175 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ On the Second Sophistic and its addiction to poetic devices in prose see Philostratus, , Vit. Soph. passim, and among modern works Norden, 131–48; Boulanger, ; von Arnim, , Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa (Berlin 1898); Rohde, , ‘Die asianische Rhetorik und die zweite Sophistik,’ Rhein. Museum 41 (1886) 170–90; Lemarchand, , Dion de Pruse (Paris 1926), and Friedländer III 77.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ For the grammar school curriculum the chief authorities are Dionysius Thrax and his scholiasts, and Empiricus, Sextus, Adv. gram.; but for the rhetorical schools we have more abundant testimony, both from rhetors like Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Theon, and Hermogenes, who list authors to be imitated, and from writers like Lucian and Dio Chrysostom, whose works reveal their own educational background. Papyrus finds, including reading lists for schools and library catalogues, as well as epigraphic evidence assist in the reconstruction of the program of study of both schools, which had already been canonized in the middle of the second century B.C. See Householder 56, Marrou, , Histoire 2268, 521–2, Oldfather, C. H., ‘The Greek Literary Texts from Greco-Roman Egypt,’ University of Wisconsin Studies in the Social Sciences and History 9 (1923) 64–73, and Guérard, O. and Jouguet, P., ‘Un livre d’écolier du iii^e siècle avant J.-C.,’ Publications de la Société Royale Égyptienne de Papyrologie 2 (1938) xxii-xxxi. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See also the useful and detailed work of Householder, and for the Roman schools Gwynn, Father and Jullien, (above, note 36).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ These are the results of Householder's study, p. 63. For the evidence from epigraphy, which reveals especially the attention devoted to Aeschylus and Sophocles at Athens, see Marrou, , Histoire 521–2.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Householder, , Appendix II.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See Quintilian 1.8.13 and Hermogenes, Sp. 2.405–6.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Apfel, Henrietta V., Literary Quotation and Allusion in Demetrius De Elocutione and Longinus De Sublimitate (New York 1935) 105f. Miss Apfel finds that Demetrius quotes twenty-two passages from the Iliad and twelve from the Odyssey.Google Scholar

⁶² See Schrader, H., Hermes 37 (1902) 560ff.Google Scholar

⁶³ See Dio, Or. 18.6–7 and Quintilian 10.1.68. According to the statistics of Householder 59, the plays of Euripides most frequently studied were the Orestes, Phoenissae, Medea, Hippolytus, Alcestis, and Andromache. Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Our chief source for Roman educational theory is Quintilian (for differences between Quintilian's theories of grammatical instruction and actual practice, see von Fritz, Kurt in American Journal of Philology 70 [1949] 337–66), but valuable evidence about teaching in the secondary schools may be found in Statius, Ausonius, and others, while Cicero, Tacitus, Seneca Rhetor, and a number of commentators on the classical authors supply information about the study of poetry in the rhetorical schools.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Gellius 15.24 and Marrou, , Histoire 374 on this passage.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ E.g. the list of Gerbert in the tenth century (Richerius, , Hist. 3.47). For the study of Terence on the university level see the comment of Nicolas of Clamanges, rector of the University of Paris in 1393, on his course in Cicero: ‘poetae vero summi et optimi Virgilius atque Terentius illic etiam saepe leguntur’ (Ep. 5: Opp. om. Leyden 1613, p. 29a). Note, however, that in the Middle Ages, Terence was sometimes regarded as a prose author, (Haskins [above, note 50] 110). For the appearance of Terence (as well as Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal, and others) in library catalogues of the twelfth century see J. de Ghellinck, S. J., L'essor de la littérature latine au XII ^e siècle (Brussels 1946) II 71–6.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Vossler, Karl, Poetische Theorien in der italienischen Frührenaissance (Berlin 1900) 69.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See Juvenal 7. 227; Quintilian 1.8.6; 10.1.94–96; Tacitus, , Dial. 20.5–6; Ausonius, , Ep. 22.55–6.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ See Rhetor, Seneca, Contr. 9.5.17; 10.4.25; 3.7. Cf. Bonner, , Declamation 143ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Quintilian 10.1.90; Tacitus, , Dial. 20.5–6; Suetonius, , Vit. Luc.; and cf. E. M. Sanford, in Classical Philology 26 (1931) 241–4 and Thompson, H. J. in Classical Quarterly 22 (1928) 24–7.Google Scholar

⁷¹ See Comparetti, (above, note 50) 12–13.Google Scholar

⁷² See Ovid's reference to Menander as read by boys and girls alike (Trist. 2.70) and Pliny's allusion to Homer as the source of rhetorical instruction (Ep. 2.14.2).Google Scholar

⁷³ In the Neapolitan grammar school conducted by the Elder Statius, additional Greek poets were studied, including Hesiod, Pindar, Ibycus, Alcman, Stesichorus, Sappho, Callimachus, and Lycophron, but the situation in Naples, rich in Greek tradition, can hardly have been typical (Statius, , Silvae 5.3.146ff.).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Alcidamas, , Odysseus (25 Blass) quotes a poem by Musaeus to prove that he invented numbers and uses the epitaph of Orpheus to prove him the inventor of letters. On Alcidamas’ interest in the nature and functions of poetry and its relation to rhetoric see Solmsen, Friedrich, in Hermes 67 (1932) 133–44.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Hermogenes, , Sp. 2.7–8; Aphthonius, Sp. 2.26–27.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Quintilian's earlier discussion of the exemplum (5.11.17) as the third method of extrinsic proof dismisses the poetic exemplum as less forceful than the historical parallel.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Theon, , Sp. 2.63 in his discussion of paraphrase alludes to the imitation of this Homeric description by both Demosthenes and Aeschines.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See also 245–6 for a similar treatment of three lines from the Phoenix of Euripides, and 251–5 for the introduction of Solon's long elegy on Eunomia.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Aeschines was the first to speak ‘as though inspired’ (Vit. Soph. 509). Max Radin (Classical Journal 6 [1911] 217) regards quotation from poetry as typical of the Asian style.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ See Warren Wright, F., Cicero and the Theater (Smith College Classical Studies, 1931) for references in Cicero's works to the prominence of poetry in his education.Google Scholar

⁸¹ In De inv. for example Cicero quotes dramatic and epic poetry to illustrate types of argument (1.48.90, 49.91–92, 50.95), methods of converting a dilemma (1.45.83), and kinds of narration (1.19.27) and partition (1.45.83).Google Scholar

⁸² Zillinger, Wilhelm, Cicero und die altrömischen Dichter (Würzburg 1911) 68.Google Scholar

⁸³ Zillinger, 64 ff. and 170–87; Wright, ch. III; Radin 213–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Poetry has always been an exotic in the courtroom, but in certain eras it has flourished in the deliberative speech almost as in the epideictic. E.g., Pitt's speech on Negro emancipation with its Virgilian climax from the first Georgic, and Burke on Conciliation, with tags from Horace, Juvenal, and Milton.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Quintilian 1.8.11ff. betrays no doubt about the propriety of quoting poetry in speeches. He reports that not only Cicero but Asinius and others of the same era used quotations ‘ad fidem causarum vel ad ornamentum eloquentiae.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁶ With this justification of the use of comic poetry in an oration cf. Quintilian 1.8.7 and 10.1.69ff., Dio Or. 18.7, etc.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ E.g. Pro Rab. Post. 10.28; Pro Mur. 30.60.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ For this quotation as an instance of a far-fetched argument see Cicero De inv. 1.49. 91; Auctor ad Herennium 2.22.34, and Quintilian 5.10.83–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Above, p. 23.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ I am indebted to Professor Lily Ross Taylor for suggesting this topic to me. Cf. Aeschines’ oration against Timarchus (135) in which he warns the jury that his opponents will attempt to make him ridiculous by exhibiting all the erotic poems that he has written.Google Scholar

⁹¹ The pseudo-Sallustian invective against Cicero continues the attack on the De consulatu, alleging that ‘O fortunatam natam’ is untrue, because Rome was conspicuously unfortunate during Cicero's consulate, and that ‘Cedant arma togae’ is an insulting and tiresome refrain (3.5, 6).Google Scholar

⁹² See DeLacy, Philip, in Amer. Journ. Philol. 69 (1948) 241–71, Trans. Amer. Philol. Assoc. 79 (1948) 22ff.; Striller, , De stoicis studiis rhetoricis (Breslau 1886); Kroll, , Studien 77ff.; Burgess 217, 223, 226.Google Scholar

⁹³ Burgess 93, 166–94.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See Boulanger, 441, who notes that Aristides prefers the Iliad to the Odyssey, quoting the Iliad forty-two times in Or. 46 (Dindorf) and the Odyssey only four times.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Cf. Gorgias, , Helen (8 Blass); Isocrates, , Evag. 10ff., Antidosis 45, Ad Nic. 7.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ The fourth-century Sophist Himerius still more completely identifies artistic prose with poetry. Like Aristides, Dio, Libanius, Julian, and other Sophists he claims inspiration from Apollo and the Muses, boasts that he imitates such poets as Sappho, Simonides, and Homer, and applies to his own literary pursuits the terminology of poetic composition (μέλος, ὕμνος, ᾄδειν). Cf. Burgess 181–3.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ E.g. 2.22.34, 23.35; 4.12.18, 1.9.14.Google Scholar