1 Burnett, C., “A Critical Edition of the Vita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium of Gerard of Cremona,” Science in Context 14 (2001): 249–88; cf. 273–87 (App. I).Google Scholar I am greatly indebted to Roshdi Rashed (CNRS, University of Paris 7, Paris) for his help with this article. I am also grateful to Charles Burnett (Warburg Institute, London), Irene Caiazzo (CNRS/EPHE, Paris), Ahmad Hasnaoui, and Mehrnaz Katouzian-Safadi (CNRS, University of Paris 7, Paris) for their advice.Google Scholar

2 Burgundio of Pisa's translation of the De generatione et corruptione may have been begun as early as the 1130s; it was completed at the latest in 1150, in a context that entailed the translation of the Galenic corpus of medical writings (Rashed, M. and Vuillemin-Diem, G., “Burgundio de Pise et ses manuscrits grecs d'Aristote: Laur. 87.7 et Laur. 81.18,” Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales 64 [1997], 136–98, esp. 176–78). As to the Physica, James of Venice translated it ca. 1140–50 (Aristotle, Physica, translatio vetus , ed. Bossier, F. and Brams, J. [Leiden, 1990], xxi–xxvii); Henricus Aristippus's translation of Book 4 of the Meteorologica appears to have been roughly contemporary (Jacquart, D., “Aristotelian Thought in Salerno,” in A History of Twelfth-Century Philosophy , ed. Dronke, P. [Cambridge, 1992], 407–28; idem, “Un retour sur le manuscrit Avranches 232,” in Science antique, Science médiévale [Autour d'Avranches 235]: Actes du colloque international [Mont Saint-Michel, 4–7 septembre 1998] , ed. Callebat, L. and Desbordes, O. [Zürich, 2000], 71–80).Google Scholar

3 For the manuscripts, see Obrist, B., “William of Conches, Māshā'allāh, and Twelfth-Century Cosmology,” Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 76 (2009): 29–88, at 64–66.Google Scholar

4 Liber de orbe , chap. 35, De diversitate horarum in terra noscendis [sic]: “Profecto semel eclipsim solis in Hispania in tertie hore inicio sexta incoasse feria, et apud Macham civitatem inicio septime hore eiusdem ferie evenisse novimus” (Florence, BN, MS Conv. Soppr. J. I. 132, fol. 15r^a). I thank Jean-Patrice Boudet (University of Orléans) for having brought the passage to my attention. For further indications about the Iberian background, see n. 107 below.Google Scholar

5 The twenty-seven chapter Liber de orbe was printed twice: Messahalah, , De scientia motus orbis (Nuremberg, 1504); Messahala, , De elementis et orbibus coelestibus (Nuremberg, 1549).Google Scholar

6 New York, Columbia University, Rare Books and Manuscript Library, MS Plimpton 161, fol. 30v. See Garrigues, M.-O. for a possible relation between Alcantarus and al-Kindī as suggested by Bjōrnbo, A. A. (“L'Apex physicae, une encyclopédic du XII^e siècle,” Mélanges de l'École française de Rome, Moyen Âge-Temps modernes 87.1 [1975]: 303–37, at 316; further: Burnett, C., “The Works of Petrus Alfonsi: Questions of Authenticity,” Medium Aevum 66 [1997], 42–79, at 78 n. 105). The other manuscripts are: Florence, BN, MS Conv. Soppr. J. I. 132 (s. XIII) (Björnbo, A. A., Die mathematischen S. Marcohandschriften in Florenz, Bibliotheca mathematica, ser. 3.4 [1903], 238–48; 6 [1905], 230–38; 12 [1911–12], 97–132; 193–224, at 206–11 [reed. Garfagnini, G. C., Pisa, 1976]); Paris, BNF, MS lat. 15015 (incomplete) (s. XII/XIII).Google Scholar

7 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, MS Or. Oct. 273, fols. 2v–66r (following the foliation on the microfilm). Ahlwardt, W., Verzeichniss der arabischen Handschriften der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin , vol. 5 (Berlin, 1893, repr. New York, 1980), 141–43, n. 5654. The second manuscript is at the University of Pennsylvania, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, LJS MS 439 (14th c). Taro Mimura is planning on editing the text.Google Scholar

8 Obrist, , “William of Conches.”.Google Scholar

9 The Liber de orbe was certainly not the only source on the subject. Obrist, B., “Guillaume de Conches: Cosmologie, physique du ciel et astronomie : Textes et images,” in Guillaume de Conches: Philosophic et science au XII ^e siècle , ed. Obrist, B. and Caiazzo, I., Micrologus' Library 42 (Florence, 2011), 123–96, at 142–62.Google Scholar

10 Ibid., 156–57; For William of Conches's elementary physics, see Caiazzo, I., “The Four Elements in the Work of William of Conches,” in Guillaume de Conches: Philosophic et science au XII ^e siècle , ed. Obrist, and Caiazzo, , 3–66, esp. 57–58.Google Scholar

11 For the question of the title, see nn. 30–37.Google Scholar

12 For a few preliminary remarks, see Obrist, , “Guillaume de Conches,” 154.Google Scholar

13 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 283 (s. XII), ed. Lemke, H. and Maurach, G., “Anonymus, Apex phisice,” Abhandlungen der braunschweigischen wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft 45 (1994/95): 171–263 (books 1–2); ibid., 49 (1999): 7–80 (books 3–5). All quotations are from the transcription by Lemke, and Maurach, .Google Scholar

14 “Quod si illa duo [siccus, humidus] ita composita possemus commiscere, quale esset illud quod fieret ex utroque? ‘Temperatum.’ Observa modo, Domine Roberte, dei gratia cancellari regis Ytalie, illud compositum memori mente donec videamus si in illis mundi quas enumeravimus creaturis reperiri valeat simile. ‘Observabo bene.’ Modo eandem commixtionem in elementis fieri cogitemus …” ( De secretis philosophic 2.57, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 238). A parallel to this passage is to be found in the dialogue between Marius and his student: Marius, , De elementis, 2, ed. Dales, R. C., Marius, On the Elements: A Critical Edition and Translation (Berkeley, 1976), 107.Google Scholar

15 For archival and other sources relating to Robert of Selby: Kehr, K. A., Die Urkunden der normannischen Könige (Innsbruck, 1902), 49, 75–77. Further: Caspar, E., Roger II (1101–1154) und die Gründung der normannischen sizilianischen Monarchic (Innsbruck, 1904), 302–3. Robert of Selby is also addressed as “regis [i.e. Roger] cancellarius” by John of Salisbury, Policraticus, 7.19: “Regnante Rogero Siculo contigit vacare ecclesiam Avellanam Campaniae. Apuliae et Calabriae Rodbertus iam dicti regis cancellarius praesidebat vir quidem in rebus gerendis strenuus et sine magna copia litterarum acutissimus …, erat enim Anglicus natione” (ed. Webb, C. J., 2 vols. [Oxford, 1909], 2:173–74). A “possible though not probable” identification of Robert the chancellor with Robert of Selby was first suggested by Cadden, J. (“Two Definitions of Elementum in a 13th-Century Philosophical Text,” in Actes du XIIe Congrès international d'Histoire des Sciences, Paris, 1968, vol 3A: Science et philosophic: Antiquité-Moyen Age-Renaissance [Paris, 1971], 33–36, at 36 n. 2). Subsequently the identification was accepted by most historians (Morpurgo, P., “Nos vero physicae rationes secatores: La scuola medica salernitana nel secolo XII, tra le invettive di Gerardo da Cremona e l'intervento di Federico II,” Quaderni medievali 28 [1989]: 37–61, at 57; Burnett, , “The Works of Petrus Alfonsi” (n. 6 above), 60; idem, “Verba Ypocratis preponderanda omnium generum metallis: Hippocrates on the Nature of Man in Salerno and Montecassino, with an Edition of the Chapter on the Elements in the Pantegni,” in La Scuola Medica Salernitana: Gli autori e i testi , ed. Jacquart, D. and Paravicini Bagliani, A., Edizione nazionale “La Scuola Medica Salernitana” 1 [Florence, 2007], 59–92, at 66–67). In his summary chapter on the culture at the court of Roger II, H. Houben rejects the identification without giving an argument (Roger II von Sizilien, Herrscher zwischen Orient und Okzident [Darmstadt, 1997], 114 n. 24).Google Scholar

16 Cf. the preceeding note; further: Kehr, , Die Urkunden , 75, 73 n. 6; Salernitanus, Romualdus, Annales: “Guarinum et Robbertum clericos litteratos et providos per successionem temporum cancellarios ordinavit [rex Rogerius],” (ed. Waitz, G., MGH Scriptores 19 [Hannover, 1866], 426, 22–23); reed. Garufi, C. A., Chronicon, RIS 7.1 (Città di Castello, 1935), 233, 9–234, 1. Robert of Selby's compatriot, Thomas Brown, who became capellanus in the same year Robert was appointed chancellor, was a cleric as well. Cf. Caspar, Roger II, 302, 317–18. For the close connections between the northern and the southern Norman territories, see the fundamental study by Haskins, C. H. (“England and Sicily in the Twelfth Century,” The English Historical Review 26 [1911]: 433–47, esp. 437, 438–43).Google Scholar

17 For a recent assessment, see Matthew, D., I Normanni in Italia (Rome, 1997) (translation of The Norman Kingdom of Sicily [Cambridge, 1992]), 252–53; Kehr, , Die Urkunden, 49, 75–77; Caspar, , Roger II, 302–3.Google Scholar

18 “Sed quia vos, domine Rotberte cancellari, multum diligimus, volumus de una composita medicina causa exempli secundum proportiones graduum supradictas, in quo gradu sit calida et sicca vobis manifestare, ut per hoc quod nos facimus, sciatis de omnibus aliis, in quibus gradibus sint calide, frigide, humide et sicce, rationabiliter invenire” (De secretis philosophie 4.47, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1999]: 50).Google Scholar

19 The passage is transcribed in Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae“ (n. 6 above), 324; n. 23 below; for the text, n. 31 below.Google Scholar

20 “Completo vero tractatu de divinitate quern huic nostro operi secundum preceptum domini cancellarii apposui, adiciendum videtur de prima rerum creatione” ( De secretis philosophie 1.176, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95] : 212).Google Scholar

21 Cf. n. 36 below.Google Scholar

22 MS Barb. lat. 283, fols. 116 (s. XII–XV) comprises four different manuscripts, the first one being Hugh of Saint Victor's Didascalicon. T. Silverstein dated it to the fourteenth century (“Elementatum: Its Appearance among the Twelfth-Century Cosmogonists,” Mediaeval Studies 16 [1954]: 156–62, at 162; idem, Medieval Latin Scientific Writings in the Barberini Collection: A Provisional Catalogue [Chicago, 1957], 79–80). J. Cadden dated both the work and the manuscript to the thirteenth century (“Two Definitions of Elementum,” 33–36; Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 307 n. 14).Google Scholar

23 MS Harley 4348, fols. ii + 90 (s. XII, German [?]). Of this, there is a sixteenth-century copy: Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 1097 (1520). Kentenich, G., Die philologischen Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier (Trier, 1931), 27–28; Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 306 nn. 7, 13; 321–22.Google Scholar

24 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS II 3308, fols. 61 (s. XIII ¼, Northern France). Falmagne, T., “Un nouveau témoin de l'Apex phisice anonymi (ou De philosophia et eius secretis): Le manuscrit Bruxelles, B. R. II 3308 provenant de l'abbaye cistercienne de Villers-en-Brabant,” Sudhoffs Archiv 87 (2003) : 69–79; idem, Un texte en contexte: Les Flores Paradisi et le milieu culturel de Villers-en-Brabant dans la première moitié du 13 ^e siècle, Instrumenta patristica et mediaevalia: Research on the Inheritance of Early and Medieval Christianity 39 (Turnhout, 2001), 506–7.Google Scholar

25 Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 321. For Leonard Boyle's dating, cf. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 173. Flint, V. I. J. (ed., “Honorius Augustodunensis: Imago mundi,” in Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age 57 [1982]: 7–153, at 24–25) attributes the manuscript to the twelfth century; idem, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, Authors of the Middle Ages, II, 6 (Aldershot, 1995), 72. In the latter work (p. 65), Flint erroneously listed it as a manuscript of Honorius's, Clavis phisice .Google Scholar

26 Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 304. For a more recent opinion, see the online catalogue of the British Library, MS Harley 4348. Here it is pointed out that the list of popes, in Honorius's, Imago mundi, which is included in this manuscript, ends with Hadrian IV (1154–59).Google Scholar

27 Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 321.Google Scholar

28 Ibid.; Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 283, fol. 66v; London, BL, MS Harley 4348, fol. 25v.Google Scholar

29 This was assumed by Garrigues, (“L'Apex physicae,” 321).Google Scholar

30 London, BL, MS Harley 4348, fol. 1r. Augustodunensis's, Honorius De luminaribus ecclesiae sive De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis libelli quatuor , in PL 172:197–234, at 232; the passage is quoted by Flint, , Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, 3. For the manuscript, see ibid., 65.Google Scholar

31 “Honorius Augustodunensis ecclesiae presbyter et scholasticus, vir omnium scripturarum studiosissimus et maxime eruditus in secularibus quoque ac omnis generis scientiis nobiliter doctus. … Scripsit autem multa praeclara opuscula, paucis equidem pervia. E quibus unum subsequens extat quod Clavem seu Apicem physicae de natureís omnium rerum merito cognominat. In quo uno licet cetera summe sint efferenda qualis quantus et quam sagax totius naturae naturatae, ymmo et naturae naturantis fuerit indagatur viris eruditis facile liquet.” Further: “Incipit prologus eximii doctoris Honorii Augustodunensis ecclesiae presbyteri ad magnificum G. cancellarium in librum suum qui Clavis seu Apex phisice de naturis rerum inscribitur.” For the transcription, see Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 322, 324.Google Scholar

32 Ibid., 305. Honorius Augustodunensis mentions the Clavis physice in the list of his works; cf. De luminaribus ecclesie 4.17 (PL 172:232–34). Flint, V. I. J., “The Chronology of the Works of Honorius Augustodunensis,” Revue bénédictine 82 (1972): 215–42, at 215–16; idem, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, 97 (with English translation). Honorius's excerpts from Scot's, John Periphyseon have nothing in common with De secretis philosophie .Google Scholar

33 De secretis philosophie 1.2, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95) (n. 13 above): 184. For the text, see Appendix 1.Google Scholar

34 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 283, fol. 45r. This transcription was made by Leonard Boyle, then Prefect of the Vatican Library; cf. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 7.Google Scholar

35 Indeed, the author refers more readily to philosophia than to physica. Cf. the etymology of elementum, which is interpreted to signify that the study of elementary bodies leads up to philosophy; “Elementum quasi elevamentum, nam per scientiam eorum ad scientiam philosophie elevamur” (De secretis philosophie 2.33, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 233). Compare the etymology in the Paris Commentary on the Isagoge Iohannitii: “Elementa enim dicuntur quasi elevamenta; elevant enim et contrahunt in sui simplicitatem omnia quae destrui videntur” (Caiazzo, I., “Un inedito commento sulla Isagoge Iohannitii conservato a Parigi,” in La Scuola Medica Salernitana , ed. Jacquart, and Bagliani, Paravicini (n. 15 above), 93–123, at 120). For some of the references to philosophy and to philosophers, see De secretis philosophie, 2.29: “Philosophi enim dicunt, et ratione dicere coguntur”; 2.75: “Non est dubitatio inter philosophos”; 3.129: “in philosophia inveniatur”; 3.1: “Philosophia veraciter tenet”; 4.50: “Philosophi testantur”; 4.73: “Verba philosophorum attendamus; sciunt quidem omnes philosophi et confirmant,” etc. (ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 232, 245, 255; [1999]: 8, 51, 58).Google Scholar

36 Ibid., 1.180: “De quibus [sapores] in tractatu rerum naturalium plenarie disputabo”; 1.199: “Sed de istis [calor, calidus, calefacere, etc.] in tractatu naturalium manifeste disputabimus”; 2.75: “Sed ut de commixtionibus tractatus adhuc melius vobis pateat, de diversis commixtionibus … breviter explanabimus”; 2.119: “Sed unde fontes sunt calide vel frigide, ut diximus, in diversis temporibus, in tractatu temporum manifestabo”; 2.127: “Quod manifestius in tractatu generationis et corruptionis dicemus”; 3.76: “Completo tractatu de animali et naturali virtute expetit ordo, ut de spirituali tractemus”; 3.90: “Finito tractatu virtutum, de earum actionibus videndum est”; 4.37: “Premisso tractatu de saporibus“; 4.100: “Finito de urinis tractatu videndum est aliquantulum de pulsu” (ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 212, 217, 245, 253, 255; [1999]: 20, 22, 48, 64).Google Scholar

37 For the passage with the full list of topics: “Completa primi libri de secretis philosophic particula incipit secunda que continet quomodo elementa facta sint et quid sit elementum et que sit elementi ethimologia, et quis sit motus elementorum et quot sint elementorum commixtiones, et utrum elementa sunt naturalia necne” ( De secretis philosophie 2.1, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 228).Google Scholar

38 For the respective Latin texts, see Appendix 1. The short version does not have a prologue.Google Scholar

39 Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 305–8, 316. Marie-Thérèse d'Alverny further established a parallel between the prologue of the Liber de orbe as it appears in the Paris manuscript BNF, MS lat. 15015, and the prologues of Petrus Alfonsi's, Dialogus contra iudeos and Disciplina clericalis (“Pseudo-Aristotle, De elementis,” in Pseudo-Aristotle in the Middle Ages: The Theology and other Works , ed. Kraye, J., Ryan, W. F., and Schmitt, C. B. [London, 1986; repr. in La transmission des textes philosophiques et scientifiques au Moyen Age, VCSS; CS 463, Aldershot, 1994, n° IX], 63–83, at 69). However, these parallels are limited to the formulaic invocations of the godhead, while the remaining parts are quite different.Google Scholar

40 N. 7 above.Google Scholar

41 “Sunt autem huius libri prime particule VI capitula: de philosophia, de yle, de firmamento, de qualitatibus, de motu, de passione eius” ( De secretis philosophie 1.2, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 184). London, BL, MS Harley 4348, fol. 1r only has: “Explicit praefatio. Incipit prologus de phylosophia.” For the transcription of this prologue, see Garrigues, , “L'Apex physicae,” 324–25.Google Scholar

42 For the Latin, see Appendix 1.Google Scholar

43 For the Latin, see Appendix 1. “F” refers to Florence, BN, MS Conv. soppr. J. I. 132.Google Scholar

44 For the Arabic title in the Berlin manuscript, see Ahlwardt, , Verzeichniss der arabischen Handschriften , 142: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, MS Or. Oct. 273, fol. 1r. Establishing the text and the translation would not have been possible without the help of Roshdi Rashed (CNRS/University of Paris 7, Paris). As it appears on the microfilm, the text of the Liber de orbe begins on fol. 2v (Ahlwardt, fol. 1v): Google Scholar

45 “Particula“ is also used for “book”: “Expleta tertia particula incipit quarta que continet hec capitula: de sapore; de gradibus; de differentia febris et naturalis caloris; de notitia creticorum dierum” ( De secretis philosophic 4, prologue, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1999]: 39).Google Scholar

46 MS Barb. lat. 283, fol. 45r. Spaces for colored or ornamental letters, and possibly also for titles, are saved throughout, but only occasionally filled in. A series of titles begins in book 3.90 of De secretis philosophie, fol. 81v: “De actionibus virtutum” (ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1999]: 22).Google Scholar

47 “Sed quia in tractatu supradicte materiei cognitio creatoris est necessaria, ideo creatorem omnium rerum esse et unum esse probemus” (ibid., 1.15, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, 1994/95]: 186).Google Scholar

48 Ibid., 1.16–17, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 186.Google Scholar

49 Ibid., 1.18–175, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 186–211.Google Scholar

50 N. 20 above.Google Scholar

51 “Cum Plato tria dixerit esse principia, opificem, materiam et formam, ratio ipsa, ut diximus superius, unum probet esse principium, quod non est contrarium. Plato enim respexit ad rerum compositionem, ratio ipsa ad creationem. Nam ut deus corpora celestia et terrestria faceret, tria fuerunt necessaria: deus ipse, yle, forma, que non fuerunt deo coeterna, sed in ipsa creatione ab ipsa divina essentia fluxerunt. Yle a vera divina essentia defluxit causaliter, non generatione. Causam enim sumpsit ex ipsa, non substantiam in ipsa, quia divina natura substantialiter non generavit, que causaliter creavit, quia non potest naturaliter esse quod fecit et quod factum est. Forma vero ab ideis defluxit” (ibid., 1.176–77, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 212).Google Scholar

52 “Has quidem rationes ideas vel formas licet vocare et sic coniungendo formam substantie creavit ylem, substantiam videlicet in formam, que et de nihilo creata est, quia ex nulla preiacenti materia fecit earn deus. … Hec autem totum locum possidebat, quern ab uno emisperio usque ad aliud diversa modo corpora occupant” (ibid., 1.178, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 212).Google Scholar

53 “Que [materia] non ideo dicitur informis quod careat forma, quod impossibile esset, sed quia non habuit formam dispositionis, ut sub certo poneretur genere. … Et pro hac ratione a philosophis ponitur inter nullam et aliquam substantiam. … Yle enim formam habuit confusionis, quod nisi ita esset, ratio requirebat. Nam materia in qua omnia celestia, terrestria corpora erant per materiam et que transitura erant in omnia corpora per formam dispositionis, ratione habuit in sua creatione formam confusionis. Si enim per formam dispositionis sub aliquo certo poneretur genere, nec leviter nec etiam in omnia corpora transiret. Nam certa eius forma ipsa materia cum magna sui susciperet aliquas, alias vero nullo modo posset induere” (ibid., 1.179, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 212).Google Scholar

54 Ibid., 1.181–82, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 213.Google Scholar

55 Ibid., 1.183, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 213. The theme of primordial matter filling the two hemispheres is further developed at the beginning of book 2, n. 72 below.Google Scholar

56 Ibid., 1.184, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 213.Google Scholar

57 For the sun, see ibid., 1.199–203, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 217.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., 1.186–98, 204–14, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 214–19. Appendices 2–5.Google Scholar

59 Concerning, “firmamentum,” see Obrist, , “Guillaume de Conches” (n. 9 above), 149–50, esp. 158–62.Google Scholar

60 “Hec autem informis materia, quia per se non poterat in diversa permutari corpora, cum corpora omnia et eorum formas continetur, indigebat artifice qui de ipsa et in ipsa operaretur. Sed artifex unus erat, scilicet deus qui est omnipotens et summe sapiens et summe benignus, qui de parte huius firmamentum, Solem et Lunam et cetera corpora composuit celestia, que sunt rotunde forme et omnibus istis inferioribus simpliciora et perfectiora. Simpliciora vero, quia non sunt de quattuor elementis composita. … Perfectiora autem quia nec corrumpuntur nec intensionem nec remissionem patiuntur. Igitur naturaliter circulari motu moventur et non directo” ( De secretis philosophie 1.185–86, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 214).Google Scholar

61 Ibid., 1.190, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 215; Liber de orbe (n. 4 above), chap. 14; Appendix 2.Google Scholar

62 Ibid., chap. 14; Appendix 3.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., chap. 14; Appendix 2.Google Scholar

64 Ibid., chap. 15; Appendix 4. One would think that this refers to the precession of the equinox, but elsewhere this doctrine is put forth in the Liber de orbe; cf. chap. 28; Appendix 5.Google Scholar

65 Appendix 4.Google Scholar

66 De secretis philosophie 1.210–14, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 218–19. Appendix 5.Google Scholar

67 Liber de orbe (short version), chap. 10, Sermo de circulis et cordis et punctis: “Revolvam ergo circulum et scribam in oriente a, et in meridie b, et in occidente g, et in septentrione d” (Nuremberg, 1549, fol. E iiir–v).Google Scholar

68 De secretis philosophie , 1.205, 2.75, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 218, 245.Google Scholar

69 “Incipit secunda [particula], que continet quomodo elementa facta sint et quid sit elementum et que sit elementi ethimologia et quis sit motus elementorum et quot sint elementorum commixtiones, et utrum elementa sunt naturalia necne” (ibid., 2.1, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 228).Google Scholar

70 Ibid. 2.2–4: “Centr[um] illius yles”; “quasi centrum yles” (ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 228).Google Scholar

71 Ibid., 1.178, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 212; n. 52 above.Google Scholar

72 “Superius diximus [1.185–86; n. 31] quod de parte primordialis corporis deus superiora fecit, que tamen sunt opus dei. Sed superior pars remanentis materiei inter duo emisperia, turn motu firmamenti, turn calefactione Solis, Martis et aliorum calefacta et desiccata, et per calorem et siccitatem subtilis et levis effecta, transivit in ignem, et sic ignis factus est calidus et siccus, subtilis, levis et in eodem loco remansit” (ibid., 2.2, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 228).Google Scholar

73 “Quia in principio creavit deus quoddam corpus, et creavit illud simplum et omni accidente nudum, sed tale tamen necnon occuparet locum, eique quantitatem attribuit ac tribus dimensionibus circumscripsit; moveri quoque ipsum voluit, et ecce motum recepit. Sed et idem corpus in IIIIor partes divisit, quarum unam quidem omnino calefecit et siccavit et inde ignem fecit …. Fuit igitur illa una ac simpla substantia ad IIIIor elementa, quemadmodum cere massa ad IIII formas diversas ex eadem confectas …” (Marius, , De elementis 1, ed. Dales, , Marius, On the Elements [n. 14 above], 77).Google Scholar

74 D'Alverny, , “Pseudo-Aristotle, De elementis“ (n. 39 above), 64–69.Google Scholar

75 Altmann, A., “Isaac Israeli's ‘Chapter on the Elements’ (Ms. Mantua),” The Journal of Jewish Studies 7 (1956): 31–51, c. 1–2, 42–43; Altmann, A. and Stern, S. M., Isaac Israeli (Oxford, 1958), 120–21. However, the Latin translation of the pseudo-Aristotelian De elementis by Gerard of Cremona of does not treat of the origin of elementary bodies (Hossfeld, P., ed., in Magnus, Albertus, Opera, V, 2 [Münster, 1980], 49–103).Google Scholar

76 For Gundisalvi, see Fidora, A., “Le débat sur la création: Guillaume de Conches, maître de Dominique Gundisalvi?,” in Guillaume de Conches (n. 9 above), 271–88; for the hylomorphism and the cosmogonic views of Gundisalvi and Urso of Salerno, Caiazzo, I., “Urso of Salerno on Prime Matter between Plato and Aristotle,” in Substances minérales et corps animés: De la philosophic de la matière aux pratiques médicales (1100–1500) , dir. Jacquart, D., Weill-Parot, N. (Paris, 2012) 19–52.Google Scholar

77 “Ut yle in elementa transit naturali compositione, i. generatione, elementum in humores, humores in consimilia membra … consimilia dissolvuntur in humores, humores in elementa (elementa sicut hic ignis, hec terra, etc.), elementa in ylem, que ultima pars corporis ultra quam dissolvendo non possumus procedure, cum de nihilo ipsam deus fecit” ( De secretis philosophie 2.22, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 231). Cadden refers to Constantine the African as a source (Pantegni 1.1.3, in Opera Ysaac [Lyons, 1515]), but there is no question of hyle in the pertinent chapters on elements (“Two Definitions of Elementum“ [n. 15 above], 34).Google Scholar

78 “Per dissolutionem enim in elementa rediguntur [lapis, lignum, bos] et sic destructio unius est generatio alterius” (De secretis philosophie 2.19, 2.127, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 230, 255).Google Scholar

79 “Elementum enim rei inest que ex eo est compositus. Nam elementum est simpla rei ex eo composite materia” (ibid., 2.16, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 230). Cadden saw this as a direct borrowing from Aristotle, , Metaphysica 1014a (“Two Definitions of Elementum,” 33).Google Scholar

80 “Sed ne diffinitionem Pantegni per ignorantiam pertransire videamus, dicimus: 'Elementum est simpla et minima compositi corporis particula (hoc non differt a superioribus)” ( De secretis philosophie 2.18, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 230); on versions of the Pantegni that were in circulation, see Burnett, , “Verba Ypocratis“ (n. 15 above), 67.Google Scholar

81 “Sed nobis Salernitani prave opponunt dicentes: 'Elementa non sunt simpla, ut superius exposuistis. Videmus enim intra terram aquam, ignem, aerem, et e converso in aqua aerem, ignem. Et hec terra que videtur, aqua, aer, ignis, que vos dicitis elementa, non sunt elementa, sed elementata. Et repondemus … quod autem dicunt hec que videntur non esse elementa, sed alia, stultizantes verberant aerem” (De secretis philosophic 2.24–32, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, , [1994/95]: 232–33); see also: “Et in his dictis Isaac philosophi Salernitani pravi confunduntur, qui dicunt elementa non habere partes” (ibid., 2.76, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 245).Google Scholar

82 Ibid., 2.33, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 233; n. 35 above.Google Scholar

83 It is one of the rare occasions Aristotle is being adduced as an authority: “Nos autem Aristotelem sequentes affirmamus quod ista sunt IV elementa de quorum commixtione omnia concreta et eorum diversitates proveniunt et de quibus phisica tractat” (ibid., 2.34, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 234).Google Scholar

84 Ibid., 2.37–43, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 234–35. Appendices 6–7.Google Scholar

85 Liber de orbe (n. 4 above), chap. 3; Appendix 6. Florence, BN, MS Conv. Soppr. J. I. 132, fol. 2r^a .Google Scholar

86 De secretis philosophie 2.37–38, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 234; Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 283, fol. 65r (brown ink); London, BL, Harley 4348, fol. 23v (red ink); Appendix 6.Google Scholar

87 Liber de orbe , chap. 3; Appendix 7.Google Scholar

88 De secretis philosophie 2.44–48, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 235–36.Google Scholar

89 Ibid. 2.49–55, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 236–37. For the reproduction of a table, in London, BL, Harley 4348, fol. 26v, see Murdoch, J., Album of Science (New York, 1984), 33 n. 23.Google Scholar

90 N. 122 below.Google Scholar

91 De secretis philosophie 2.56–73, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 238–45.Google Scholar

92 Ibid., 2.99–111, esp. 108–11, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 250–52; Marius, , De elementis , ed. Dales, (n. 14 above), 153–57.Google Scholar

93 Dales, R. C., “Anonymi De elementis: From a Twelfth-Century Collection of Scientific Works in British Museum MS Cotton Galba E. IV,” Isis 56 (1965): 174–89, at 182. Jordan, M. D., “Medicine as Science in the Early Commentaries on ‘Johannitius,”’ Traditio 43 (1987): 121–45, at 142; Bartholomew of Salerno (fl. mid-twelfth c), Commentary on Johannitius, , Ysagoge, quoted in Jacquart, , “Aristotelian Thought in Salerno” (n. 2 above), 416 n. 35.Google Scholar

94 De secretis philosophie 2.123–29, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 254–55; for “nature,” see 127.Google Scholar

95 Ibid., 1.198, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 216; “Cum enim corpus egrum fit sanum, seu sanum egrum, alteratio autem illa patenter visibus nostris per ipsius opera corporis innotescit …” (ibid., 1.205–8, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 218); 2.22, 231; 2.35–36, 234; 2.51–55, 237; 2.75–84, 245–47; 2.87, 248; 2.95–98, 249–50; 2.124–26, 254–55, with references to the Pantegni: 2.18, 230; to Hippocrates: 2.35–36, 234; to Isaac: 2.76, 245; to Galen: 2.54, 2.87, 237, 248; to Johannitius, , Ysagoge: 2.124–26, 254–55.Google Scholar

96 Ibid., 3.1–55, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 8–34.Google Scholar

97 Appendices 8–10.Google Scholar

98 “Sciunt quidem omnes philosophi et confirmant quia Sol et cetere planete causa sint constructionis et destructionis huius inferioris aeris et nostri mundi. Sed tamen fortior et stabilior et rectior atque immutabilior in his est Sol” (ibid., 4.73, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1999]: 58).Google Scholar

99 Ibid., 4.74–78, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 58–59. Galen, , De diebus decretoriis libri iii 3.2 sqq., in Claudii Galeni Opera omnia , ed. Kühn, C. G., vol. 9 (Leipzig, 1825, repr. Hildesheim, 1965), 769–941; cf. 901 sqq.Google Scholar

100 De secretis philosophie 4.79, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 59. Appendix 8.Google Scholar

101 Ibid.Google Scholar

102 Ibid., 4.80, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 59. Appendix 9.Google Scholar

103 “Sic etiam spera Lune, Mercurii, Veneris, Solis, Martis, Saturni, fixorum siderum nec non XII signorum spera se habet, ut recta quam supra firmamentum nominavimus, sicque he X spere ab hora qua a deo ad seculi create sunt utilitatem se habuerunt ad terminum voluntatis dei” (ibid., 1.190, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1994/95]: 215).Google Scholar

104 Ibid., 4.83. Appendix 10; “Unde Ypocras in Prognosticis: neque est computari incompleto numero dierum” (ibid., 4.84, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, [1999]: 60). For astrologically oriented texts ascribed to Hippocrates, the Astrologia Ypocratis, or Astrologia medicorum, and the Prognostica de decubitu , cf. Kibre, P., “Astronomia or Astrologia Ypocratis,” in Studies in Medieval Science, Alchemy, Astrology, Mathematics and Medicine (London, 1984), n. XIV, 133–56, at 134, 136–37. Idem, Hippocrates latinus: Repertory of Hippocratic Writings in the Middle Ages (New York, 1985), 94–95.Google Scholar

105 De secretis philosophie 1.190–92; Liber de orbe, chap. 14; Appendix 2. Actually, William of Conches also makes a somewhat ambiguous use of some of these phrases; Obrist, cf., “Guillaume de Conches” (n. 9 above), 154–55.Google Scholar

106 Galen, , De diebus decretoriis libri iii , chap. 1–3, etc. (ed. Kühn, , 901, 903, 905, etc.)Google Scholar

107 De secretis philosophie 5.18–22, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 75–76. Appendix 11. It is preserved in a manuscript copied in 1192, seemingly in Maghribi writing (Madrid, BN, MS 4994. fols. 118), fols. 100v–117v. Cf. Martínez Martín, L., “Teorías sobre la mareas según un manuscrito árabe del siglo XII,” in Memorias de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 13 (1971–75): 135–212, at 136, 172–73. This article includes a Spanish translation of the text (175–212).Google Scholar

108 De secretis philosophie 5.28–35, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999): 77–78. Appendix 12.Google Scholar

109 Ibid.; Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 283, fol. 105v. London, BL, MS Harley 4348, fol. 66v.Google Scholar

110 For excerpts of texts, see Kristeller, P. O., “Bartholomeus, Musandinus and Maurus of Salerno and Other Early Commentators of the ‘Articella,’ with a Tentative List of Texts and Manuscripts,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 19 (1976): 57–87, at 85–87; Dales, , “Anonymi De elementis“ (n. 93 above), 180–81. Burnett, C., “Physics before the Physics: Early Translations from Arabic of Texts concerning Nature in MSS British Library, Additional 22719 and Cotton Galba E IV,” Medioevo 27 (2002): 53–109, at 55; Caiazzo, , “Un inedito commento” (n. 35 above).Google Scholar

111 Liber de orbe, chap. 1, Firmamentum est creatum et gubernatum , Florence, BN, MS Conv. Sopp. J. I. 132, fol. 1r^b–1v^b .Google Scholar

112 Ibid. To a large extent, the gist of the argument is the same in chapter one of the short version, despite the differences in vocabulary. Cf. Messahala, , De elementis et orbibus coelestibus (Nuremberg, 1549), fols. Br–Biiv.Google Scholar

113 Freudenthal, G., “The Medieval Astrologization of the Aristotelian Cosmos: From Alexander of Aphrodisias to Averroes,” Mélanges de l'Université Saint-Joseph 59 (2006): 29–68.Google Scholar

114 De secretis philosophie 1.198, ed. Lemke, and Maurach, (1994/95): 216. Appendix 3.Google Scholar

115 Sela, S., “Maimonides and Māshā'allāh on the Ninth Orb of the Signs and Astrology,” Aleph 12 (2012): 101–34.Google Scholar

116 Kibre, , “Astronomia or Astrologia Ypocratis“ (n. 104 above), n. XIV, 133–56, at 134; Alfonsi, Petrus, “Epistola ad peripateticos,” ed. Millás Vallicrosa, J., in “La aportación astronómica de Pedro Alfonso,” Sefarad 3 (1943): 65–105, at 97–105; repr. in idem, Estudios sobre historia de la ciencia española (Barcelona, 1949), 197–218; also included in Tolan, J., Petrus Alfonsi and his Medieval Readers (Gainesville, 1993), 164–72 (Latin), 166; 172–81 (English), 174–75. See also Alfonsi, Petrus, prologue to the Zīj , Burnett, , “The Works of Petrus Alfonsi” (n. 6 above) 64–65.Google Scholar

117 The forty-chapter version of the Liber de orbe itself comprises references to medical topics; chap. 11. Appendix. 11; chap. 15: “Cum enim corpus egrum fit sanum seu sanum egrum, alteratio illa visibiliter per ipsius corporis opera visibus nostris patet” (Florence, BN, MS Conv. Sopp. J. I. 132, fols. 4v^b, 7v^a–b, 7v^b).Google Scholar

118 Burnett also pointed out that these favored philosophical rather than theological issues: “Physics before the Physics,” 53, 77–78.Google Scholar

119 Liber de orbe, chap. 40; for the Greek, see, among others, chap. 1: “neomenia”; chap. 11, “apostemata” (Florence, BN, MS Conv. Soppr. J. I. 132, fols. 1v^a; 4v^b). Israeli, Isaac, Chapter on the Elements , chap. 1: “Aristotle the philosopher and master of the wisdom of the Greeks said” (transl. from the Hebrew), Altmann, and Stern, , Isaac Israeli (n. 75 above), 119.Google Scholar

120 Concerning the formation of metals (congelata) in Marius, , De elementis (ed. Dales, , 153–57), Richard Dales notes that Marius used a so-far-unidentified Arabic work, rather than the Liber Apollonii (or Hermetis) de secretis naturae translated by Hugh of Santalla in or before 1143 (ed. Hudry, F., “Le ‘De secretis nature’ du ps.-Apollonius de Tyane, traduction latine par Hugues de Santalla du Kitāb sirr al-ḥalīqa,” Chrisopoeia 6 (1997–99): 1–154, at 24–26. The chapter De elementis by Isaac Israeli and works by Isaac Israeli, as well as an unidentified Latin version of the pseudo-Aristotelian De elementis, were used as well.Google Scholar

121 Haskins, Ch. H., Studies in the History of Medieval Science (Cambridge, 1927), 95.Google Scholar

122 Cadden, J., “De elementis: Earth, Water, Air, and Fire in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries” (MA thesis, 1968, Columbia University). Dales, R., “On the Elements and the Twelfth-Century Science of Matter,” Viator 3 (1972): 191–218, at 192 n. 8. Idem, ed., Marius, On the Elements (n. 73 above), 4–5, 35.Google Scholar

123 D'Alverny, , “Pseudo-Aristotle, De elementis“ (n. 39 above), 83 n. 80; on Marius, see 65, 71–73. Lemke, and Maurach, (1999) (n. 13 above): 7.Google Scholar

124 Burnett, , “The Works of Petrus Alfonsi,” 60.Google Scholar

125 The nature of these arguments is not specified. Morpurgo, P., L'armonia delta natura e l'ordine dei governi (secoli XII–XIII) (Florence, 2000), 71.Google Scholar

126 Gottschall, D., “Marius Salernitanus und Gottfried von Viterbo,” Sudhoffs Archiv 75 (1991): 111–13; Weber, L. J., “The Historical Importance of Godfrey of Viterbo,” Viator 25 (1994): 153–95, at 188.Google Scholar

127 Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon: “Hec secundum Lucidarium et secundum Augustinum et Originem superius dicta sunt. Notandum est quod Alfanus salernitanus archiepiscopus et Marius salernitanus preceptor meus in contrarium sentiunt dictum. Dicunt enim superiora corpora, firmamentum, scilicet solem et lunam et omnia sydera, non ex elementis constare. Composita subiacent corrupcioni et dissolucioni, ipsa quoque elementa permutantur et corrumpuntur. Ideoque ex elementis non constant. Talia enim cuncta sunt hodie quanta et talia ab initio mundi fuerunt. Et quamvis ipsa videantur calefacere et infrigorare et humectare et desiccare ipsa in se neque calida neque frigida neque humida neque sicca sunt et non sunt in ipsis qualitates ille, sed naturales virtutes quibus peragunt actiones suas. Exempli causa motus calefacit, sed ipse calidus non est. Aqua frigida et nix calefaciunt et ipse in se calorem non habent. Ego cum Alfano et cum Mario sentio. Sed et tamen priorem sentenciam non refuto. Lector autem hinc inde accipiat que visa sibi fuerint pociora.” The passage is quoted in Gottschall, D., “Marius Salernitanus und Gottfried von Viterbo,” 113 (translated in Burnett, , “Physics before the Physics,” 77). Gottschall relied on Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, MS M, ch. fol. 2 (s. XV). For the manuscripts of the diverse redactions of the Pantheon, see Weber, , “The Historical Importance,” 193–95.Google Scholar

128 Burnett, , “The Works of Petrus Alfonsi,” 60.Google Scholar

129 Nemesius of Emesa, De natura hominis , chap. 5 (trans. Alfanus, ): “Aristoteles autem quintum etiam inducit corpus, hoc est aethereum et quod fertur in circulo, nolens caelum ex quattuor elementis esse factum (sed quintum corpus vocat quod fertur in circulo, eo quod in circulo circa idem feratur), Platone aperte dicente ex igne et terra illud constare” (ed. Burkhard, C. [Leipzig, 1917], 69, 1.34–35). Dales, R., “An Unnoticed Translation of the Chapter ‘De elementis’ from Nemesius' ‘De natura hominis,”’ Medievalia et Humanistica 17 (1966): 13–19, at 18. On this translation, which was made from the Arabic, see Grensemann, H. and Weisser, U., Iparchus Minutientis alias Hipparchus Metapontinus: Untersuchungen zu einer hochmittelalterlichen lateinischen Übersetzung von Nemesios von Emesa, De natura hominis, Kapitel 5: De elementis, (Bonn, 1997), 144–45, 67; for a new edition (2007), see Burnett, , “Verba Ypocratis“ (n. 80 above). Further: Bartholomew of Salerno, , Commentary on Johannitius, Ysagoge: “Communis autem sententia est et fere ab omnibus probate quatuor esse tantum elementa, Aristoteles tamen preter hoc quintam essentiam esse constitute cuius secundum locus est a lunari globus superius” (quoted from the manuscript by Jacquart, , “Aristotelian Thought in Salerno” [n. 2 above], 418 n. 43).Google Scholar

130 Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon, Recension E, Particula III: “1) De celis et de planetis et de stellis et natura et motu earum secundum phylosophos, et principaliter secundum Clementem papam; 2) De eneo firmamento, quod separat inferiores aquas a superioribus; 3) De operibus sex dierum; 4) De sole et luna et stellis et planetis omnibus; 5) De ordine et distinctione celorum; 6) De massa yle, de qua omnis creatura corporea facta est a lunari circulo inferius; 7) De ethereo celo quod videmus, in quo sunt sydera.” Particula IIII: “De elementis secundum phylosophos; 1) Sentencia Constantini Africani [et Atali filii Abas discipuli Abimehec] et Stephani Antioceni; 2) De quatuor humoribus qui dicuntur filii elementorum; 3) Quod elementa simpla sint, unde corporea fiunt.” The list of topics relating to the elements is more detailed in Recensions C, D as given by Waitz: “De distinctione elementorum, et primum de igne …; De actione et commixtione elementorum; De quatuor humoribus corporum; De ethemologia elementorum; Quod elementa sunt sensibilia, licet propter infectionem suam sentiri perfecte non possunt; Quod elementa non sunt infecta per unionem, set per adiunctionem …; Quod res unita separari non potest; Quod elementa componentia non remanent in compositis ut elementa, set desinunt esse elementa et fiunt aliud quid; Auctoritas philosophorum super hec; Quod generatio fit ex rebus elementatis per corruptionem et alterationem” (ed. Waitz, G., MGH Scriptores 22 [Hanover, 1872, repr. Stuttgart, 1976], 107–8).Google Scholar

131 Ibid., 259, 14: “Eo tempore ego per Lotharium positus sum puer in scolis aput Babenberc”; Weber, , “The Historical Importance,” 162. Langosch, K., “Gottfried von Viterbo,” in Verfasserlexikon 3 (Berlin, 1981), 173–82.Google Scholar

132 Chalandon, F., Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile (Paris, 1907), 2.74–75; trans., Storia delta dominazione normanna in Italia et in Sicilia (Naples, 1999), 2.86–87.Google Scholar

133 N. 81 above.Google Scholar

134 Lemay, R., Abu Ma'shar and Latin Aristotelianism in the Twelfth Century: The Recovery of Aristotle's Natural Philosophy through Arabic Astrology (Beirut, 1962).Google Scholar

135 The readings of Lemke and Maurach (n. 13 above) are being followed with the exception of typographical errors and the placing of commas. The text of the Florence manuscript is transcribed without alterations except for scribal errors.Google Scholar

136 Sunt autem … passione eius”: om. Harley 4348.Google Scholar