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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2016
The enclosed solitary life, like other forms of (broadly speaking) monastic vocation, can trace its origins to the eastern deserts of the third and fourth centuries. But its development as a distinct and separately regulated form of living belongs to the central Middle Ages. By the twelfth century, the anchoritic vocation was an established part of a spiritual landscape that also included regular cenobites (monks, canons, nuns) and the still comparatively unregulated, freely wandering hermits. Anchorites usually lived alone (or at least without any spiritual companion: the life was impossible without servants or some other way of attending to the practitioner's domestic needs), in a cell attached (in most cases) to a parish church, often in an urban location; if men, they were usually priests, though more often seculars than regulars; in England, female anchorites, of whom very few appear to have been nuns prior to their enclosure, outnumbered males throughout the period.
1 For a recent summary account of the vocation's development, see Mulder-Bakker, Anneke B., Lives of the Anchoresses , trans. Scholz, Myra Heerspink (Philadelphia, 2005); for England in this period of development, Licence, Tom, “Evidence of Recluses in Eleventh-Century England,” Anglo-Saxon England 36 (2007): 221–34 and idem, Hermits and Recluses in English Society, 950–1200 (Oxford, 2011).Google Scholar Research for the present study was made possible by a grant from the British Academy. In addition, I should like to thank the participants in the workshop on “Writing and Revising Medieval Rites” in the series “Interpreting Medieval Liturgy c. 500–1500 Text and Performance,” Exeter, January 2010, for discussing some of this material with me; Richard Pfaff, Richard Kay, and Matthew Cheung Salisbury for their helpful replies to my enquiries, and Giuliano di Bacco and Fiona Watson for their assistance with the Trinity manuscript. My greatest debt, though, is to my colleague Sarah Hamilton.Google Scholar
2 The key studies for England remain Clay, Rotha Mary, The Hermits and Anchorites of England (London, 1914) and Warren, Ann K., Anchorites and their Patrons in Medieval England (Berkeley, 1985). For a brief overview, see my “Hermits and Anchorites in Historical Context,” in Approaching Medieval English Anchoritic and Mystical Texts , ed. Dyas, Dee, Edden, Valerie, and Ellis, Roger (Cambridge, 2005), 3–18.Google Scholar
3 Gougaud, Louis, Ermites et rectus (Vienne, 1928), 68.Google Scholar
4 Palazzo, Eric, A History of Liturgical Books , trans. Beaumont, Madeleine (Collegeville, MN, 1998), 195–212; Vogel, Cyrille, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources , trans. William, G. Storey and Rasmussen, Niels Krogh (Washington, 1986), 249–71; Andrieu, Michel, Le Pontifical Romain au Moyen-âge, 4 vols. (Vatican City, 1938–41).Google Scholar
5 Brückmann, J., “Latin Manuscript Pontificals and Benedictionals in England and Wales,” Traditio 29 (1973): 391–458; Ker, N. R. et al., Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1969–2002). Brückmann's finding was that “no manuscript pontifical appears to be extant in Scotland” (395). I also include references to relevant library catalogues or other detailed descriptions where they have been published since Brückmann's study, or add significantly to it. The following are referred to in more than one entry: A Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Museum, 4 vols. (London, 1808); Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts c.737–1600 in Cambridge Libraries , ed. Robinson, P. R., 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1988); Scott, Kathleen L., A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, vol. 6: Later Gothic Manuscripts 1390–1490, 2 vols. (London, 1996).Google Scholar
6 Pontificalia: A Repertory of Latin Manuscript Pontificals and Benedictionals (print edition Lawrence, KS, 2007); electronic edition (2009) available from http://hdl.handle.net/1808/4406.Google Scholar
7 James, M. R., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge , 7 vols. (Cambridge, 1909), 1:164; Scott, , Survey, no. 18, at 2:80–81; Lowden, John, “Illuminated Books and the Liturgy: Some Observations,” in Objects, Images, and the Word: Art in the Service of the Liturgy , ed. Hourihane, Colum (Princeton, 2003), 17–53, at 40–41.Google Scholar
8 Vogel, , Medieval Liturgy , 254. The pontifical of Durandus is available in the edition by Michel Andrieu as vol. 3 of his Pontifical Romain au Moyen-Âge. Google Scholar
9 The references to Exeter are written over erasure. Kay comments: “Wilson read the erasure as “doroborensi” [sic] (Canterbury), but under ultraviolet this seems unlikely” (Pontificalia, on this MS). (In fact, the text that Wilson printed had been supplied by Dewick, E. S..) Kay examined the manuscript in 1960, and perhaps more could be made out then than now. I have been able to establish only that “[exoni] ensi” has been written over an erased word that was longer, perhaps by only one letter. In abbreviated form, “dorobernensi” would be a good fit.Google Scholar
10 Ker, N. R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain (London, 1964), 81.Google Scholar
11 Wordsworth, Christopher and Littlehales, Henry, The Old Service-Books of the English Church (London, 1904), 220.Google Scholar
12 Van Dijk, (followed by Kay) suggested an association with Exeter's Cathedral of St. Peter on the strength of the invocation of the apostle in the Satisfaciat at the end of the Burial of the dead. But Peter appears also, for example, in the text of the printed manuals; and see §106 in the edition below (van Dijk, S. J. P., “Catalogue of Liturgical Manuscripts and Fragments in the Bodleian Library, Oxford” [typescript held in Duke Humfrey's Library, Bodleian Library, Oxford], 2:8). Nonetheless it will be seen below that Tanner is very close textually to Lacy, assuredly an Exeter book.Google Scholar
13 Henderson omits dating the manuscript but implies that it is contemporary with Bainbridge, even though he notes that the references to the archbishop are later additions (see viii, v). In his description in Bibliotheca Musico-Liturgica 2 ([Burnham, Bucks., 1932], 113), Frere, W. H. made it s. xiii, though he had included it among the fifteenth-century manuscripts in the list of pontificals he gave in Pontifical Services Illustrated from Miniatures of the XVth & XVIth Centuries, vol. 1 ([London, 1901], 104). Brückmann and Kay both follow Frere's 1932 dating to s. xiii, but the Cambridge cataloguers (Luard, H. R. and Scott, C. B.) seem to have been correct in assigning the book to s. xv. See A Catalogue of the Manuscripts Preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge, 5 vols. (Cambridge, 1856–67), 2:509–10. My thanks to Ralph Hanna for his advice on dating the hands of this manuscript.Google Scholar
14 The thirteenth-century pontifical in Warminster, Longleat MS 13 is defective at the end of its blessings of virgins and widows, and resumes some way into the order of matrimony (Brückmann, 458): given the position of the lacuna, the lost material could possibly have included an enclosure ordo. My thanks to Professor Pfaff for bringing this manuscript to my attention.Google Scholar
15 This text, and the absolutions printed Henderson, 107∗–108∗, are omitted from the entry in Ralph Hanna's catalogue, where they should appear between items 16 and 17. See A Descriptive Catalogue of the Western Medieval Manuscripts of St John's College, Oxford (Oxford, 2002), 64–66. Hanna describes MS 47 as a manual of York use, but this appears to be an error: it regularly follows the printed Sarum manuals, and contains no features distinctive of York. Many thanks to Ruth Ogden for her help in securing reproductions from this manuscript.Google Scholar
16 Buckland was lot 210 in the sale of books from (inter alia) the estate of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton at Christie's, 20 December 1972, but it remained unsold and was returned to the family (who had relinquished Buckland House in 1910) at Coughton Court (Warwicks.). The description given in the sale catalogue supplements the Historical Manuscripts Commission description on matters of dating and decoration. For their help in tracking down this manuscript I am grateful to Lesley Caine at Warwickshire County Record Office and Linda McCloud at Christie's London; and for access to it, to the National Trust and in particular Kelly Appleton at Coughton Court.Google Scholar
17 For their help in obtaining a copy of this text I am grateful to Robert Petre and Ralph Hanna.Google Scholar
18 The manual contained all the occasional services likely to be needed by a parish priest. See Wordsworth, and Littlehales, , Old Service-Books , 213–18. I have checked for other manuscript examples in Ker and the major library catalogues, but cannot claim to have searched as exhaustively as Brückmann did for pontificals.Google Scholar
19 Manuale , xx.Google Scholar
20 The Register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter, 1420–1455: Registrum Commune , ed. Dunstan, G. R., 5 vols., Canterbury & York Society 60–63, 66 (1963–72), 2:158–59, 395.Google Scholar
21 Devon Record Office, MS Chanter catalogue 8 (Register of Stafford, vol. 1), fols. 64r–v; my translation. Summarized in Hingeston-Randolph, F. C., The Register of Edmund Stafford (A.D. 1395–1419): An Index and Abstract of its Contents (London, 1886), 251. See also my “A Mystic by Any other Name: Julian(?) of Norwich,” Mystics Quarterly 33/3–4 (2007): 1–17, at 6–8.Google Scholar
22 “Omnia et singula faciendum que in premissis, vel circa ea, conveniunt sive decent, vices nostras justa modum et formam contentos in cedula quam pro informacione vestra Presentibus annecti fecimus” ( The Register of John de Grandisson: Bishop of Exeter [A.D. 1327–1369] , ed. Hingeston-Randolph, F. C., 3 vols. [Exeter, 1894–99], 650).Google Scholar
23 Brückmann, , 395, my emphasis. An example of a roll containing pontifical offices, and an illustration of such a roll being used during the consecration of a church, are given in Wordsworth and Littlehales, Old Service-Books, 224 and facing page.Google Scholar
24 Clay, , Hermits and Anchorites (n. 2 above), 94–96, and Appendix A, 193–98. The translation is based on Henderson's text. Clay also mentions a Sarum Manual at St. John's College, Cambridge. St. John's has two copies of the 1537 printed Manual, but no manuscripts; this is more likely an error for the Oxford St. John's.Google Scholar
25 Warren, , Anchorites and their Patrons (n. 2 above), 76 and n. 55.Google Scholar
26 Ibid., 97–100.Google Scholar
27 De Reformatione monasteriorum, cap. 42, in Des Augustinerpropstes Iohannes Busch Chronicon Windeshemense und Liber de reformatione monasteriorum , ed. Grube, Karl (Halle, 1886), 656–58.Google Scholar
28 Darwin, F. D. S., The English Mediaeval Recluse (London, 1944), 71–78; quotation from 71.Google Scholar
29 Das Institut der Inclusen in Süddeutschland (Münster, 1934).Google Scholar
30 Martène, E., De antiquis ecclesiæ ritibus libri 4 , 4 vols. (Rouen, 1700–1702), 2:178.Google Scholar
31 Printed, J. H. Wyttenbach, and Müller, M. F. J., Gesta Trevirorum , vol. 1 (1836), 54–56.Google Scholar
32 Ermites et reclus (n. 3 above), 66–75.Google Scholar
33 The ordo inclusorum printed in the seventeenth century by Matthäus Rader is in fact not an enclosure rite but a rule for anchoritic living. See Rader, M., Bavaria Sancta , vol. 3 (Munich, 1624), 114.Google Scholar
34 It also appears in the English rite — see §064 in the edition below and notes — but since the prayer, used here for blessing the anchorite's cell, is ubiquitous in benedictiones domuum, its appearance may be coincidental.Google Scholar
35 Wyttenbach, and Müller, , Gesta Trevirorum , 56.Google Scholar
36 For Vespasian, see also Hamilton, Sarah, “Absoluimus uos uice beati petri apostolorum principis: Episcopal Authority and the Reconciliation of Excommunicants in England and Francia c.900–c.H50,” in Frankland: The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages , ed. Fouracre, Paul and Ganz, David (Manchester, 2008), 209–41, on which much of this paragraph is based.Google Scholar
37 This is suggested cautiously by Hamilton (ibid., 213).Google Scholar
38 Ibid., 210.Google Scholar
39 Anchorites and Their Patrons (n. 2 above), 56. “Bishops and Anchorites: Procedure and Protection” is the title of Warren's chapter 3. Of course, it is only from the twelfth century that we have consistent records of episcopal activity, in the forms of registers, etc.Google Scholar
40 Licence, , “Evidence of Recluses” (n. 1 above), 233.Google Scholar
41 Rollason, D. W., “Goscelin of Canterbury's Account of the Translation and Miracles of St. Mildrith (BHL 5961/4): An Edition with Notes,” Mediaeval Studies 48 (1986): 139–210, at 209; Licence, “Evidence of Recluses,” 229–30, including a discussion of date.Google Scholar
42 “Nulla ut assolet episcopi introductione, nulla benedictionis solemnitate, sed familiari Spiritus Sancti auctoritate, Christo se consepelivit” ( Wulfric of Haselbury [by] John, Abbot of Ford , ed. Bell, Maurice, Somerset Record Society 47 [London, 1933], 15).Google Scholar
43 Ibid., 142. Bell assumed that a constitution attributed to Edmund Rich in Lyndwood's Provinciate, and much concerned with “episcopal control,” was genuine. It is probably not (see the discussion below), although Bell's case is only slightly weakened.Google Scholar
44 The English Text of the Ancrene Riwle Edited from B. M. Cotton MS. Cleopatra C. VI , ed. Dobson, E. J., Early English Text Society, o.s., 267 (1972), 41; my translation.Google Scholar
45 For a more detailed “reading” of this version of the ordo, see my “Ceremonies of Enclosure: Rite, Rhetoric and Reality,” in Rhetoric of the Anchorhold , ed. McAvoy, Liz Herbert (Cardiff, 2008), 34–49, esp. 36–42. Men to the east and women to the west was the ancient and apostolic arrangement, but usual practice in the Middle Ages (and beyond) was for men to be positioned to the south and women to the north of the church. See Aston, Margaret, “Segregation in Church,” in Women in the Church , ed. Sheils, W. J. and Wood, D., Studies in Church History 27 (Oxford, 1990), 237–94.Google Scholar
46 I will refer to the “one-to-be-enclosed” with the masculine, as the manuscripts do.Google Scholar
47 See further, Jones, , “Ceremonies of Enclosure,” 39–41.Google Scholar
48 Ed. Wilson, , 244.Google Scholar
49 Frere, , Pontifical Services (n. 13 above), 56.Google Scholar
50 See especially his “Vita regularis sine regula: Bedeutung, Rechtsstellung und Selbstverständnis des mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Semireligiosentums,” in Häresie und vorzeitige Reformation im Spätmittelalter , ed. Šmahel, František (Munich, 1998), 239–73.Google Scholar
51 See the entry on Chichele by Jeremy Catto in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Gillespie, Vincent, “1412–1534: Culture and History,” in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Mysticism , ed. Fanous, Samuel and Gillespie, Vincent (Cambridge, 2011), 163–93; After Arundel: Religious Writing in Fifteenth-Century England , ed. Gillespie, Vincent and Ghosh, Kantik (Turnhout, 2011).Google Scholar
52 Knowles, David, The Religious Orders in England , vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1955), 182–84; Clark, James G., “Humanism and Reform in Pre-Reformation English Monasteries,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 19 (Cambridge, 2009), 57–93.Google Scholar
53 See my “Langland and Hermits,” Yearbook of Langland Studies 11 (1997): 67–86. I intend to include a detailed examination of the liturgy associated with lay hermits in a forthcoming book on hermits in the late Middle Ages.Google Scholar
54 Catto, J., “Religious Change under Henry V,” in Henry V: The Practice of Kingship , ed. Harriss, G. L. (Oxford, 1985), 97–115, at 105, 107–9.Google Scholar
55 For discussion, see Pfaff, Richard W., The Liturgy in Medieval England (Cambridge, 2009), 438–42; Lepine, David, “‘Let Them Praise Him in Church’: Orthodox Reform at Salisbury Cathedral in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century,” in After Arundel, ed. Gillespie and Ghosh, 167–86. Sherry Reames's work on the Sarum Breviary puts the instigation of a reformist approach at least to that liturgical book a little earlier, at the close of the fourteenth century. See her “Late Medieval Efforts at Standardization and Reform in the Sarum Lessons for Saints' Days,” in Design and Distribution of Late Medieval Manuscripts in England , ed. Connolly, Margaret and Mooney, Linne R. (Woodbridge, 2008), 91–117.Google Scholar
56 For Lyndwood, see the entry by Helmholz, R. H. in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography .Google Scholar
57 For the decree, see Councils and Synods , ed. Powicke, F. M. and Cheney, Christopher Robert, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1964), 65–67.Google Scholar
58 Provinciale (seu Constitutiones Angliae) (Oxford, 1679), iii.20.2 at 214–15; my translation. See also the discussion in my “Hermits and Anchorites in Historical Context” (n. 2 above) 9–11.Google Scholar
59 “Ceremonies of Enclosure” (n. 45 above), 38–39.Google Scholar
60 Manuale , 50–59; Missal, 413–18.Google Scholar
61 Sancta Birgitta: Opera minora, vol. 1: Regula salvatoris , ed. Eklund, Sten, Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskriftsallskapet, Andra serien, Latinska skrifter, Band 8 (Lund, 1975), 155 (sigma text, cap. 9). The connection with the nuptial Mass is explicit: see 157.Google Scholar
62 Johnston, F. R., “Syon Abbey,” in The Victoria History of the County of Middlesex , vol. 1 (Oxford, 1969), 182–91. He also presided over the community's reenclosure at its new site in Isleworth in 1431.Google Scholar
63 At fols. 62r–67v (nuns) and 67v–71v (brothers) in Chichele A.Google Scholar
64 Regula Salvatoris , ed. Eklund, , 158 and 171–72.Google Scholar
65 Hermits and Anchorites (n. 2 above), 96. On this, see Bella Millett's essay “Can there be such a thing as an anchoritic rule?” forthcoming in Texts and Contexts of Medieval Anchoritism , ed. Innes-Parker, Catherine and Yoshikawa, Naoe Kukita. Thanks to Bella for letting me see her work in progress.Google Scholar
66 I review these questions in my “Vae Soli: Solitaries and Pastoral Care,” in Texts and Traditions of Medieval Pastoral Care , ed. Gunn, Cate and Innes-Parker, Catherine (Woodbridge, 2009), 11–28, at 13–18.Google Scholar
67 See §038 in the edition below.Google Scholar
68 There is a reproduction of the image from Clifford in my “Ceremonies of Enclosure,” 35, and it is widely reproduced elsewhere. Lansdowne depicts a reclusory, but no occupant is identifiable.Google Scholar
69 See Felicity Riddy's ground-breaking “‘Women Talking about the Things of God’: A Late Medieval Sub-Culture,” in Women and Literature in Britain, 1150–1500 , ed. Meale, Carol M. (Cambridge, 1993), 104–27. For a more recent example, see Mills, Robert, “Gender, Sodomy, Friendship, and the Medieval Anchorhold,” Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 36 (2010): 1–27.Google Scholar
70 Vespasian itself specifies only a Mass of the Holy Spirit , but all other manuscripts in its group suggest masses of the Holy Cross or BVM as alternatives.Google Scholar
71 In the manuscripts, however, the ordo for men is primary. It comes first, and whereas in the rite for men the litany is given at considerable length, in the rite for women the chorus master is simply referred to the litany “which is written in the last office” (“quern ultimo officio scribitur”), with a reminder to change the gender of nouns and pronouns as necessary (see §010 in the edition of the ordo for female anchorites, below).Google Scholar
72 This discussion may be read alongside the Comparative Table included below as an appendix.Google Scholar
73 For examples at Durham and Chichester, see “Durham,” no. 3, and “Sussex,” no. 5, in Clay, , Hermits and Anchorites , 214–15 and 250–51. For my ongoing project to update Clay's work, see http://hermits.ex.ac.uk/.Google Scholar
74 Lacy, , ed. Barnes, , 134.Google Scholar
75 Darwin, , English Mediaeval Recluse (n. 28 above), 76–77.Google Scholar
76 “Multi tamen prelati dimittunt officium extreme unctionis et comendacionis et, finita oracione Exaudi domine preces nostras, obstruunt ostium domus” (Lacy, fol. 51v; Tanner, 109). Barnes mistranscribed dimittunt as dicunt (137), losing the sense. See also Jones, , “Ceremonies of Enclosure,” 43 and n. 42.Google Scholar
77 “Religious Change” (n. 54 above), 108. Collins, editor of the printed manual, seems to tend towards an earlier dating — “the time” of its compilation, he suggests, “cannot have been much before the close of the fourteenth century,” and he places its origin in the universities rather than the ecclesiastical administration. See Manuale, xviii.Google Scholar
78 The text in Buckland is valuable for providing a link between the fifteenth-century manuscript culture from which this version of the rite emerged and its appearance in early sixteenth-century print. Whether Buckland as a whole has any importance in the history of the development of the printed manuals seems less certain: its contents and sequence differ significantly from the extant editions.Google Scholar
79 Ed. Henderson, , 108∗–109∗; Keble, fol. 245v. In Keble the endings are masculine (e.g., “desponsatus”). In the second antiphon, Henderson printed “Annulo meo subarravit,” but Keble has the usual reading.Google Scholar
80 “Regnum mundi et omnem ornatum saeculi contempsi propter amorem Domini mei Jesu Christi. Quern vidi, quern amavi, quern credidi, quern dilexi” (Henderson, 109∗; cf. Manuale, 79). It is also used, albeit earlier in the ceremony, in the rite for female anchorites in Chichele: see ∗048.Google Scholar
81 This fuller survey confirms my earlier argument to this effect: see Jones, , “Ceremonies of Enclosure,” 43–44, 46.Google Scholar
82 Part two of this essay concentrates on the two Chichele manuscripts. For brevity, they will be referred to simply as “A” and “B.” Google Scholar
83 As noted by Henderson (Pontificalis Chr. Bainbridge, xliii), though he erroneously has this belonging to the profession of a regular canon.Google Scholar
84 The English form of profession added in the margin to A.7 is here present within the text. It was not noted by Wakelin, , “New Vernacular Version.” Google Scholar
85 laycus] om. B. Google Scholar
86 &] om. B. Google Scholar
87 carebit] B, carebet? A. Google Scholar
88 nocentes] innocentes AB. Google Scholar
89 In A, fols. 29v–31r are ruled in columns (here designated by a superscript “a” or “b”), in order to accommodate the litany .Google Scholar
90 usque iuuentus tua] om. B.Google Scholar
91 Sancte] sancti A. Google Scholar
92 Sancta Iuliana: int.] om. B. Google Scholar
93 incarnacionis Li.] incarnacionis tue: int. B. This is the start of a new page in B. From here until “Per intercessionem omnium sanctorum” the response in B is similarly Int(ercedite). Google Scholar
94 eius] B, e/cui(us) over line-break A. Google Scholar
95 vt] om. B. Google Scholar
96 tua] om. B. Google Scholar
97 viam] vitam B. Google Scholar
98 dixerunt] B, dixerant apparently corr. from dixerunt A. Google Scholar
99 15 illis] B, illi A.Google Scholar
100 est] om. A; ins. B. Google Scholar
101 multo] multa AB. Google Scholar
102 Non … vlterius] om. B. Google Scholar
103 B adds: Ego, N. sacerdos voluntarie me offerens trado meipsum diuine potestati in ordine anachoritarum seruiturum et secundum regulam ordinis illius in seruicio dei amodo per graciam diuinam et consilium ecclesie promitto me permansurum. Et vobis venerabili in Christo patri ac Domino Domino N. dei apostolice sedis gracia N. episcopo vi ac auctoritate Domini N diuina permissione episcopi N. suffraganeo ac predicto Domino N. episcopo N. ac eius successoribus canonice intrantibus obedienciam reuerenciam ac honorem. In cuius rei signum presentem scedulam propriam manu subscripsi ego predictus N. Google Scholar
104 mentes] B, mentis A. Google Scholar
105 insertus] misertus B. Google Scholar
106 decalogi] de cathalogi B. Google Scholar
107 contemplaminum] contemplamini B. Google Scholar
108 &] minutis add. B.Google Scholar
109 linquens] liquens B. Google Scholar
110 particeps] participes B. Google Scholar
111 debet] set add. B. Google Scholar
112 ac] ad B. Google Scholar
113 quoniam] om. B. Google Scholar
114 leticia om. B; caritas] cantas B. Google Scholar
115 igneum] ignem B. Google Scholar
116 bene+dicere] i.e., a sign of the cross is inserted in the middle of the word. Google Scholar
117 si] om. B. Google Scholar
118 misteriis] B, ministeriis A. Google Scholar
119 precursor] B, precussor A. Google Scholar
120 es] corr. to est A, est B (es is the usual reading). Google Scholar
121 Domine] et add. B. Google Scholar
122 earn] B, eum A. Google Scholar
123 nostro] om. B. Google Scholar
124 sancto] facto B. Google Scholar
125 parato] peracto B. Google Scholar
126 Dominus] Deus B. Google Scholar
127 tibi] om. B. Google Scholar
128 cogitacionis] contagionis B. Google Scholar
129 reclusum] infirmum A, reclusum infirmum B. Google Scholar
130 Oremus] om. B. Google Scholar
131 Qui] & add. A. Google Scholar
132 suam] tuam B. Google Scholar
133 proficium] perfectum B. Google Scholar
134 Omnia peccata … Amen] om. B. Google Scholar
135 oraciones] sequentes add. B. Google Scholar
136 Hodie] & add. A. Google Scholar
137 paruum] parum AB. Google Scholar
138 si litteratus non sit] si litteras non scit B. Google Scholar
139 ex] de B. Google Scholar
140 tua] om. B. Google Scholar
141 Aperiantur] aperientur B; corrected from aperientur A. Google Scholar
142 eum] B, cum A. Google Scholar
143 Requiescat] requiescant B. Google Scholar
144 reuertentem] conuertentem B. Google Scholar
145 luminis] B, liminis A. Google Scholar
146 inchoante] B, in choro ante A. Google Scholar
147 cum] ps. add. B. Google Scholar
148 reliquit] reliquid A. Google Scholar
149 ab] om. B. Google Scholar