¹ Kristeller, Paul Oskar, Iter Italicum: A Finding List of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic Manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and Other Libraries (Leiden, 1963–92). I would like to thank the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at UCLA and Loyola University Chicago for generously supporting the research on which this article is based. I likewise thank Fr. Joseph Lienhard, SJ, and the Traditio referees for their helpful assistance.Google Scholar

² By July 1418, Guarino da Verona wrote to Alberto della Sale to praise the eulogy that his student Giustiniani had delivered. Seeda Verona, Guarino, Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, Remigio, Miscellanea di storia veneta 8, 11, 13 (Venice, 1915–19), 1:196–98. On Zeno's career, see, e.g., Lane, Frederic C., Venice: A Maritime Republic (London, 1973), 189–96, 227–28. After studying Latin and Greek, Leonardo Giustiniani began a life in public service at age nineteen. Though his humanist corpus is modest, this oration struck a responsive chord by illustrating the value of humanist studies in preparing ethical public servants. For Leonardo Giustiniani, see, e.g., Labalme, Patricia H., Bernardo Giustiniani: A Venetian of the Quattrocento, Uomini e dottrine 13 (Rome, 1969), 8–10, 17–90; King, Margaret L., Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton, 1986), 383–85; Fabbri, Renata, “Il proemio (parzialmente inedito) di Leonardo Giustinian agli Statuti di Bergamo Veneziana,” in Filologia umanistica per Gianvito Resta, ed. Fera, Vincenzo and Ferrali, Giacomo, Medioevo e umanesimo 94–96 (Padua, 1997), 1:601–9; andPignatti, Franco, Dizionario biografico degli italiani (henceforth DBI) (Rome, 1960–), 57:249–55. On the funeral speech, see also Manlio Pastore Stocchi, “Scuola e cultura umanistica fra due secoli,” in Storia della cultura veneta, vol. 3, Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento (Vicenza, 1980), part 1:118–19; andMcManamon, John M., Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, NC, 1989), 88–91. In the sixteenth century, Pietro Giustiniani claimed that his ancestor Leonardo delivered the speech in Greek and in Latin. Renaissance Seafaring and Written CultureGoogle Scholar

³ Zeno, Iacopo, “Vita Caroli Zeni,” in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. Zonta, Gasparo, n.s., 19 (Bologna, 1941), part 6, fasc. 1. In the introduction (vii–x) Zonta described six codices that conserve the biography: New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, cod. 2 (dedication copy); Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 46 (Iacopo's personal copy); Vienna, Nationalbibl., cod. Lat. 3315 (copied by “Io. Ny.” Iohannes Nydenna de Confluentia, who worked in Padua); Munich, Staatsbibl., cod. Clm 76; and Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Zan. lat. 408 (2029). The sixth was a copy in Turin (BN, cod. Q.V.1), destroyed in the 1904 fire. Kristeller, , Iter, 2:287b, adds a sixteenth-century copy, Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Correr 448. Zonta suggested that Zeno may have kept for himself the better Paduan codex. William Loring Andrews bought the Yale codex at a Leavitt's auction in New York in 1886 and made it part of his bequest to the library in 1894. The manuscript was previously owned by the Trivulzio family, who acquired many codices from private and ecclesiastical libraries in Milan. On the Andrews donation, seeVan Name, Addison, Catalogue of the William Loring Andrews Collection of Early Books in the Library of Yale University (New Haven, CT, 1913), vi–vii, 1–3. For the career of Iacopo Zeno, see, e.g., Bertalot, Ludwig and Campana, Augusto, “Gli scritti di Iacopo Zeno e il suo elogio di Ciriaco d'Ancona,” in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Kristeller, Paul Oskar(Rome, 1975), 2:311–23; andKing, Margaret L., Venetian Humanism (Princeton, 1986), 166–67, 447–49.Google Scholar

⁴ See, e.g., de Landaluce, Manuel Sánchez Ortiz, Estudios sobre las Argonáuticas Orificas, Classical and Byzantine Monographs 36 (Amsterdam, 1996), 3–5. Fifty-three codices with the Greek poem of 1376 hexameters are listed and discussed stemmatically. The oldest existing codex, from ca. 1388, is Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Conv. Soppr. 4. Kristeller, , Iter, 6:592b, cataloged Madrid, BN, cod. 4565. For the scholarly career of Konstantinos Lascaris, who shrewdly used Greek manuscripts surviving in the monasteries of Messina, seeManzano, Teresa Martínez, Constantino Láscaris, semblanza de un humanista bizantino (Madrid, 1998); andCeresa, Massimo, DBI, 63:781–85. Madrid, BN, cod. 4621, has Lascaris's eyewitness account of the fall of Constantinople and his capture by the Turks. Late in life, Lascaris willed his library to “the Senate and the people of Messina,” and it remained in the cathedral until 1674. After a revolt, the library was confiscated and moved to Palermo. The books were incorporated into the library of Juan Francisco Pacheco, duke of Uceda and viceroy of Sicily (1687–96), and passed as the Fondo Uceda to the Royal Library in Madrid in 1712/13 and then to the BN. Of the ninety-nine codices from Messina, more than eighty were copied or owned by Lascaris. Ceresa notes the wide respect that Lascaris's Greek grammar earned; in Thomas More's work, Raphael Hythlodaeus took the book to Utopia in order to teach its citizens the language.Google Scholar

⁵ Two of the manuscripts conserving Crivelli's text, Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Ricc. 684 (Kristeller, Iter, 1:197b), and Holkham Hall, cod. 433 (Kristeller, Iter, 4:44b–45a), have a verse dedication in hexameters. There is also a copy in a codex that once belonged to Battista Panetti, Ferrara, Bibl. Ariostea, cod. II.135, fols. 135–55. The work was published anonymously at Venice in 1523. SeeSmith, Leslie F., “Lodrisio Crivelli of Milan and Aeneas Silvius, 1457–1464,” Studies in the Renaissance 9 (1962): 32–35; and Petrucci, Franca, DBI, 31:146–51, who called attention to Pandoni's epigram in Vatican City, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana (henceforth BAV), cod. Urb. lat. 709, fol. 68v.Google Scholar

⁶ Messina, Museo Nazionale, cod. XIII.C.7, 1048. The codex has historiated initials, corrections, and notes by Settimuleio and a second hand, and it belongs to a group that ultimately descends from Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Plut. 39, 38, copied by Niccolò Niccoli sometime between 1416 and 1429. Settimuleio copied the Messina manuscript for another of Leto's students, Marcus Fabius Valens Anagninus. Leto lectured on the text of the Argonautica and left corrections in a copy of the editio princeps published at Bologna in 1474. On Messina XIII.C.7, 1048, seeCostanza, Salvatore and Foti, Maria Bianca, I codici manoscritti del Museo Nazionale di Messina, Università degli Studi di Messina, Istituto di Paleografia e Diplomatica, Quaderni di Esercitazione 1 (Messina, 1974), 23–24; Costanza, Salvatore, “Il cod. ms. 31–1048 del Museo Nazionale di Messina testimone degli Argonautica di Valerio Fiacco,” Archivio storico messinese, 3rd ser., 26–27 (1975–76): 231–36; andKristeller, , Iter, 6:27a. For Virgil, seeRebert, Homer Franklin, “The Felicity of Infelix in Virgil's Aeneid,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 59 (1928): 57–71. In 1416, Poggio Bracciolini discovered at St. Gall a ninth-century manuscript of books I–IV.377 of Valerius Flaccus. The codex Sangallensis, now lost, has to be reconstructed from a trio of copies made during that trip, one of which (Madrid, BN, cod. 8514) is an autograph of Poggio. For the manuscript tradition of Valerius Flaccus, seeReynolds, L. D. and Wilson, N. G., Scribes and Scholars: A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1974), 121–22; andScaffai, Marco, “Rassegna di studi su Valerio Fiacco (1938–1982),” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung, tom. 2, vol. 32, part 4, Principat: Sprache und Literatur (Literatur der julisch-claudischen und der flavischen Zeit [Forts.]), ed. Haase, Wolfgang(Berlin, 1986), 2375–88.Google Scholar

⁷ Madrid, BN, cod. 6879; seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:530b. On Muzio's love for Tullia, see, e.g., Biagi, Guido, Men and Manners in Old Florence (1909; repr., Whitefish, MT, 2006), 178–93, 227–29.Google Scholar

⁸ Nuremberg, Stadtbibl., cod. Cent. V.18; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:665b. The rare printed edition ofRhodios, Apollonios, Argonautica (Frankfurt, 1546), has a preface by Melanchthon. On the poem and humanist interest in the text, see, e.g., Resta, Gianvito, Apollonio Rodio e gli umanisti (Estratto da Studi in onore di Anthos Ardizzoni) (Rome, 1980); andClare, R. J., The Path of the “Argo”: Language, Imagery, and Narrative in the “Argonautica” of Apollonius Rhodius, Cambridge Classical Studies (Cambridge, 2002). Resta proposed that Andronico Callisto made the rough Latin translation of the text that is conserved in a notebook of Fonzio (Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. 539). See alsoCaroti, Stefano and Zamponi, Stefano, Lo scrittoio di Bartolomeo Fonzio umanista fiorentino, Documenti sulle arti del libro 10 (Milan, 1974), 29, 47; andZaccaria, Raffaella, DBI, 36:812. For the contribution of Giano Lascaris to the printed edition of Apollonios Rhodios, seeMeschini, Anna, “La prolusione fiorentina di Giano Làskaris,” in Miscellanea di studi in onore di Vittore Branca, vol. 3, Umanesimo e rinascimento a Firenze e Venezia, Biblioteca dell’Archivum Romanicum 180 (Florence, 1983), 1:70–71.Google Scholar

⁹ Curtius, Ernst Robert, “The Ship of the Argonauts,” Essays on European Literature, trans. Kowal, Michael (Princeton, 1973), 465–96; Rostropowicz, Joanna, “The Argonautica by Apollonios of Rhodes as a Nautical Epos: Remarks on the Realities of Navigation,” Eos 78 (1990): 107–17; Casson, Lionel, Ships and Seafaring in Ancient Times (Austin, TX, 1994), 66–67; Jackson, Steven, “Argo: The First Ship?” Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 140 (1997): 249–57; Janni, Pietro, Il mare degli Antichi, Storia e civiltà 40 (Bari, 1996), 56–57, 102n23, 167–68n90, 340–41, 345n26; andClare, , Path of the “Argo,” 27–28, 166–72, 175–79. Curtius, 490–92, notes that Statius and Dante supplied a god's-eye view of the hull from beneath the surface of the sea. In addition to tenons and cables, the text of Apollonios discusses the felling of trees for the hull, the shaping of timbers, the required smoothness of the rudder, techniques for navigating, techniques for combining oars and sails to propel the vessel depending on the direction and strength of the wind, and the use of greased wooden rollers to launch a vessel.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On Della Fonte/Fonzio and the Argo, see esp.Caroti, and Zamponi, , Lo scrittoio di Bartolomeo Fonzio, 12–16, 20–21, 27–28, 45–48, 72–73; andZaccaria, Raffaella, DBI, 36:808–9, 811–13. In addition to Fonzio's copy (Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Plut. 39, 36) and Niccoli's copy (Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. 39, 38), the Laurenziana has at least two further parchment codices with the work, Plut. 39, 37 and Plut. 39, 35 that belonged to Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici. SeeBandini, Angelo Maria, Catalogus codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae (Florence, 1774–78), 2:315–16. For dramatic elements in Valerius Flaccus's treatment of seafaring, seeVenini, Paola, “Su alcuni motivi delle Argonautiche di Valerio Fiacco,” Bollettino di studi latini 2 (1972): 10–14.Google Scholar

¹¹ For Alberti's attempt and Fausto's comment, see, e.g., Concina, Ennio, Navis, Saggi, 738 (Turin, 1990), 3–6, 32. I am presently preparing a monograph on the lago di Nemi explorations. In the later Renaissance, Pirro Ligorio went to the lake to copy an inscription and then sketched a fanciful reconstruction of the cult center of Diana; seeConcina, , Navis, 190. A treatise by the Jesuit Claude-François Menestrier (1631–1705), Symbolica Dianae Ephesiae statua exposita, copied in several drafts and final form into a codex now in Urbania, has, together with its analysis of the puzzling iconography of the Ephesos Artemis and her abundant breasts, general commentary on the cult of Diana. Menestrier's treatise is conserved in Urbania, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 23, and it was first printed at Rome in 1657. See, e.g., Kristeller, , Iter, 6:245a;Burke, Peter, “Images as Evidence in Seventeenth-Century Europe,” Journal of the History of Ideas 64 (2003): 291–92; andDaly, Peter M. and Richard Dimler, G. SJ, eds., Corpus Librorum Emblematum: The Jesuit Series (Toronto, 2005), 4:141–43.Google Scholar

¹² For De Marchi's attempt, see, e.g., Keller, Alex, “Archimedean Hydrostatic Theorems and Salvage Operations in 16th-Century Venice,” Technology and Culture 12 (1971): 605–7; Concina, , Navis, 33, 105–7, 189; andLehmann, L. Th., “Underwater Archaeology in 15th- and 16th-Century Italy,” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 20 (1991): 9–11.Google Scholar

¹³ Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. 226 (B.VI.15). SeeKristeller, , Iter, 1:247a, 2:523b; andPuncuh, Dino, I manoscritti della Raccolta Durazzo (Genoa, 1979), 296–98. The codex has two further works of Bruni and was written in antiqua in two columns. There are six manuscripts in the United States now with Bruni's translation. For the many manuscripts worldwide — 146 with the Latin text, 120 with the Italian translation, twenty-seven with the French, two with the Catalan, one with the Castilian — seeHankins, James, Repertorium Brunianum: A Critical Guide to the Writings of Leonardo Bruni, vol. 1, Handlist of Manuscripts, Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale, Subsidia 5 (Rome, 1997), ad indicem. Hankins's more recent count of Italian translations of the work is “over 150”; see idem, “Rhetoric, History, and Ideology: The Civic Panegyrics of Leonardo Bruni,” in Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reappraisals and Reflections, ed. idem, Ideas in Context (Cambridge, 2000), 147. On Bruni's 1419/1421 digest of Polybius and other sources, see alsoBotley, Paul, Latin Translation in the Renaissance: The Theory and Practice of Leonardo Bruni, Giannozzo Manetti, and Desiderius Erasmus, Cambridge Classical Studies (Cambridge, 2004), 23–33.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, cod. 9/2532 (formerly Cortes 349); seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:510a.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cambridge, Harvard Univ., Houghton Library, cod. Lat. 2; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:226a. On Pietro's poem and the later prose version, see, e.g., Petrucci, Livio, “Per una nuova edizione dei Bagni di Pozzuoli,” Studi mediolatini e volgari 21 (1973): 240–42, 256–68; Fikret K. Yegül, “The Thermo-Mineral Complex at Baiae and De Balneis Puteolanis,” The Art Bulletin 78 (1996): 137–62; andPetrella, Giancarlo, L'officina del geografo: La “Descrittione di tutta Italia” di Leandro Alberti e gli studi geografico-antiquari tra Quattro e Cinquecento, con un saggio di edizione (Lombardia-Toscana) (Milan, 2004), 161–62, 521n529. The editio princeps had a letter of Griffolini to Pius II, Pietro's poem, and the prose rendering entitled Libellus de mirabilibus civitatis Putheolorum et locorum vicinorum ac de nominibus virtutibusque balneorum. It was published by Arnaldus de Bruxella at Naples in 1475. Petrella noted that there are 21 manuscripts and 10 editions from 1475–1607. While working in Rome, Griffolini visited the baths at Pozzuoli for their therapeutic effects. See DBI, 59:382–85.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Naples, BN, cod. V.D.26, fols. 36–88v; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:415b: “[fol. 35v] … MCCCCLXIX idib. septembribus in nave Andree Cora transcribere incepi ego Petrus Delphinus librum Apiani Alexandri … [fol. 36] X kl. octobris … liber exaratus est … eo quo supra Chiephaloniam in Iacinti conspectu navigabam una cum Andrea Corato Gabrieleque Mothoneo[?] … an … MCCCCLXVIIII.” On Pietro Dolfin (1427–1506), who likewise traveled the Aegean to learn more about the sea and was named admiral of the galleys al trafego in 1488, seeZaccaria, Raffaella, DBI, 40:562–65; andBodnar, Edward W., “Ciriaco's Cycladic Diary,” in Ciriaco d'Ancona e la cultura antiquaria dell'Umanesimo (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studio, Ancona, 6–9 febbraio 1992), ed. Paci, Gianfranco and Sconocchia, Sergio, Accademia Marchigiana di Scienze, Lettere, ed Arti, Collana Progetto Adriatico 2 (Reggio Emilia, 1998), 51–53, 62–63n13, where Bodnar acknowledged learning of the Naples manuscript from Kristeller.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibl., cod. Thott 1162 (Kristeller, , Iter, 3:181a), and Verona, Bibl. Civica, Carteggio Serego Alighieri, Autografi, Busta 156 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:290b). For the career of Bartolomeo Dal Pozzo, see, e.g., Ceresa, Massimo, DBI, 32:200–202. On Lipsius and Maurice of Nassau, seeBurke, , “Images as Evidence,” 277–80.Google Scholar

¹⁸ “Notizia del ‘vascello di Caligola’ presso al lago di Nemi,” Montpellier, Faculté de Médecine, cod. H.103, fols. 157–58. SeeLibri, Guglielmo, “Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l’École de Médecine de Montpellier,” Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des Départements (Paris, 1849), 1:322–23; and Mazzatinti, Giuseppe, Inventario dei manoscritti italiani delle biblioteche di Francia, Indici e Cataloghi 5 (Rome, 1886–88), 3:64. On Ligorio's identification of Caligula as the sponsor, see alsoBarnabèi, Felice, “III. Nemi – Delle antichità scoperte nel fondo del lago,” Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei: Classe di scienze morali, storiche, e filologiche, 5th ser., 3 (1895), part 2, Notizie degli scavi, 363–65, 394–95; andUcelli, Guido, Le navi di Nemi, 2nd ed. (1950; repr., Rome, 1983), 285–86. Alberti and DeMarchi had ascribed the ships to Trajan, while Flavio Biondo and Stephan Vinand Pigghe ascribed them to Tiberius. Existing stamps from the wreck read: C CAESARIS AVG GERMAN, C CAESARIS AVG GERMANICI.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On Francesco Gualdo and his correspondence with Cassiano Dal Pozzo, see, e.g., the article ofMassimi, Maria Elena, DBI, 60:154–56. In addition to filling a museum with antiquities in Rome, Gualdo pushed for the preservation of Roman monuments along the Via Appia and in his family's hometown of Rimini. For Dal Pozzo's career, his multi-volume Museum Chartaceum, and his intended editions of Ligorio, see, e.g., Haskell, Francis, Patrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations between Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque (London, 1963), 98–114; Stumpo, Enrico, DBI, 32:209–13; Bell, Janis C., “Cassiano dal Pozzo's Copy of the Zaccolini Manuscripts,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 51 (1988): 122; andHerklotz, Ingo, Cassiano Dal Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17. Jahrhunderts, Römische Forschungen der Bibliotheca Hertziana 28 (Munich, 1999).Google Scholar

²⁰ BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 5085, fols. 63–240 (copied by Fausto Caffarelli from the Turin manuscript of Ligorio's encyclopedia); Montpellier, Faculté de Médecine, cod. H. 103, fols. 47–156 (copied by Dal Pozzo from the codex in the Barberini Library); and Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Campori 365 (Gamma P 1, 6), conserve Ligorio's Della nautica antica. Montpellier cod. H.267, fols. 144–60, said by Mazzatinti to have the Ligorio treatise (“Discorso su la nautica degli antichi [di Pirro Ligorio]”), has, according to Libri's catalog entry, a “Discorso sulla nave Argo” and may be an excerpt of the excerpt. Dal Pozzo copied into Montpellier cod. H.103 the text of Della nautica antica, without illustrations and with editorial interventions, from the codex into which the nuncio Fausto Caffarelli (1595–1651) copied for Cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597–1679) the letter “N” from Ligorio's encyclopedia. In 1654, to assist a debate about triremes, Dal Pozzo prepared and sent to Carlo Dati in Florence the illustrated Modena manuscript. He had sent another copy in 1650 to Johannes Scheffer in Sweden, who was working on his 1654 book, De militia navali veterum libri quatuor. Both Montpellier codices have the Albani family library for their provenance. In 1703, Clement XI (Albani) contracted for the Vatican to purchase Dal Pozzo's library, but when the Vatican came up short on funds, he arranged that his nephew, Cardinal Alessandro, should buy it. SeeLibri, , “Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l’École de Médecine de Montpellier,” 1:322–23, 391–92; Mazzatinti, , Inventario dei manoscritti italiani, 3:64, 66–67; Vermeule, Cornelius C., “The Dal Pozzo-Albani Drawings of Classical Antiquities: Notes on Their Content and Arrangement,” The Art Bulletin 38 (1956): 31–37; Ellenius, Allan, De arte pingendi: Latin Art Literature in Seventeenth-Century Sweden and Its International Background, Lychnos-Bibliotek 19 (Uppsala, 1960), 100–101, 111–19; Bell, Janis C., “Cassiano dal Pozzo's Copy of the Zaccolini Manuscripts,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 51 (1988): 108–11; andHerklotz, , Cassiano Dal Pozzo, 58–59, 125, 179–80. The two redactions of Ligorio's encyclopedia are conserved in Naples, BN, cod. XIII.B.1–10 (over 5,000 pages from 1553) and Turin, Archivio di Stato, cod. J.a.II.7 (over 12,000 pages from 1566–83). The gardens that Ligorio designed at Tivoli for Ippolito d'Este are ample proof of his interest in hydraulic engineering. For Ligorio's career, see, e.g., Coffin, David R., Pirro Ligorio: The Renaissance Artist, Architect, and Antiquarian (with a Checklist of Drawings) (University Park, PA, 2004); and the article in DBI, 65:109–14. Ligorio showed special interest in enormous Hellenistic polyremes; seeConcina, , Navis, 193. For fantastic Renaissance reconstructions of Roman warships, see, e.g., Basch, Lucien, “Ancient Wrecks and the Archaeology of Ships,” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 1 (1972): 3–6; andConcina, , Navis, 183–94.Google Scholar

²¹ Giraldi's De re nautica libellus was published at Basel by Michael Isengrin in 1540. For Giraldi's career, seeLehmann, L. Th., “The Polyeric Quest: Renaissance and Baroque Theories about Ancient Men-of-War,” (PhD diss., Univ. of Amsterdam, 1995), 49–51; and Foà, Simona, DBI, 56:452–55. Calcagnini's De re nautica was published posthumously in his Opera aliquot by Hieronymus Froben and Nicolaus Episcopius at Basel in 1544. Calcagnini served as an apostolic protonotary, taught courses in rhetoric based on Cicero, and read widely in scientific works later in life. His encyclopedic interests mirrored those of Pliny, on whose works he wrote a commentary. For Calcagnini's career, see Marchetti, Valerio, De Ferrari, Augusto, and Mutini, Claudio, DBI, 16:492–98; Zilli, Luigia, “Lodovico Dolce e Jean-Antoine de Baïf interpreti del Miles gloriosus,” in Saggi e ricerche sul teatro francese del Cinquecento, ed. Giovangigli, Orazio Costa and Petrocchi, Giorgio(Florence, 1985), 104–6; Concina, , Navis, 189–90, 203; andLehmann, , Polyeric Quest, 51–54.Google Scholar

²² Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Misc. Arm. II.76 (75) (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:303a), and Chicago, Newberry Library, cod. Case 6.A.11, vol. 22 (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:248a–b, where the codex is described as part of the Strozzi Collection). Venetian manuscripts of Canal's dialogue include Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Correr 1153 (Misc. Correr 24) (Kristeller, , Iter, 2:289b, 6:274a); ibid., cod. Correr 1177 (Misc. Correr 48) (Kristeller, , Iter, 2:289b, 6:274a); ibid., cod. Donà dalle Rose 79, 154, 174; ibid., cod. P.D. C.974 (fasc. 31) (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:280b). A copy with celebrated illustrations, Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. IV.50 (5554), once belonged to Giacomo Nani. The copies in the collection of Marco Foscarini moved from Venice to Vienna (Nationalbibl., cod. 5679, cod. 5997, cod. 5998); seeGar, Tommaso, “I Codici storici della collezione Foscarini conservata nella Imperiale Biblioteca di Vienna descritti e ordinati da Tommaso Gar,” Archivio storico italiano 5 (1843): 426 (no. 473). The Legge is found in Venice, Bibl. Giustiniani Recanati, cod. IV. 136 (238); seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:285a. On Cristoforo Canal, see, e.g., Tenenti, Alberto, Cristoforo da Canal: La marine vénetienne avant Lépante, Bibliothèque Générale de l’École Pratique des Hautes Études (Paris, 1962); Lane, , Venice: A Maritime Republic (n. 2 above), 367–69; andTucci, Ugo, DBI, 17:640–43.Google Scholar

²³ Capponi, review of Uomini da remo: Galee e galeotti del Mediterraneo in età moderna, by Basso, Luca Lo (Milan, 2003), Renaissance Quarterly 58 (2005): 96–97. For the importance to Venice of recruiting rowers, see, e.g., Doumerc, Bernard, “Cosmopolitanism on Board Venetian Ships (Fourteenth-Fifteenth Centuries),” Medieval Encounters 13 (2007): 78–95.Google Scholar

²⁴ For the Vatican and Correr codices, seeKristeller, , Iter, 2:405a, 6:275a. Tenenti, , Cristoforo da Canal, 16–22, argues that the treatise is better attributed to Canal than to Dolce. For the career of Dolce, who first labeled Dante's Commedia “divina,” see, e.g., Zilli, , “Lodovico Dolce,” 106–20; Romei, Giovanna, DBI, 40:399–405; andTerpening, Ronnie H., Lodovico Dolce, Renaissance Man of Letters (Toronto, 1997), 8–24, 258. Terpening, following Kristeller, cites BAV, cod. Regin. lat. 2030 (noting that Kristeller follows Tenenti in attributing the work to Canal), and Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. K.II.42 (Kristeller, , Iter, 2:156a).Daru, Pierre Antoine Noel, Histoire de la république de Venise, 4th ed. (Paris, 1853), 7:2, 151, cites a Sienese librarian who described the four books of Dolce's work as treating topics like the dearth of competent captains (excepting Hieronimo detto Canaletto), the types and dimensions of vessels, the incomplete knowledge of navigation among the ancients, and the proper species of wood for the bow and stern of vessels. To become proficient in the art of sailing, according to the dialogue, one must begin to train in childhood. Daru knew scholars who believed that the Siena manuscript contained Canal's dialog with a commentary byDolce, while Tucci, DBI, 17:642, suspects that Dolce may have assisted Canal in the writing of his dialogue. Terpening, 60, 64, notes that Dolce was guilty at times of plagiarism.Google Scholar

²⁵ Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. R 105 sup.; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:310b, 2:533a, 6:46a. For Brembati, seeColdagelli, Umberto, DBI, 14:122–24.Google Scholar

²⁶ The work is conserved in a miscellany in Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibl., cod. H.195; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:377b. Tebaldini was numbered among the cittadini originari of Venice. For Barbarigo's dogado from 1484–1501, see, e.g., Lane, , Venice: A Maritime Republic, 267–69; andGaeta, Franco, DBI, 6:47–49. A seventeenth-century codex in Gorizia, Archivio Storico e Bibl. Provinciale, cod. 278 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:8b) has a Dell'impero della Serenissima Repubblica Veneta sul mare Adriatico attributed to Andrea Barbarigo. Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VII.212 (7469), and Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Correr 197 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:268a), have a similar work attributed toSarpi, Paolo, Dell'impero della Seren. Rep. Veneta sul mare Adriatico. In 1612, Sarpi sent five unpublished briefs to the government with a novel justification for Venice's Adriatic empire. His only published discussion of the subject occurred in his 1617 Supplimento dell'Historia degli Usocchi. There is also a pseudonymous letter, De Jurisdictione Serenissimae Reipublicae Venetae in Mare Adriaticum epistola Francisci de Ingenuis, Germani, ad Liberium Vincentium, Hollandum, published in 1619, that is often attributed to Sarpi but was probably not written by him. On Sarpi's contributions, seede Vivo, Filippo, “Historical Justifications of Venetian Power in the Adriatic,” Journal of the History of Ideas 64 (2003): 171–75.Google Scholar

²⁷ Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VII.2296 (7383), fols. 137–59v, autograph dated 1619, “De mare [sic] Venetorum” to Mottinus (Lorenzo Mottini/Mutini). An abridgment of the letter was published in 1619 and again in 1620 in Venice under the name “Fulgenti Monachi Veneti” written backwards. The backwards pseudonym led to speculation on the identity of the author: scholars have argued for Fulgenzio Micanzio, Servite collaborator of Paolo Sarpi, for a pseudonym of Marco Cappello, Franciscan theologian from Este who taught in Venice, and properly for Fulgenzio Tomaselli da Este, Camaldolese abbot of San Michele di Murano. SeeSarfatti, Attilio, I codici veneti delle biblioteche di Parigi (Rome, 1888), 23–24; Pietro, and Zorzanello, Giulio, Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d'Italia, vol. 91, Venezia, Bibl. Marciana Mss. italiani classe VII (nn. 2101–2604) (Florence, 1979), 42–44; Kristeller, , Iter, 6:265b;Viallon, Marie F., Catalogue du Fonds italien, XVIle siècle, Auguste Boullier de la Bibliothèque municipale de Roanne (Saint-Étienne, 1995), 26–27; andde Smet, Ingrid A. R., Menippean Satire and the Republic of Letters, 1581–1655 (Geneva, 1996), 207–11. De Smet notes that the Marciana codex has a second letter to Mottinus on the subject (fols. 161–72) and thatKristeller, , Iter, 2:565b, cataloged a manuscript in Rome, San Gregorio Magno al Celio, cod. 963, in which Tomaselli collected spiritual texts of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Both the Marciana and San Gregorio codices have San Michele for their provenance.Google Scholar

²⁸ For Kristeller's references to the Additional, Cotton, and Ambrosiana manuscripts, seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:81b, 4:137b, 6:36a. For the Vienna manuscript from the collection that Marco Foscarini (1695–1763) gathered for a proposed history of seafaring and related sciences, seeGar, Tommaso, “Prefazione,” and “I Codici storici della collezione Foscarini,” xi–xii, xix–xx, xxxv–xli, 427 (no. 477). On these Venetian manuscripts in general, see, e.g., the “Michael of Rhodes” website, formerly maintained by the Dibner Institute in Cambridge, MA, and now maintained by the University of Florence, “Michael's Life: The Manuscript,” athttp://brunelleschi.imss.fi.it/michaelofrhodes, accessed 30 April 2015;Dotson, John E., “Treatises on Shipbuilding before 1650,” in Cogs, Caravels, and Galleons, ed. Unger, R. W.(London, 1994), 162–64; andHocker, Frederick M. and McManamon, John M., “Mediaeval Shipbuilding in the Mediterranean and Written Culture at Venice,” Mediterranean Historical Review 21 (2006): 1–37. The team studying the manuscript of Michael of Rhodes first identified Ramusio's autograph in the Florentine codex. See nowLong, Pamela O., ed., The Book of Michael of Rhodes: A Fifteenth-Century Maritime Manuscript, 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA, 2009).Google Scholar

²⁹ On the battle and its outcome, see, e.g., Faraglia, Nunzio F., Storia della lotta tra Alfonso V d'Aragona e Renato d'Angiò (Lanciano, 1908), 27–43; and Schiappoli, Irma, La marina degli Aragonesi di Napoli (Naples, 1940), 25–29.Google Scholar

³⁰ Assereto's letter, in keeping with chancery practice, has a Latin incipit (inc. Magnifice et prestantissime domine mi singularissime et spectabiles ac praeclari cives patres et domini honorandi). The version of the letter in Genoese dialect is published inBelgrano, Luigi Tommaso, “Delle feste e dei Giuochi dei Genovesi,” Archivio storico italiano, 3rd ser., 13 (1871): 58–60. That in the Tuscan vernacular is published inVitale, Vito, “La relazione di Biaggio Assereto sulla battaglia di Ponza,” Bollettino ligustico per la storia e la cultura regionale 5 (1953): 102–4. Though ordered to bring relief to the besieged city of Gaeta and avoid engagement, Assereto chose to fight when the Catalan galleys blocked his path. On his career, see alsoBalbi, Giovanna, DBI, 4:442–44.Google Scholar

³¹ Bracelli's letter for Genoa is conserved in Genoa, Archivio di Stato, Arch, segreto 1783, fols. 173–74V, 175–76v; BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 2906, fols. 64–65; ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5994, fols. 58–59; and Cologny (Geneva), Bibl. Bodmeriana, cod. 14, flyleaf. See esp. Piacentini, Paola Scarcia, “La battaglia di Ponza (1435) nel Vat. lat. 2906 e i rapporti tra Genova, Milano, e Napoli,” in La storiografia umanistica (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di studi, Messina, 22–25 ottobre 1987), ed. Stefano, Anita Di et al., Università degli Studi di Messina, Centro Interdipartimentale di Studi Umanistici (Messina, 1992), 1, part 2:653–97, who suggests that the battle may have helped to shape the Vatican miscellany, supplies background leading up to the battle, discusses other contemporary accounts, and edits the letter.Google Scholar

³² Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. R 93 sup. (autogr.); Rome, Bibl. Alessandrina, cod. 253 (autogr.); Rome, Accademia dei Lincei, cod. Nic. Rossi 214 (copied by Domenico di Cassio da Narni with autograph additions and corrections); BL, cod. Harley 4088 (copied by Domenico di Cassio da Narni with autograph additions); Athens, Gennadios Library, cod. 96 (an eighteenth-century copy of the Harley manuscript); Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. I.138 (copied by Felice Feliciano in 1465); Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Plut. 89 inf. 35; Florence, BN, cod. Naz. II.IX.15; Volterra, Bibl. Guarnacciana, cod. 5031; BL, cod. Arundel 70; and Munich, Universitätsbibl., cod. Folio 607. For the manuscripts and the text, see nowSabia, Liliana Monti, “Altri codici della Naumachia Regia di Ciriaco d'Ancona,” in Ciriaco d'Ancona e la cultura antiquaria dell'Umanesimo (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studio, Ancona, 6–9 febbraio 1992), ed. Paci, Gianfranco and Sconocchia, Sergio, Accademia Marchigiana di Scienze, Lettere, ed Arti, Collana Progetto Adriatico 2 (Reggio Emilia, 1998), 235–51; andSabia, Monti, ed., Kyriaci Anconitani Naumachia Regia, Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento Meridionale, Studi 11 (Pisa and Rome, 2000), 7–45. Monti Sabia has identified three phases in the redaction of the letter, all between August/September 1435 and January 1436. After the first redaction, Ciriaco changed the pedestrian title “Commentarium” to the Hellenist title “Naumachia Regia.” Likewise, he probably revised “navibus” to “navigiis,” then substituted a nautically erudite synecdoche “puppibus,” and finally returned to “navibus” as the word most easily comprehensible. For Ciriaco's career, see, e.g., Bodnar, Edward W., Cyriacus of Ancona and Athens, Collection Latomus 43 (Brussels, 1960), 2–72; Paci, and Sconocchia, , eds., Ciriaco d'Ancona e la cultura antiquaria dell'Umanesimo; andof Ancona, Cyriac, Later Travels, ed. and trans. Bodnar, Edward W. with Ross, Clive, I Tatti Renaissance Library 10 (Cambridge, MA, 2003), ix–xiv. For Feliciano and Scalamonti, see, e.g., Avesani, Rino, “Verona nel Quattrocento: La civiltà delle lettere,” in Verona e il suo Territorio, vol. 4, Verona nel Quattrocento (Verona, 1984), part 2:116–27; andQuaquarelli, Leonardo, “Felice Feliciano e Francesco Scalamonti (junior?),” in Ciriaco d'Ancona e la cultura antiquaria dell'Umanesimo (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studio, Ancona, 6–9 febbraio 1992), ed. Paci, Gianfranco and Sconocchia, Sergio, Accademia Marchigiana di Scienze, Lettere, ed Arti, CollanaProgetto Adriatico 2 (Reggio Emilia, 1998), 333–47. Quaquarelli argues that there was a Francesco Scalamonti the elder (d. ca. 1468), to whom Ciriaco dedicated the Naumachia, and a Francesco Scalamonti the younger, who was studying at Ferrara in the 1470s when Feliciano wrote to him about a young woman.Google Scholar

³³ On the Genoa and Copenhagen manuscripts, seePuncuh, , I manoscritti della Raccolta Durazzo, 146; and Kristeller, , Iter, 3:176b, 6:5a. For other manuscripts in Genoa and Milan, see Commentarii De rebus Genuensium et de navigatione Columbi, ed. Pandiani, Emilio, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, n.s., 23, part 1 (Città di Castello, 1911), xxvii–xxxi. For Antonio Gallo's career, seeGallo, Elena Del, DBI, 51:702–4.Google Scholar

³⁴ Paris, BN, cod. Lat. 11887, fols. 243ff.; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:252a. On Carafa's career, see, e.g., Petrucci, Franca, DBI, 19:588–96. Pietro Ursuleo da Capua (d. 1483), talented scribe at the Neapolitan and papal courts and bishop of Satriano (1474) and San Severo (1484), accompanied Carafa on the expedition and wrote an account of the campaign, whose first book is conserved in BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 1938, fols. 1–8. See, e.g., Mercati, Giovanni, Codici latini Pico Grimani Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota del secolo XVI esistenti nell'Ottoboniana e i codici greci Pio di Modena con una digressione per la storia dei codici di S. Pietro in Vaticano, Studi e testi 75 (Vatican City, 1938), 16–17n4, 266–67.Chambers, D. S., Popes, Cardinals, and War: The Military Church in Renaissance and Early Modern Europe (London, 2006), 77, 201n8, calls the work a poem (fols. 1–6v) by the Venetian Pietro Orseolo.Esch, Arnold, Landschaften der Frührenaissance: Auf Ausflug mit Pius II (Munich, 2008), 107–8, summarizes the account in the first book of Ursuleo's diary.Google Scholar

³⁵ London, Robinson Trust, cod. 4961, formerly in the Phillipps collection, and New York, Breslauer Library, s.n., dated Rome, February 1572. On the Paris Dupuy codex, seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:317b. On the London and New York codices with Pisanelli's work, seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:232a, 5:353a. The physician Pisanelli's work on the therapeutic qualities of foodstuffs and beverages proved more popular than his commentary on the naval battle. See, e.g., Dionisotti, Carlo, “Lepanto nella cultura italiana del tempo,” Lettere Italiane 23 (1971): 482–92; Canosa, Romano, Lepanto: Storia della “Lega Santa” contro i Turchi (Rome, 2000), 321–30; andAlbala, Ken, Eating Right in the Renaissance (Berkeley, CA, 2002), 38–39, 101–3, 135–39, 193–95, 263–64.Google Scholar

³⁶ New York, Hispanic Society, cod. HC.380/146, fol. 97; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:317b–18a. For letters between Don García de Toledo y Mendoza and Manuel Pantoja, see Memorial histórico español: Colección de documentos, opúsculos, y antigüedades que publica la Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid, 1863), 17:213–14n. For the career of Don García de Toledo y Osorio (1514–1578), see, e.g., Braudel, Fernand, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, trans. Reynolds, Siân(Berkeley, CA, 1995), 2:981–1020.Google Scholar

³⁷ Madrid, BN, cod. 979; seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:521a. Spannocchi had studied painting and mathematics, and his service at Lepanto won him the trust of the fleet commander, Marc Antonio Colonna, who later hired Spannocchi to survey the coasts of Sicily and draft a global plan of defense for Colonna as viceroy of the island. On his career, see nowPolto, Corradina, La Sicilia di Tiburzio Spannocchi: Una cartografia per la conoscenza e il dominio del territorio nel secolo XVI (Florence, 2001), xxiii–xxvi. For the survey of Sicily's coastline, see below.Google Scholar

³⁸ For Pigafetta's treatise on the fortifications of England, see Madrid, BN, cod. 979 (Kristeller, , Iter, 4:521a); Madrid, BN, cod. 1020; Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. R 126 sup. (Kristeller, , Iter, 1:312a, 2:533b, 6:46b); and Rome, Istituto Storico Germanico, cod. 7 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:197a). For that on the Armada, see Madrid, BN, cod. 979; and Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. R 126 sup. On the unintentionally ironic date, seeDionisotti, , “Lepanto,” 492. The two works were published by Cesare Malfatti in Cuatro documentos italianos en materia de la expedición de la Armada Invencible: De las transcripciones manuscritas en la Biblioteca Nacional Ms. 979 y 1020 (Barcelona, 1972), 11–33. Pigafetta was born in Vicenza, translated the Mechanicorum liber of Guidobaldo del Monte, and wrote a treatise on the Spanish navy conserved in BAV, cod. Urb. lat. 857, fols. 288–301v. Just two years after Lepanto, Pigafetta published an Italian translation of Bessarion's letters and orations against the Turks to express his contempt for Christian efforts to make peace with the infidels. See, e.g., Pierson, Peter, Commander of the Armada: The Seventh Duke of Medina Sidonia (New Haven, CT, 1989), 133–35; Concina, , Navis (n. 11 above), 150–51; Henninger-Voss, M., “Working Machines and Noble Mechanics: Guidobaldo del Monte and the Translation of Knowledge,” Isis 91 (2000): 233–59. Helpful information was once available at the now concluded “Progetto Pigafetta” posted on the web site of the Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana. Antonio Pigafetta sailed with Magellan's expedition that circumnavigated the globe and used his daily journal to compose a narrative of the voyage. Cognizant of the problems of navigating out of sight of land, Pigafetta proposed three methods based on observation of the stars. See, e.g., Tucci, Ugo, “La pratica della navigazione,” in Storia di Venezia, vol. 12, Il mare, ed. Tenenti, Alberto and Tucci, Ugo(Rome, 1991), 538; andPigafetta, Antonio, The First Voyage around the World 1519–1522: An Account of Magellan's Expedition, ed. Cachey, Theodore J. Jr., Lorenzo Da Ponte Italian Library (Toronto, 2007), xxxvii–lvi (with discussion of the surviving manuscripts).Google Scholar

³⁹ New Haven, CT, Yale Univ., Beinecke Library, cod. 566; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:280b, and the online catalog athttp://brbl-net.library.yale.edu/pre1600ms/docs/pre1600.ms566.htm, accessed 30 April 2015. Raleigh's treatise was eventually published with other works at London in 1650 and in 1657: Judicious and Select Essays and Observations upon the First Invention of Shipping, the Misery of Invasive War, the Navy Royal, and Sea Service, With His Apology for His Voyage to Guiana. See, e.g., Wallace, Willard M., Sir Walter Raleigh (Princeton, 1959), 238, 243;Winton, John, Sir Walter Ralegh (London, 1975), 280–81; Gossett, Suzanne, “A New History for Ralegh's ‘Notes on the Navy,”’ Modern Philology 85 (1987): 12–26; andTrevelyan, Raleigh, Sir Walter Raleigh (London, 2002), 410–17, 423.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibl., cod. Gl.kgl.S.339, folio; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:174b–75a. This copy has corrections that Dudley made in 1625 and 1635 while preparing to incorporate the instructions as the third book of his Dell'arcano del mare.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See, e.g., Astengo, Corradino, La cartografia nautica mediterranea dei secoli XVIe XVII (Genoa, 2000), 32, 83–84; Buisseret, David, The Mapmakers’ Quest: Depicting New Worlds in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 2003), 53, 109; and the article of Simon Adams in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Matthew, H. C. G. and Harrison, Brian Howard(Oxford, 2004), 17:112–18. A portolan chart of Iacopo Maggiolo from 1551, three anonymous portolan charts of the Mediterranean, and a portolan chart of the Americas from 1592 signed by Thomas Hood, all unfinished, were bound into the manuscript volumes of Dudley's Dell'arcano (Munich, Staatsbibl., cod. Icon. 140, fols. 80, 81, 83) and probably came from his private papers. For the world map of 1569 that bears the name of Gerardus Mercator, see, e.g., Thrower, Norman J. W., Maps Sc Civilization: Cartography in Culture and Society, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 1999), 76–81.Google Scholar

⁴² Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. Auct. S.II.25; seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:264a. Late in life, Saumaise wrote a treatise on the military strategy of the Romans that was published posthumously in 1657. On Constitution 19 of the Taktika and Byzantine naval strategy, see, e.g., Hocker, Frederick M., “Late Roman, Byzantine, and Islamic Galleys and Fleets,” in The Age of the Galley: Mediterranean Oared Vessels since Pre-Classical Times, ed. Gardiner, R., Conway's History of the Ship (London, 1995), 86–100; Pryor, John H., “Byzantium and the Sea: Byzantine Fleets and the History of the Empire in the Age of the Macedonian Empire, c. 900–1025 CE,” in War at Sea in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Hattendorf, John B. and Unger, Richard W., Warfare in History (Woodbridge, 2003), 83–85; andPryor, John H. and Jeffreys, Elizabeth M., The Age of the ΔΡΟMΩΝ: The Byzantine Navy ca. 500–1204, The Medieval Mediterranean: Peoples, Economies, and Cultures, 400–1500 62 (Leiden, 2006), 173–81. Filippo Pigafetta translated works of Leo VI into Latin; seeGrendler, Marcella, “A Greek Collection in Padua: The Library of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535–1601),” Renaissance Quarterly 33 (1980): 403–4.Google Scholar

⁴³ New York, Hispanic Society, cod. B.2185 (autogr.); seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:319b. See esp.Pontani, Anna, “Paralipomeni dei Turcica: Gli scritti di Giano Lascaris per la crociata contro i Turchi,” Römische historische Mitteilungen 27 (1985): 230, 306–8; andPontani, , “Per la biografia, le lettere, i codici, le versioni di Giano Lascaris,” in Dotti bizantini e libri greci nell'Italia del secolo XV (Atti del Convegno internazionale, Trento, 22–23 ottobre 1990), ed. Cortesi, Mariarosa and Maltese, Enrico V., Collectanea 6 (Naples, 1992), 368–69. Mai served as vice chancellor to Emperor Charles V for Aragon and resident ambassador at the court of Clement VII in Rome from 1528–32. He is also known for commissioning a fresco cycle on the life of Virgil based on the cycle that Giulio Romano had painted in a suburban Gonzaga villa. The Gonzaga summer house near Mantua purportedly stood on the site of Virgil's birth. SeeBodart, Diane H., Tiziano e Federico II Gonzaga: Storia di un rapporto di committenza (Rome, 1998), 341–46; andLevin, Michael Jacob, Agents of Empire: Spanish Ambassadors in Sixteenth-Century Italy (Ithaca, NY, 2005), 45–53, 168–69. A Greek scholar who sought manuscripts in Greece for Lorenzo de’ Medici from 1490–92, Lascaris later served the Medici popes Leo X and Clement VII and the French kings as ambassador and organizer of the court library at Blois and later Fontaine-bleau. After the battle of Pavia in 1525, Lascaris traveled by sea to visit Charles on behalf of Clement VII. See, e.g., Whittaker, John, “Janus Lascaris at the Court of Charles V,” Thesaurismata 14 (1977): 76–109; Pontani, “Per la biografia,” 363–77; andCeresa, Massimo, DBI, 63:785–90.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Washington, DC, Smithsonian Institution, Dibner Library, cod. 835.B. For early treatises in German, seeLong, Pamela O., “Power, Patronage, and the Authorship of Ars: From Mechanical Know-How to Mechanical Knowledge in the Last Scribal Age,” Isis 88 (1997): 16–21; and Leng, Rainer, “Social Character, Pictorial Style, and the Grammar of Technical Illustration in Craftsmen's Manuscripts in the Late Middle Ages,” in Picturing Machines 1400–1700, ed. Lefèvre, Wolfgang, Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology (Cambridge, MA, 2004), 85–114. In general, seeGerrarre, Wirt, A Bibliography of Guns and Shooting: Being a List of Ancient and Modern English and Foreign Books Relating to Firearms and Their Use, and to the Composition and Manufacture of Explosives (1895; repr., Alcester, UK, 2006), 15–24. Gerrarre lists two sixteenth-century treatises on “Buchsenmeisterei,” (nos. 16, 37), the earlier attributed to Emperor Maximilian I. See alsoHall, Bert S., The Technological Illustrations of the So-Called “Anonymous of the Hussite Wars”: Codex Latinus Monacensis 197, Part 1 (Wiesbaden, 1979), 117–33.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Naples, BN, cod. XII.D.22; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:106a. Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. T 6 sup., has a treatise by Rinaldo da Spel with the same title, “L'arte del bombardiere” (inc. Prima et principalmente è de sapere).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ SeeFaider, Paul and Van Sint Jan, Pierre, Catalogue des manuscrits conservés à Tournai (Bibliothèques de la Ville et du Séminaire), Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques de Belgique 6 (Gembloux, 1950), 73–79(Tournai Bibl. de la Ville 77); Kristeller, , Iter, 1:163a; andFalzone, Paolo, DBI, 65:215–16, who cites Paola De Capua, “Lorenzo Lippi e la traduzione degli Halieutica di Oppiano,” Studi Umanistici (Università degli Studi di Messina, Centro Interdipartimentale di Studi Umanistici) 3 (1992): 59–109. See also Jordi Rubió i Balaguer, , “Un bibliòfil català del segle XV: En Pere Miquel Carbonell,” Humanisme i Renaixement, Obres de Jordi Rubió i Balaguer 8 (Barcelona, 1990), 92–100. Early in the sixteenth century, Iacopo Sannazaro (1457–1530) discovered a manuscript (now Vienna Lat. 277) with Pseudo-Ovid's fragmentary Halieutica. SeeReynolds, and Wilson, , Scribes and Scholars (n. 6 above), 123–24; andVecce, Carlo, Iacopo Sannazaro in Francia: Scoperte di codici all'inizio del XVI secolo, Medioevo e umanesimo 69 (Padua, 1988), 56–62, 93–158. Sannazaro wrote his own eclogues on fishing. Vecce proposes that, before finding the Vienna manuscript in northern France in the summer of 1503, Sannazaro found a manuscript with the work of Pseudo-Ovid in the vicinity of Lyon in late 1502. That manuscript is now lost. There are two further codices with Pseudo-Ovid's work: Paris, BN, cod. Lat. 8071; and Vienna, Nationalbibl., cod. Lat. 3261 (autogr. of Sannazaro). Luca di Antonio Bernardi manifested further interest in seafaring when, around 1472, he obtained a codex (Volterra Guarnacciana 5031) with Ciriaco d'Ancona's Naumachia regia; seeSabia, Monti, “Altri codici,” 240–41.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 5802; seeKristeller, , Iter, 2:335b, 6:322b. Livio Guidolotti (Guidalotti) served Pope Leo X as cubicularius apostolicus. The Lucian codex is illuminated in the style of Attavante Attavanti. Arrighi also wrote a Missal for Cardinal Giulio that was richly illuminated (Berlin Staatsbibl. Kupferstichkabinett cod. 78.D.17). On Arrighi's career and the manuscripts, see, e.g., Pratesi, Alessandro, DBI, 4:310–13; andReiss, Sheryl E., “Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici's 1520 Berlin Missal and Other Works by Matteo da Milano,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 33 (1991): 107–28. Pratesi ascribes the illumination of the Missal to Marco Attavanti whereas Reiss argues for Matteo da Milano as the principal illuminator.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 120 sup.; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:297b, 6:39b–40a. For the brief career of Basilio Calcondila in Florence, seeSchreiner, Peter, DBI, 16:541–42. On the contributions of his father Demetrio Calcondila, seePetrucci, Armando, DBI, 16:544–45. For the printing of Homer, see, e.g., Proctor, Robert, The Printing of Greek in the 15^th Century (1900; repr., Hildesheim, 1966), 6–7, 66–70; andBarker, Nicolas, Aldus Manutius and the Development of Greek Script and Type in the Fifteenth Century (1985; repr., New York, 1992), 30–31, 37. Demetrio's former student and later rival at the University of Florence, Poliziano lectured on the Aeneid of Virgil and the Iliad and Odyssey of Homer in the years from 1485–90. See, e.g., Peter, Godman, From Poliziano to Machiavelli: Florentine Humanism in the High Renaissance (Princeton, 1998), 27–79; and Grendler, Paul F., The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore, 2002), 216, 238–39.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Nuremberg, Stadtbibl., cod. Pirckheimer-Papier 364, box 1, fasc. 2, no. 12, fols. 1–10; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:671b–72a. Pirckheimer's translation was published at Nuremberg by Friedrich Peypus in 1522. For the debate on the reliability of Lucian's description of the grain ship, see, e.g., Casson, Lionel, “The Isis and Her Voyage,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 81 (1950): 43–56; andHouston, George W., “Lucian's Navigium and the Dimensions of the Isis,” American Journal of Philology 108 (1987): 444–50.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibl., cod. Gl.kgl.S.2150, quarto, copied in 1676 from a manuscript of the De situ urbis Romae in the Bibl. Laurenziana of Florence (Laur. Plut. 29, 10); seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:185a, where Kristeller notes that the text continues in cod. Gl.kgl.S.1836, quarto, described in Iter, 3:184a. See nowda Sarzana, Antonio Ivani, Opere storiche, ed. Pontari, Paolo and Marcucci, Silvia(Florence, 2006). Primarily employed in political positions in Genoa, Pistoia, and Volterra, Ivani (1430–1482) also dabbled in archaeology, collecting medals and communicating news of the purchase of ancient statuary. See, e.g., Bule, Steven, “Etruscan Echoes in Italian Renaissance Art,” in Etruscan Italy: Etruscan Influences on the Civilizations of Italy from Antiquity to the Modern Era, ed. Hall, John Franklin(Provo, UT, 1996), 311–12; andSimonetta, Marcello, DBI, 62:719–24.Google Scholar

⁵¹ BAV, cod. Boncompagni D.9; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:409a. On Castro's proposals, seeZapperi, Roberto, DBI, 22:240–41, who characterized the reports as a pastiche of the opinions of others that have no scientific value of their own. Castro went from imprisonment and torture as a suspected heretic to intimate counselor of the pope and his son, and no one is sure how he did so. Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. Q 122 sup., fols. 186–88, has a report by Filippo Pigafetta entitled “Informatione de’ porti di Livorno …”; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:309a. Pigafetta's work was published by Carlo Antonio Vianello, “Una relazione sul porto di Livorno alla fine del secolo XVI,” Bollettino storico livornese 5, no. 2 (1941): 144–46. The Milan codex comes from the library of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli.Google Scholar

⁵² Kennedy, George A., Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times (Chapel Hill, NC, 1980), 6–8, 32.Google Scholar

⁵³ Otto's observation is cited byCipolla, Carlo M., Before the Industrial Revolution: European Society and Economy, 1000–1700, 2nd ed. (New York, 1980), 148.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ For the classical attitude, seeSchiavone, Aldo, La storia spezzata: Roma antica e Occidente moderno, Quadrante 82 (Bari, 1996), 117–72. Schiavone discussed the example of Archimedes (158–60), and he listed ancient writings on mechanics (152). For the medieval change in attitude, seeCipolla, , Before the Industrial Revolution, 145–49, 167–99; andWhitney, Elspeth, “Paradise Restored: The Mechanical Arts from Antiquity through the Thirteenth Century,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Association 80 (1990): 57–149. Cipolla, 183–84, considered the mental factors involved in the process. In general, seeKristeller, Paul Oskar, “The Modern System of the Arts,” in Renaissance Thought, vol. 2, Papers on Humanism and the Arts (New York, 1965), 166–89. Kristeller, 174–78, reviewed the mechanical arts of Hugh of St. Victor and Thomas Aquinas.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Cicero De officiis 1.42.150–51, a text examined bySchiavone, , La storia spezzata, 44–45.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Mandosio, Jean-Marc, “La classification des sciences et des arts chez Alberti,” in Leon Battista Alberti (Actes du Congrès International de Paris, 10–15 avril 1995), ed. Furlan, Francesco, De Pétrarque à Descartes 68 (Turin, 2000), 2:651–85. Mandosio, 2:677, mentioned the story of Brunelleschi's refusal.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Mandosio, Jean-Marc, “Les sources antiques de la classification des sciences et des arts à la Renaissance,” in Les voies de la science grecque: études sur la transmission des textes de l'Antiquité au dix-neuvième siècle, ed. Jacquart, Danielle, Hautes études médiévales et modernes 78 (Geneva, 1997), 333–57. Mandosio, 350, identified Poliziano's “Aristotelian heresy.”Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Navagero, Andrea, “Oratio habita in funere Leonardi Lauretani Venetiarum principis,” in Opera omnia, ed. Vulpius, Iohannes Antonius and Vulpius, Caetanus (Padua, 1718), 38. A learned poet and humanist, Navagero (1483–1529) spent much of his early life in the circle of the condottiere Bartolomeo d'Alviano. With D'Alviano's backing, Navagero became librarian of Bessarion's books in 1516 and ended his service to Venice as ambassador to the courts of Charles I of Spain and Francis I of France. On Navagero's career, see, e.g., Cicogna, Emmanuele Antonio, Delle inscrizioni Veneziane (Venice, 1853), 6:173–209; Labowsky, Lotte, Bessarion's Library and the Bibliotheca Marciana: Six Early Inventories, Sussidi Eruditi 31 (Rome, 1979), 63–71; andZorzi, Marino, La Libreria di San Marco: Libri, lettori, società nella Venezia dei Dogi, Ateneo Veneto: Collana di Studi 1 (Milan, 1987), 99–104. In general, seeStagi, Justin, “Ars apodemica: voyages d’étude et art du voyage,” in L’Époque de la Renaissance (1400–1600), vol. 4, Crises et essors nouveaux (1560–1610), ed. Klaniczay, Tibor, Kushner, Eva, and Chavy, Paul, A Comparative History of Literatures in European Languages 13 (Amsterdam, 2000), 285–303.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ New Haven, CT, Yale Univ., Beinecke Library, cod. 557; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:282b–83a, and the online catalog athttp://brbl-net.library.yale.edu/pre1600ms/docs/pre1600.ms557.htm, accessed 30 April 2015. The flyleaf repeats nine times the name Alvise Pisano (“Aluisio Pisano”), and it has possessors’ notes from Mario Gaetano Aglioti, a lawyer from Messina, and Marchese Romualdo De Sterlich (1712–1788), owner of a large library open to the public in Chieti. For De Sterlich, see, e.g., Cepparrone, Luigi, DBI, 39:450–52. Among recommendations to improve the economy of Abruzzo, De Sterlich urged the government in Naples to establish ports, improve roads, and make the Pescara River navigable. In 1459, Cotrugli was exiled from his hometown of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) when his speculative activities in assuming a debt owed by the Aragonese kings of Naples angered local authorities. He took refuge in Naples and ran the kingdom's mints. For Cotrugli's career, seeLuzzati, Michele, DBI, 30:446–50; Zanato, Tiziano, “Sul testo della Mercatura di Benedetto Cotrugli,” Studi Veneziani, n.s., 26 (1993): 15–65; andYamey, Basil S., “Benedetto Cotrugli on Bookkeeping (1458),” Accounting, Business, and Financial History 4 (1994): 43–44. Citing Gino Luzzatto, Luzzatti observed that, after the bookseller Lubrano in Naples sold the Cotrugli manuscript with Della navigatione, its whereabouts in 1984 were unknown. It was bequeathed to the Beinecke in 1971 by Henry Taylor, who collected books and manuscripts related to the science of navigation and the exploration of America; seeKebabian, John S., The Henry C. Taylor Collection (New Haven, CT, 1971). An edition and translation of the treatise, based on the Beinecke manuscript, was published bySalopek, Damir, De navigatione / O plovidbi, Hrvatska knjizevna baština 2 (Zagreb, 2005).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Capello's treatise is conserved in BL, cod. Add. 39661 (Kristeller, , Iter, 4:81b). Finardi's incomplete treatise is conserved in Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. IV.496 (5078). The title of Part 1 (fol. 3) suggests that the work may be a copy or précis of the treatise of Agostino Cesareo (n. 66 below): “Breve chonpendio de l'arte del navegar col regimento della tramontana et quela del sole et tuto ciò che ala bonissima navegacion fa bisogno.” Millo's treatise is conserved together with his Mediterranean isolario in Greenwich, National Maritime Museum, cod. P.17 (1590); BL, cod. Add. 10365 (1591); and Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. IV.2 (5540) (1590). See, e.g., Tucci, , “La pratica della navigazione” (n. 38 above), 527–36; and “PANDEKTIS—Greek Cartography: the Documents,” available online athttp://pandektis.ekt.gr/pandektis/handle/10442/23163, accessed 30 April 2015.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Campori 1497 (Gamma S 5, 6). For information on the autograph of Nautica and Baldi's systematic approach to the discipline, seeBaldi, , L'invenzione del bossolo da navigare: Poema inedito, ed. Canevazzi, Giovanni, Raccolta di rarità storiche e letterarie 6 (Livorno, 1901), xiii–xvii; Kristeller, , Iter, 1:390a; andBerra, Claudia, “La musa didascalcica di Bernardino Baldi,” in Bernardino Baldi (1553–1617) studioso rinascimentale: Poesia, storia, linguistica, meccanica, architettura (Atti del Convegno di studi di Milano, 19–21 novembre 2003), ed. E. Nenci, Filosofia e scienza nell'età moderna: Studi 62 (Milan, 2005), 10–12, 18–23. The autograph of the poem on the compass is Modena Campori 98 (Gamma U 1, 16) (Kristeller, , Iter, 1:386b). The poem on the compass was finished on 18 March 1579, the autograph draft of Nautica was finished successively on 25 April 1580, the dedicatory letter to Ferrante Gonzaga was signed on 6 June 1585, and Baldi then made additions and corrections to Nautica prior to the publication of the editio princeps in 1590 as part of his collection of Versi e prose. Modern editions of Nautica were published at Lanciano in 1913, at Città di Castello in 1915 (with an introduction and notes of Gaetano Bonifacio), and at Turin three times from 1914–21. On the poems and Baldi's career, see alsoZaccagnini, Guido, “Le fonti della Nautica di Bernardino Baldi,” Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 40 (1902): 366–96; Amaturo, Raffaele, DBI, 5:461–64; Concina, , Navis (n. 11 above), 22n13, 168; andNenci, Elio, “L'inventione del bossolo da navigare e le scoperte geografiche,” in Bernardino Baldi, ed. Nenci, E., 233–46. On the invention of the compass, see, e.g., Keller, Alex, “A Renaissance Humanist Looks at ‘New’ Inventions: The Article ‘Horologium’ in Giovanni Tortelli's De orthographia,” Technology and Culture 11 (1970): 356–57; andKreutz, Barbara M., “Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,” Technology and Culture 14 (1973): 367–83.Google Scholar

⁶² On the codices, seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:533a, 6:587b. For the dating of Geral 2149, see the Library's online catalog, “A Ciência do Desenho: A Ilustração na Colecção de Códices da Biblioteca Nacional,” available athttp://purl.pt/102/1/especulacao/nautica/especulacao_nautica_thumb_45.html, accessed 30 April 2015. Further works that may possess information on methods of sailing and navigating include anonymous notes on navigation in Bergamo, Bibl. Civica Angelo Mai, cod. MA.334 (formerly Sigma VII.29), owned by Ser Nicholo Biancho in 1422 (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:476a); the Defensio astronomica that the physician Conradus (Konrad) Heingartner dedicated to a French admiral in 1488 and that is now conserved in Zurich, Zentralbibl., cod. B.244, fols. 1–4 (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:152b); an anonymous vernacular treatise in seven books on cosmography, geography, and navigation in BAV, cod. Archivio di San Pietro H.27 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:399b), now available online athttp://digital.vatlib.it/it/view/MSS_Arch.Cap.S.Pietro.H.27, accessed 30 April 2015; and a book of astronomical charts by Christoph Grienberger, SJ, entitled Catalogus veteres affixarum longitudines ac latitudines cum novis conferens, tentatively dated 1609 and now conserved in New York, Columbia Univ. Library, cod. X.523/G.87 (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:295a). Grienberger (1564–1636) taught mathematics at the Roman College, eventually replacing Christophorus Clavius (1538–1612), and he regretted the rift between Galileo and the Jesuit faculty. His treatise was published at Rome by Bartholomaeus Zannettus in 1612. For Grienberger's career, see, e.g., Gorman, Michael John, “Mathematics and Modesty in the Society of Jesus: The Problems of Christoph Grienberger,” in The New Science and Jesuit Science: Seventeenth Century Perspectives, ed. Feingold, Mordechai, Archimedes: New Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology 6 (Dordrecht, 2003), 3–31. On the interaction between scholars and mariners, see, e.g., Rico, Francisco, “Il nuovo mondo di Nebrija e Colombo: Note sulla geografia umanistica in Spagna e sul contesto intellettuale della scoperta dell'America,” in Vestigia: Studi in onore di Giuseppe Billanovich, ed. Avesani, Rino et al., Raccolta di Studi e Testi 162–63 (Rome, 1984), 2:575–606.Google Scholar

⁶³ Leiden, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. Voss. lat. F.41; seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:367b. The Portuguese autograph of Oliveira's “Livro da fábrica das naus” (ca. 1580) is conserved in Lisbon, BN, cod. Geral 3702. On Oliveira's career, see, e.g., Dotson, , “Treatises” (n. 28 above), 165;Blackburn, Robin, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (London, 1997), 120–21; de Castro, Filipe Vieira, The Pepper Wreck: A Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of the Tagus River, Ed Rachal Foundation Nautical Archaeology Series (College Station, TX, 2005), 32–35, 43–45; and Francisco Contente Domingues, “Science and Technology in Portuguese Navigation: The Idea of Experience in the Sixteenth Century,” trans. Neil Safier, in Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Bethencourt, Francisco and Curto, Diogo Ramada(Cambridge, 2007), 472–76. A Portuguese Jesuit, Francisco da Costa (1567–1604) studied mathematics and astronomy, lectured on mathematics at the Jesuit College in Lisbon, and wrote a Tratado da Hidrografia y Arte de Navegar (1596) conserved in Greenwich, National Maritime Museum, cod. NVT/7, fols. 45–49, and a Tratado de Navegaçâo conserved in BL, cod. Egerton 2063. See, e.g., Jonkers, A. R. T., Earth's Magnetism in the Age of Sail (Baltimore, 2003), 53–55, 242; andLeitão, Henrique, “Jesuit Mathematical Practice in Portugal, 1540–1759,” in The New Science and Jesuit Science: Seventeenth Century Perspectives, ed. Feingold, , 235–36. On Portuguese nautical treatises and vessel types, see alsoDomingues, Francisco Contente, “Documents on Portuguese Naval Architecture (late 16^th–early 17^th century) — A General Overview,” in Proceedings of the International Symposium on Archaeology of Medieval and Modern Ships of Iberian-Atlantic Tradition: Hull Remains, Manuscripts, and Ethnographic Sources; A Comparative Approach, ed. Alves, Francisco, Trabalhos de arqueologia 18 (Lisbon, 2001), 229–32; and Contente Domingues, “The State of Portuguese Naval Forces in the Sixteenth Century,” in War at Sea in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Hattendorf, and Unger, (n. 42 above), 188, 193–96.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The Bell Library catalog gives the full title as “L'arte del navigare con il regimento della tramontana e del sole, e la vera regola ed osservanza del flusso e reflusso del[le] acque sotto breve compendio dell'arte del navigare.” The manuscript has 65 folios and is dated ca. 1570. The title in the Bell manuscript closely mirrors the one cited by Kretschmer (n. 66 below).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ BAV, cod. Patetta 260; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:400b. On Bonelli, see DBI, 11:759–61.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ The BL has two manuscripts: cod. Add. 25882 with drawings and the preface to Sforza (Kristeller, , Iter, 4:116a); and cod. Add. 29255 with color diagrams and the preface to Ferrante Somma (Kristeller, , Iter, 4:118b). The copy in Florence, BN, cod. Palat. 734, is dedicated to Cosimo I; that in Vienna, Nationalbibl., cod. Lat. 10779, to Fugger; and that in Yale Univ., Beinecke Library, cod. 562, to Colonna (seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:280b, and the online catalog athttp://brbl-net.library.yale.edu/pre1600ms/docs/pre1600.ms562.htm, accessed 4 May 2015). The copy in Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. L 7 sup., is dedicated to Carafa (Kristeller, , Iter, 1:300b, 2:531b). There is one manuscript in Naples dated 1570 dedicated to Andrea Marino (BN, cod. XII.D.46; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:406a), one in Ferrara dated 1572 (Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. II.437; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:54a), one in Princeton with a preface dated 1567 (Princeton Univ., cod. Kane 54), one in the Library of Congress in Washington, DC (Med. and Ren. Misc., Acq. 4325, without a shelf number), and one from the sixteenth century in Lane's personal collection (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:422a). In addition to cod. Patetta 260 (1559), the Vatican Library has cod. Vat. lat. 8097 (before 1582?), cod. Vat. lat. 5360 dedicated to Caracciolo in 1582, and cod. Vat. lat. 10334 dated s. XVII. Stornajolo's catalog of the Urbinate fondo adds cod. Urb. lat. 1423 (autogr. 1569 dedicated to Francesco de’ Rainosa) and cod. Urb lat. 1436 (autogr. 1571 dedicated to Francesco Maria II della Rovere), while José Ruysschaert adds BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 1358 (autogr. 1570). The copy in Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. L.VI.41, does not have a date (Kristeller, , Iter, 2:158b), while the copy in Osimo, Bibl. del Collegio, cod. 13, is dated s. XVII. Lane cited from his sixteenth-century copy in “Oceanic Expansion: Force and Enterprise in the Creation of Oceanic Commerce,” in “The Tasks of Economic History,” supplement, Journal of Economic History 10 (1950): 19. The missing codex from Vaduz, Sammlungen des regierenden Fürsten von Liechtenstein, cod. 165–2–16 (Kristeller, , Iter, 4:316a), was dated 1568 and may be the codex now in Vienna or New Haven. The missing codex from the Vatican's Archivio Segreto, cod. Misc. Arm. III.101 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:304a), attributed the treatise to “Costantino Cesareo.” Cesareo was born in Rome, entered the Benedictines where he became a priest, and resided at the Benedictine monastery of SS. Severino e Sossio in Naples. On the Urbino codices, seeStornajolo, Cosimus, Codices Urbinates Latini, vol. 3, Codices 1001–1779 (Rome, 1921), 322, 329. On Cesareo autographs, seeRuysschaert, , “Costantino Gaetano, O.S.B., chasseur de manuscrits: contribution à l'histoire de trois bibliothèques romaines du XVIIe s., l'Aniciana, l'Alessandrina, et la Chigi,” in Mélanges Eugène Tisserant, vol. 7, Bibliothèque Vaticane (Deuxième partie), Studi e testi 237 (Vatican City, 1964), 281–82. Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 588, and cod. Ashb. 1471, are also autographs of Cesareo with exegetical works. Kretschmer's characterization is found in Die italienischen Portolane des Mittelalters: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Kartographie und Nautik, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Meereskunde und des geographischen Instituts an der Universität Berlin 13 (1909; repr., Hildesheim, 1962), 229–30. He gives the full title of the treatise: L'arte del navigare con il regimento de la Tramontana e del Sole e la vera regola et osservanza del flusso e reflusso delle acque sotto breve compendio nuovamente ridotta per Agostino Cesareo. Early in the seventeenth century, Bartolomeo Crescentio published his Nautica mediterranea (Rome, 1602; 2nd ed., Rome, 1607), which has information on shipbuilding and a portolan chart that attempts to correct traditional charts by calculating magnetic declination. Crescentio was an engineer in papal service who traveled the Mediterranean on papal galleys and other vessels, used his on-board experience as a source for his theories, and argued that a naval architect should direct the work of ship carpenters. See, e.g., Kretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 230;Concina, , Navis, 8, 159, 190; andAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea (n. 41 above), 55–56.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Rainero, Romain H., “L‘Arte della vera navegatione di Giovanni Francesco Monno e la sua importanza,” in Imago et mensura mundi (Atti del IX Congresso internazionale di storia della cartografia, 30 maggio–5 giugno 1981, Pisa, Firenza, Roma), ed. Marzoli, Carla Clivio with Pellegrini, Giacomo Corna and Ferro, Gaetano (Rome, 1985), 1:107–14; Astengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 87–88, 106;Tonini, Camillo, “‘… Acciò resti facilitata la navigatione’: I portolani di Gaspare Tentivo,” in Navigare e descrivere: Isolari e portolani del Museo Correr di Venezia XV–XVIII secolo, ed. Tonini, Camillo and Lucchi, Piero(Venice, 2001), 72–79; andNavari, Leonora, “Gaspare Tentivo's Il nautico ricercato: The Manuscripts,” in Eastern Mediterranean Cartographies, ed. Tólias, Giórgos and Loupis, Dimitris, Tetradia ergasias 25–26 (Athens, 2004), 135–55, available online at:http://www.ine-notebooks.org/index.php/te/article/viewFile/111/167, accessed 1 May 2015.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ For the Spanish contribution, see, e.g., Navarrete, Martín Fernández, Disertación sobre la historia de la náutica y de las ciencias matemáticas que han contribuido a sus progressos entre los españoles, parte tercera, published posthumously by La Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid, 1846), available online athttp://www.cervantesvirtual.com, accessed 1 May 2015; Ursula Lamb, review of El arte de navegar en la España del Renacimiento, by Piñero, José Maria López, Isis 81 (1990): 339–40; Mariano Esteban Piñeiro, “Las Academias técnicas en la España del Siglo XVI,” Quaderns d'História de l'Enginyeria 5 (2002–3): 10–14; Buisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest (n. 41 above), 54–61, 82–92; andBarrera-Osorio, Antonio, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific Revolution (Austin, TX, 2006), 29–55, 147–50.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ SeeKristeller, , Iter, 4:533a; and Piñeiro, “Las Academias técnicas,” 13–15.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Munich, Staatsbibl., cod. Clm 807, fol. 19v; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:616a–b. The codex once belonged to the Florentine philologist Pier Vettori (1499–1585). Giovanni Pesenti published extracts from the diary dealing with codices seen or collated by Poliziano; seePesenti, , “Diario Odeporico-Bibliografico inedito del Poliziano,” Memorie del Reale Istituto Lombardo di scienze e lettere, 3rd ser., 23, fasc. 7 (1916): 229–39.Google Scholar

⁷¹ BL, cod. Burney 213, fols. 23v–25v. SeeHasluck, F. W., “Notes on the MSS. in the British Museum Relating to Levant Geography and Travel,” Annual of the British School at Athens 12 (1905–6): 204–5; Kristeller, , Iter, 4:134a; and BL Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts, available online athttp://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts, accessed 4 January 2009. Charles Burney (1757–1817) bought the codex in 1789 at a London sale of the manuscripts of Maffeo Pinelli (d. 1785), and it was one of the first in the collection that his son gave to the British Museum in 1818.Google Scholar

⁷² Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile, cod. 109 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:237a); and De Biasio, Luigi, “Il viaggio di Angelo degli Oddi lungo l'Adriatico (1584),” Arte Documento 7 (1993): 379–87. In 1607, Oddi also wrote a work entitled Città, fortezze, porti, e redoti del regno di Candia that he dedicated to Lorenzo Marcello. The work is conserved in Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile, cod. 113 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:237a), and in Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Correr 1446.Google Scholar

⁷³ BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 2447, fols. 42–45, 48–63; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:381b. Alvise/Luigi Agostini/Augustini, a notary in the Ducal chancery, served as secretary to the Venetian ambassador to England in 1549.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ New York, Hispanic Society, cod. B.1320; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:319a. Born in Italy in the first decade of the sixteenth century, the engineer Antonelli worked on military fortifications for Spain in the New World and along her eastern coast from Gibraltar north to Valencia and Murcia. See, e.g., Polto, , Tiburzio Spannocchi, xxiii; andSalvi, Nereo, DBI, 3:495–97.Buisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest, 91–92, mentions Juan-Bautista Antonelli, apparently Giovanni Battista's brother, Battista (d. 1616/7), and not Battista's son, Juan-Bautista (d. 1649). The father Battista worked for Spain in the Americas on a variety of civil engineering projects between 1580 and 1608 and produced quality maps to facilitate his work. The son Juan-Bautista worked in the Americas from 1604 until his death in 1649. See, e.g., Manuel Morato Moreno, “Los Antonelli, una saga de arquitectos e ingenieros al servicio de la corona española,” presented at the Congreso Internacional de Ingeniería Gráfica, Valencia, 2008, and published online at:http://personal.us.es/mmorato/Ingegraf%20Valencia.pdf, accessed 1 May 2015.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 2447, fols. 20–41v; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:381b. Mazzoni taught philosophy at Pisa from 1588 to 1597 and is best known for his vigorous defense of Dante at two stages of his career. See, e.g., Steadman, John H., “Milton and Mazzoni: The Genre of the Divina Commedia,” Huntington Library Quarterly 23, no. 2 (1960): 107–22; andDalmas, Davide, DBI, 72:709–14.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Kretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 149–66; Janni, , Il mare degli Antichi (n. 9 above), 456–66; andRoller, Duane W., Through the Pillars of Herakles: Greco-Roman Exploration of the Atlantic (New York, 2006), 29–43, 129–32.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Munich, Universitätsbibl., cod. Folio 692; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:649a–b. On the meager Greek tradition for Hanno's text, written originally in Punic, see, e.g., Müller, Carolus, ed., Geographi Graeci minores (1855; repr., Hildesheim, 1965), 1:ix–xix; Diller, Aubrey, “The Vatopedi Manuscript of Ptolemy and Strabo,” American Journal of Philology 58 (1937): 177–79; Diller, , The Tradition of the Minor Greek Geographers, Philological Monographs Published by the American Philological Association 14 (Oxford, 1952), 3–14, 52;Diller, , The Textual Tradition of Strabo's Geography (Amsterdam, 1975), 38–41; andMund-Dopchie, Monique, “Hanno,” Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries (Annotated Lists and Guides), ed. Brown, Virginia, Hankins, James, and Kaster, Robert A.(Washington, DC, 2003), 8:49–54. Froben published the editio princeps of Hanno at Basel in 1533. For that edition, he borrowed the Greek codex from the Dominican convent library and afterward gave the codex to Elector Otto Heinrich. For the purchase of the excised folios by the British Museum, see Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum in the Years 1848–1853 (London, 1868), 228–29.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Sample codices include Hamburg, Staats- und Universitätsbibl., cod. Hist. 31c (folio) (Kristeller, , Iter, 3:553a, 6:514b); and Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Library, cod. Bell 1560/Ra, vol. 2 (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:275b). The entire compendium ofRamusio, Giovanni Battista, Navigationi et viaggi, was first printed in 3 vols. (Venice, 1550–59), and reprinted in modern times (Amsterdam, 1967–70). For recent debate on Ramusio's perspectives and the implications of his work, see, e.g., Horodowich, Liz, “Armchair Travelers and the Venetian Discovery of the New World,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36 (2005): 1042–49; andHeadley, John M., The Europeanization of the World: On the Origins of Human Rights and Democracy (Princeton, 2008), 31–34, 44–53, 58–60.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Heidelberg, Universitätsbibl., cod. Heid. 3380 (formerly 369, 306). SeeSillib, Rudolf, “David Hoeschels Beziehungen zur Heidelberger Palatina,” Zentralblatt für Bibliothekwesen 37 (1920): 174–76; and Kristeller, , Iter, 3:574a. For Skylax, see, e.g., Kretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 152–56; Peretti, Aurelio, Il Periplo di Scilace: Studio sul primo portolano del Mediterraneo (Pisa, 1979); Campbell, Tony, “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” in History of Cartography, vol. 1, Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean, ed. Harley, J. B. and Woodward, David(Chicago, 1987), 380–89; andRoller, , Through the Pillars, 8–9, 14–15, 19–20.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ On the work of Isidorus, see, e.g., Schoff, Wilfred Harvey, Parthian Stations by Isidore of Charax: An Account of the Overland Trade Route between the Levant and India in the First Century B.C. (Philadelphia, 1914), 2–21; and Belfiore, Stefano, Il periplo del mare eritreo di anonimo del I sec. d.C. e altri testi sul commercio fra Roma e l'Oriente attraverso l'Oceano Indiano e la Via della Seta, Memorie della Società Geografica Italiana 73 (Rome, 2004), 245–66. Schoff cryptically listed four manuscripts (Paris Suppl. gr. 443 from the late thirteenth century, BAV Palat. gr. 142 and Munich Staatsbibl. Cgrm 566 — both copied from Paris Suppl. gr. 443 in the Venetian scriptorium of Paolo Canal ca. 1505 — and Paris gr. 571 from the late thirteenth century and once owned by Catherine de’ Medici), and he noted the editio princeps by Hoeschelius in 1600, viz., David Höschel, ed., Geographica Marciani Heracleotae, Scylacis Caryandensis, Artemidori Ephesii, Dicaearchi Messenni, Isidori Characeni: Omnia nunc primum, praeter Dicaearchi illa … edita (Augsburg, 1600). Better information on the codices and editions is supplied byDiller, , The Tradition of the Minor Greek Geographers, 19–26, 30–31, 48, 51–52, 61–62, who adds to the list four Greek codices copied from Paris gr. 571: BAV Ottob. gr. 60, Copenhagen Gl.kgl.S.2075 quarto, Paris Suppl. gr. 292 (by Ismael Boulliau ca. 1640–45) and Paris Suppl. gr. 883 (by Pierre Daniel Huet in 1652). Given the crude character of one of the codices from Canal's scriptorium, Holstenius and Müller posited that the scribe was a woman (!), while Diller argued for a young man barely cognizant of Greek. If Diller was right to emphasize limited knowledge of the language, then neither gender nor age seems crucial. In general, seeHopkins, Chris, “Annotated Parthia Bibliography,” 29, available online athttp://www.parthia.com/parthia_biblio.htm, accessed 1 January 2009.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. 92 (A.VII.1); seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:5a. The codex is an eighteenth-century copy of a text written in 1506. Emilio Pandiani, in his edition of the work, listed four other codices (Genoa, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Federici 209; Genoa, Bibl. Civica Berio, cod. 803; BL, cod. Add. 21996; Turin, Archivio di Stato, cod. J.b.V.18). See Commentarii de rebus Genuensium et de navigatione Columbi, ed. Pandiani, Emilio, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, n.s., 23, part 1 (Città di Castello, 1911), xxxvi. The Gallo family had a house in Genoa near that of the Columbus family and a country estate next to that of Mico Colombo, Cristoforo's cousin; seeDel Gallo, Elena, DBI, 51:704. In general, seeQuinn, David B., “La littérature des voyages et des découvertes,” in L’Époque de la Renaissance (1400–1600), vol. 4, Crises et essors nouveaux (1560–1610), ed. Klaniczay, Tibor et al. (n. 58 above), 307–23.Google Scholar

⁸² Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. 148 (B.III.8), fasc. 2, fol. 3; seeKristeller, , Iter, 1:246b, 2:523a, 6:7a.Google Scholar

⁸³ Baldi, , Nautica, Book 4, 655ff.; idem, L'invenzione del compasso, Book 2, 521ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Leiden, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. Voss. lat. F.41; seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:367b. A facsimile edition of the account in the Leiden manuscript, with a French translation, was edited by Pierre Valière and published at Nantes in 1974 and at Paris in 1976. That edition, together with an English translation of Peter Schreurs, was published at Manila in 2002. The National Historical Institute in Manila also published the text as edited by Karl-Heinz Wionzek and translated by Pedro Sastre in 2000.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibl., cod. Hist. fol. 248; seeKristeller, , Iter, 3:698b. On the printer Valentim Fernandes (Valentinus Moravus) and his compiling travel accounts, see, e.g., Guirado, Maria Cecília, Relatos do descobrimento do Brasil: as primeiras reportagens (Lisbon, 2001), 57–58. On Peutinger's collecting and German knowledge of the discoveries, see, e.g., Weyrauther, Max, Konrad Peutinger und Wilibald Pirckheimer in ihren Beziehungen zur Geographie: Eine geschichtliche Parallele, Municher geographische Studien 21 (Munich, 1907), 7–19; Johnson, Christine R., “Renaissance German Cosmographers and the Naming of America,” Past and Present, no. 191 (May 2006): 12, 28n76; and eadem, The German Discovery of the World: Renaissance Encounters with the Strange and Marvelous (Charlottesville, VA, 2008), 19–46, 166–77.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Library, cod. Bell 1541/fCa (Kristeller, , Iter, 5:275b); and “Tábuas dos Roteiros de D. João de Castro,” available online athttp://bibliotecajoanina.uc.pt/obras_raras/, accessed 1 May 2015. Castro's roteiros have been published in volumes 1–2 of Obras completas de D. João de Castro, ed. Cortesão, Armando and de Albuquerque, Luís(Coimbra, 1968–82). On Castro's career, see, e.g., Jayne, Kingsley Garland, Vasco da Gama and His Successors 1460–1580 (1910; repr., New York, 1970), 130–55; Buisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest (n. 41 above), 80; and Contente Domingues, “Science and Technology in Portuguese Navigation” (n. 63 above), 462–63, 470–72. On Venetian travelers during the Renaissance, see, e.g., Tucci, Ugo, “Mercanti, viaggiatori, pellegrini nel Quattrocento,” in Storia della cultura veneta 3 (n. 2 above), part 2:317–52; andLucchetta, Giuliano, “Viaggiatori e racconti di viaggi nel Cinquecento,” in Storia della cultura veneta, 3, part 2:433–89. A firm believer in experiential knowledge, Andrea Navagero left an account of his travels (Itinerario) by ship to Spain, his travels within Spain, and his return trip by way of France, all while Venetian ambassador to Charles I from 1524 to 1528, which is conserved in BAV, cod. Boncompagni F.1, fol. 168r–v (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:410b). The Boncompagni manuscript once belonged to Giovanni Antonio Magini (1555–1617). On fol. 168v, there is a lender's note: “Hunc libellum itinerarii Mag. ci Andree Navagieri Veneti prestitit mihi fratri Silvestro Cirignano … Alexander Gergiis[?] Urbinas quem transcripsi … 1574 die 4 Januarii Urbini.” Alessandro Zorzi (Giorgi) of Urbino translated Heron's Pneumatica from Greek into Italian in 1592; seeBoas, Marie, “Hero's Pneumatica: A Study of Its Transmission and Influence,” Isis 40, no. 1 (1949): 41–42. On Navagero's account, see, e.g., Cicogna, , Delle inscrizioni, 6:295–96 (Cicogna then had his own manuscript copy, misc. 691); Griggio, Claudio, “Andrea Navagero e l’Itinerario in Spagna (1524–1528),” in Miscellanea di studi in onore di Marco Pecoraro, vol. 1, Da Dante al Manzoni, ed. Da Rif, Bianca Maria and Griggio, Claudio, Biblioteca dell’Archivum Romanicum 240 (Florence, 1991), 153–78; Perocco, Daria, “Uno storico mancato, un viaggiatore involontario: Il caso di Andrea Navagero,” in Forma e parola: Studi in memoria di Fredi Chiappelli, ed. Dutschke, Dennis J. et al. (Rome, 1992), 335–38; andBrothers, Cammy, “The Renaissance Reception of the Alhambra: The Letters of Andrea Navagero and the Palace of Charles V,” Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture 11 (1994): 80–84. Griggio, 170–77, discussed the editio princeps of the Itinerario (Venice, 1563), and he listed four further codices with the work: Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.110 (5902); Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Acq. e Doni 427; Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 3085/VIII; and Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 188.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For Martelli's work, seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:648a–b; and Fante, Alessandra Del, “Un trattato inedito di Ugolino Martelli sulle maree,” Annali dell'Istituto e Museo di storia della scienza di Firenze 9, fasc. 2 (1984): 3–12. For the Pierpont Morgan manuscript with Sagri's treatise, seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:347b. The copy of Sagri's treatise in the Bell Collection at the University of Minnesota, Bell 1570/Sa, is titled “Il chartigiatore.” Sagri calls himself a “marinaro raguseo” and explains that he wrote the book for “quello che de’ avere la chura di dare il chamino alla nave e chondurla fino a la bocha del porto.” Sagri also wrote a work on tides that was printed at Venice in 1574. Del Fante, “Un trattato,” 6–7, notes printed treatises on tides by Federico Delfino (Venice, 1559) and Girolamo Borri (Lucca, 1561). See alsoTucci, , “La pratica della navigazione” (n. 38 above), 531; andCampbell, Tony, “Chronicle for 2001–2002,” Imago Mundi 54 (2002): 179.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ BAV, cod. Borg. V; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:385b. On the map and others like it, see further Kretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 140; Roberto Almagià, Planisferi, carte nautiche, e affini dal secolo XIV al XVII esistenti nella Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Monumenta Cartographica Vaticana 1 (Vatican City, 1944), 32–40; andWoodward, David, “Medieval Mappaemundi,”, in The History of Cartography, vol. 1, ed. Harley, and Woodward, , 288–370. For the attribution of the Borgiana map to Bianco, see Almagià. For the attribution to Angelo Freducci, son of Conte, seeAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea (n. 41 above), 101–3, 110–12, who develops a thesis first proposed byCaraci, Giuseppe, “The Italian Cartographers of the Benincasa and Freducci Families and the So-Called Borgiana Map of the Vatican Library,” Imago Mundi 10 (1953): 33–42. On mapmaking and its political, military, and economic implications, see, e.g., Buisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest, 49–151. Buisseret, 19, 71–72, discussed the importance of Fra Mauro's workshop in adding mathematical coordinates to the portolan charting system when mapping the Indian subcontinent. For maps in codices with Ptolemy's Geography, see, e.g., Swerdlow, N. M., “The Recovery of the Exact Sciences of Antiquity: Mathematics, Astronomy, Geography,” in Rome Reborn: The Vatican Library and Renaissance Culture, ed. Grafton, Anthony(Washington, DC, 1993), 157–65.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Munich, Staatsbibl., cod. Icon. 137; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:531b. On Portuguese contributions, seeBuisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest, 73–82. Vaz Dourado formed part of a relatively small number of Portuguese cartographers who produced a relatively large number of atlases.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See, e.g., Kretschmer, Konrad, Die italienischen Portolane, 195–232, for a description of prose portolans, 235–552, for the texts themselves; Almagià, Planisferi, vii–xi; Howse, Derek and Sanderson, Michael, The Sea Chart: An Historical Survey Based on the Collections in the National Maritime Museum, intro. Rear-Admiral G. S. Ritchie (Newton Abbot, UK, 1973), 9–10; Lane, , Venice: A Maritime Republic (n. 2 above), 119–20; Campbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500” (n. 79 above), 371–463; andBuisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest, 5, 71–73. For a census of the manuscripts from 1300–1700, seeCampbell, Tony, “Census of Pre-Sixteenth Century Portolan Charts,” Imago Mundi 38 (1986): 67–94; andAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 149–83. For an extensive internet bibliography, see Tony Campbell's web site athttp://www.maphistory.info/index.html, accessed 27 Aug. 2007. For visual reproductions of Italian portolans on the web, see also the “Sulla cresta dell'onda” website athttp://www.sullacrestadellonda.it/cartografia/italia.htm, accessed 27 Aug. 2007. For reproductions of a world map, portolan charts, and atlases in Marciana manuscripts, see Zorzi, Marino, ed., Biblioteca Marciana Venezia, Le grandi biblioteche d'Italia (Florence, 1988), 111 (anon.), 127–29 (Andrea Bianco), 130–31 (Fra Mauro), 154–55 (Cristoforo Buondelmonti), 208–11 (Battista Agnese).Google Scholar

⁹¹ Sample codices of Buondelmonti's work are conserved in Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. X.123 (3784), cod. Marc. lat. X.124 (3177), cod. Marc. lat. X.215 (3773), cod. Marc. lat. XIV.45 (4595); and Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Correr 1335, copied in Venice in 1755. On the codices, seeKristeller, , Iter, 2:231b, 2:232b, 2:263b, 2:287b, 6:273a–b. See further Almagià, Planisferi, 105–17 (who discusses manuscripts with the redactions of Liber insularum and Descriptio Cretae); Weiss, Roberto, DBI, 15:198–200; andHowse, and Sanderson, , The Sea Chart, 16–17.Google Scholar

⁹² Madrid, BN, cod. 788; seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:520b. For the manuscript and its contents, see now Polto, , La Sicilia di Tiburzio Spannocchi, esp. xxvi–l. Spannocchi recommended the use of roving lookouts on horseback, fixed guards in watchtowers, and fortifications for harbors and anchorages. Spannochi's detailed watercolor illustrations include depictions of contemporary vessels.Google Scholar

⁹³ BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 4807. On the codex, seeKretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 224–25; Almagià, , Planisferi, 134–35; andKristeller, , Iter, 2:329b.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Campbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” 376n50, 428–45, who characterized the evidence that charts were used on board as “overwhelming.” As early as 1464, Benedetto Cotrugli gave indications of conceptualizing this way of navigating in his De navigatione.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Astengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 107: “porti et sembianze di terre non sono tratte niuna de la charta, ma sonno tochate chon mano, et vegiute cholli occhi.”Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid., 40–46.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Parm. 1612; and Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. Sala del Prefetto 10, 29 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:64a). See alsoKretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 121–22.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ For example, Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. J 96 sup., now Sala del Prefetto 2, 39 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:42a), and cod. Sala del Prefetto 2, 38 (dated 1443) (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:63b). See alsoKretschmer, , Die italiensiche Portolane, 127–29; Almagià, Planisferi, 42, who listed further codices in Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.2121 (5694, signed and dated 1426), Florence, Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere “La Colombaria,” cod. 229 (signed and dated 1446), BAV, cod. Ross. 676 on paper (attributed); andCampbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” 421, 425, who noted that Giroldi's atlas of 1426 had enlarged views of the Adriatic and Aegean, reflecting their importance for Venetian commerce. Almagià, Planisferi, 42, stated that Giroldi made a portolan chart in 1422 now in the BN in Paris; Campbell, in his “Census of Pre-Sixteenth Century Portolan Charts,” lists Paris, BN, Dépt. des Cartes et Plans C.5088 (no. 18), and New York, Hispanic Society, cod. K.4 (no. 147) as conserving a Giroldi portolan chart of the Mediterranean from 1422. In addition to the two codices in the Iter (Campbell nos. 87, 88) and the three codices listed by Almagià (Campbell nos. 63, 116, 156), Campbell adds Chicago, Newberry Library, cod. Smith, Ayer Coll. 2 (no. 138, an atlas of six charts that may be Giroldi); BL, cod. Add. 18665 (no. 46, an atlas of five charts that may be Giroldi); and BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 9105 (no. 158, an atlas of three charts that may be Giroldi).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Campbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” 390–92; Urness, Carol Louise, Portolan Charts (Minneapolis, 1999), 8; andAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 30.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ On the codices, seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:64a, 6:75a. For Vesconte Maggiolo/de Maiollo di Genoa, seeKretschmer, , Die italienischen Portolane, 39 (who refers to an atlas produced at Genoa on 19 July 1548, Florence, BN, cod. Banco Rari 196); Almagià, Planisferi, 54 (who refers to a portolan chart from 1527 once in the Bibl. Ambrosiana); Wagner, Henry R., “The Manuscript Atlases of Battista Agnese,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 25 (1931): 10, 27 (who refers to an atlas in BL, cod. Egerton 2803 and infers that Battista Agnese may have used maps of Vesconte Maggiolo in drafting his own); Campbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” 434 (who notes that the Genoese government had to pay Maggiolo a significant annuity in order to convince him to leave Naples around 1518); andAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 14, 80–88, 145 (who highlights the paradox that Vesconte was the most up-to-date cartographer of the sixteenth century and yet went through long periods of stasis or even reversion to using outdated models). The first portolan maker identified by name, who worked from 1311 on, was a Pietro Vesconte; see ibid., 406–7.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. Sala Prefetto II, 37, attributed to J. Olives; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:63b. On the Catalan school and the Olives/Oliva/Ollive family, see, e.g., Almagià, , Planisferi, 74; Howse, and Sanderson, , The Sea Chart, 18–19, 44–45; andAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 77–79, 113–14, 122–27, 130–31, 136–38. Jaume began work in his birthplace of Mallorca sometime before 1550 and then moved to Marseilles, Messina, Naples, back to Marseilles, and finally Barcelona, completing his last known chart and atlas in 1571–72. A grandson, Joan Riczo Oliva, worked in Naples and Messina and probably added the surname Rizco to distinguish himself from a contemporary Joan Oliva, who worked stably in Italy from 1580 to 1599 and then spent the years from 1601 to 1615 traveling the Mediterranean on board vessels and earning his keep by making portolan charts before settling again in Livorno in 1618. Between 1538 and 1673, there are portolan charts signed by no fewer than 13 different members of the family.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Ricc. 3615, a parchment manuscript from the sixteenth century; and ibid., cod. Ricc. 3616, which has a sonnet in homage to Ghisolfi, the only form of identification on any of his atlases. SeeWagner, , “The Manuscript Atlases of Battista Agnese,” 45–46, 54; Kristeller, , Iter, 5:612b; andAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 41–42, 97–100. In addition to the Riccardiana codices, Wagner lists others in the John Carter Brown Library, the Huntington Library (cod. HM.28), the BN in Naples (cod. VIII.D.6), the BN in Paris (cod. Rés. Ge. FF. 14411), and the Bibl. de la la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística (Fondo Reservado). Astengo lists four further codices: Vienna cod. Lat. 12925, Genoa Univ. cod. G.V.32, Oxford Bodleian cod. Broxbourne 84.4 (R.1598), Chicago Newberry cod. Novacco 6.C.1. In inquiring why an accomplished cartographer like Ghisolfi did not sign any of his atlases, Astengo came to the conclusion that it is a mystery. He rejects the possibility that the atlases were pirated copies of Agnese because prestigious families like the Medici and Doria purchased them. By way of comparison, Battista Agnese signed his atlases approximately 30% of the time, while Vesconte Maggiolo signed over 90% of the time.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Library, cod. Bell 1424/mPi. (formerly Phillipps 25924); seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:274b. See, e.g., Cortesão, Armando, “The North Atlantic Nautical Chart of 1424,” Imago Mundi 10 (1953): 1–13; andCampbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” 411, 421, 445.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Library, cod. Bell 1489/mCa; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:275a. Albino da Canepa also produced a portolan chart in 1480 that is conserved in Rome at the Società Geografica Italiana. Prior to 1500, he was the only Genoese portolan maker to work solely in his hometown. SeeCampbell, , “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” 438. According toAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 80, the difficulties of the market in Genoa in the fifteenth century may have led the government in the sixteenth century to create a monopoly in private hands. See alsoUrness, , Portolan Charts, 9–22, who treats the charts of Zuane Pizigano (1424), Pietro Roselli (1466), and Albino da Canepa (1489).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Library, cod. Bell 1600/Vi; seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:275b. For a summary history of the Bell Collection, seeUrness, Carol Louise, “Acquisitions in the James Ford Bell Library,” in Out-of-Print and Special Collection Materials: Acquisition and Purchasing Options, ed. Overmier, Judith A.(New York, 2002), 35–36.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Austin, Univ. of Texas Library, cod. HRC.52 (formerly Phillipps 966); and New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, cod. F.4, cod. F.11, cod. F.48. SeeKristeller, , Iter, 5:205b, 5:345b. Astengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, catalogs two Agnese atlases in the Pierpont Morgan collection: cod. M.506 and cod. M.507 (1547), and the library's online catalog adds cod. M.460 (online at:http://corsair.morganlibrary.org/msdescr/BBM0460.htm, accessed 4 May 2015). The prose portolan of Niccolò Stolfo from 1499 to 1500 is conserved in the Library of Congress in Washington, DC, and was acquired by the library from H. P. Kraus (call no. VK653. S76 1500 Med & Ren Mss Coll); seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:417b.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ The Arte de navegar that Martin Cortés wrote in 1551 included instructions for drawing portolan charts and was translated into English and published byEden, Richard as The Arte of Navigation (London, 1561). Cortés recommended the use of transparent or “carbon paper” to transfer the lines of the coast. See nowAlbacar, Martín Cortés, Breve compendio de la esfera y del arte de navegar, ed. Domingo, Mariano Cuesta(Madrid, 1990), cited byAstengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 30.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Doheny Acc. 6142 (sold at Christie's in 1988); seeKristeller, , Iter, 5:224b. For Maximilian, see, e.g., Walford, Weston S. and Way, Albert, “Examples of Mediaeval Seals,” Archaeological Journal 10 (1853): 145–47, 336–37; andSicking, Louis, Neptune and the Netherlands: State, Economy, and War at Sea in the Renaissance, History of Warfare 23 (Leiden, 2004).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ On Agnese manuscripts, see esp.Wagner, , “The Manuscript Atlases of Battista Agnese,” 1–110; Almagià, , Planisferi, 64–67, 71; Howse, and Sanderson, , The Sea Chart, 32–33; Kristeller, , Iter, 5:274a (Getty Ludwig XIII.15, given by Tommaso Campeggio to Paolo Giovio in 1541), 6:275a (Correr Donà dalle Rose 500), 6:520b (Kassel Quarto hist. 6 from 1542); Astengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 36–37, 91–97; andBuisseret, , The Mapmakers’ Quest (n. 41 above), 56, 109.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Astengo, , La cartografia nautica mediterranea, 12–24, 144–46. Using Campbell's census, Astengo calculates that around 180 portolans survive from 1300–1500, while, basing his estimate only on those now conserved in public institutions, he says that over 650 survive from 1500–1700.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Janni, , Il mare degli Antichi (n. 9 above), 331–43.Google Scholar

¹¹² On the codices, seeKristeller, , Iter, 2:244b, 2:249a, 4:234b, 5:353b, 6:263a–b; andBertalot, Ludwig and Jaitner-Hahner, Ursula, Initia humanistica Latina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1985–2004), 2 (Prosa), part 1:274 (no. 5038). Nicola Sagundino was born in 1402 at Chalcis in Euboea, served as an official translator at the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–39), and died at Rome in 1464 while on an embassy for Venice. To assist Sagundino in raising his six surviving children, the Venetian Senate voted him a donation in ducats, supplied dowries for his five daughters, and guaranteed Nicola and his only remaining son government employment. Just a few months later, Sagundino drew on his tragic experience to attempt to console Iacopo Antonio Marcello for the sudden death of his son, Valerio. See, e.g., Pertusi, Agostino, “L'umanesimo greco dalla fine del secolo XIV agli inizi del secolo XVI,” in Storia della cultura veneta (n. 2 above), part 1:213–15; King, Margaret L., Venetian Humanism (n. 2 above), 81–90, 427–29; and eadem, The Death of the Child Valerio Marcello (Chicago, 1994), 24–26, 187–88, 299. Sagundo's letter on the shipwreck was published in Giovanni Maria Lazzaroni, ed., Miscellanea di varie operette (Venice, 1740–44), 2:5–42.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Kristeller, , Iter, 3:286a–b; andTucci, , “La pratica della navigazione” (n. 38 above), 552–53, who cites the account preserved in Ramusio's compendium. A fifteenth-century copy is preserved in Florence, BN, cod. Panciatichiano 20, fols. 97–108; seeBartoli, Adolfo, I codici panciatichiani della R. Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Firenze, Indici e cataloghi 7 (Rome, 1887), 1:17–18. See nowQuerini, Pietro, de Michiele, Nicolò, and Fioravante, Cristofalo, Il naufragio della Querina: Veneziani nel circolo polare artico, ed. Nelli, Paolo, Transiti blu 6 (Rome, 2007).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, cod. 9/2532 (formerly Cortes 349); seeKristeller, , Iter, 4:510a.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. Y 119 sup.; seeKristeller, , Iter, 6:49a. Milan, Bibl. Trivulziana, cod. 725, is a late copy of the same work; see Porro, Giulio, Catalogo dei codici manoscritti della Trivulziana, Biblioteca storica italiana 2 (Turin, 1884), 156.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ See., e.g., Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Morosini-Grimani 311, fols. 303ff. (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:278b); and Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. P.D. 377c, fols. 177ff. (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:279b).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ See, e.g., Kristeller, , Iter, 2:207b, 6:250a (Venice Archivio Misc. Codd., Ser. I, Storia veneta 136, formerly Misc. 798), 2:279a (Venice Querini-Stampalia IV.105), 5:476a (Bergamo MM.609, formerly Sigma VIII.25), 6:266b (Correr Cicogna 1024), 2:288a, 6:273b (Correr Correr 1394), 6:275a (Correr Donà dalle Rose 86), 2:290a, 6:276a (Correr Malvezzi 142, 143, 144, 148), 6:278b (Correr Morosini-Grimani 311), 6:279a (Correr P.D. 97c), 6:279b (Correr P.D. 233c), 6:280b (Correr P.D. 776c), 6:282b (Correr P.D. 399c fasc. 7, 9, 10), 6:285a (Venice Giustiniani Recanati IV.193, IV.243), 6:285b (Venice Giustiniani Recanati IV.416 missing). For the published versions, seeSabbadino, Cristoforo, Discorsi sopra la Laguna, ed. Cessi, Roberto, Antichi scrittori d'idraulica veneta 2, no. 1 (Venice, 1930); andCornaro, Alvise and Sabbadino, Cristoforo, Scritture sopra la Laguna, ed. Cessi, Roberto, Antichi scrittori d'idraulica veneta 2, no. 2 (Venice, 1941). On Cornaro's career, see, e.g., Menegazzo, Emilio, “Alvise Cornaro: Un Veneziano del Cinquecento nella terraferma Paduana,” in Storia della cultura veneta 3, part 2:513–38; andGullino, Giuseppe, DBI, 29:142–46.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VII.2296 (7383), fols. 40v–56v (Kristeller, , Iter, 2:271a, 6:265b); and Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Morosini-Grimani 311, fols. 231–268v (“sopra l'aere”), 269–302v (“sopra la Laguna”) (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:278b). Motivated by an extraordinary acqua alta in 1559, Marini first wrote a treatise on the salubrious quality of Venice's air and then treated the lagoon itself. From his medical perspectives, Marini saw the lagoon as an organism kept healthy by the tidal flow of water as its lifeblood, and he opposed efforts to reclaim land that would adversely affect that flow. For his career and further manuscripts with both treatises, seeMandelli, Vittorio, DBI, 70:429–30.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Malvezzi 144 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:276a). Like Andrea Marini, Zorzi also published a speech on the quality of the air in Venice; Zorzi, , Dell'aria et sue qualità: Discorso … dove specialmente si scuopre quale egli si sia in Venetia (Venice, 1596).Google Scholar

¹²⁰ The works of Surian and Panusso are conserved together in Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Morosini-Grimani 311, fols. 65ff., 100ff. (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:278b).Google Scholar

¹²¹ Dialogo sopra la Laguna di Venezia, Venice, Bibl. Giustiniani-Recanati, cod. IV.200 (698) (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:286b).Google Scholar

¹²² Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. P.D. 250c (no. 84) (Iter, 6:279b); andCiriacono, Salvatore, Building on Water: Venice, Holland, and the Construction of the European Landscape in Early Modern Times (Oxford, 2006), 130, 134–35.Google Scholar

¹²³ “Discorso in materia della Laguna,” Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Morosini-Grimani 311, fols. 30–64v (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:278b); treatise on the Laguna, with related documents, Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. P.D. 399c, fasc. 11 (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:282b); two anon. treatises on the Laguna di Venezia, Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. P.D. 492c, fols. 10–16v (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:279b); and various papers on the Laguna di Venezia, Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. P.D. 396c, vol. 2, fols. 162ff. (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:282a).Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Gar, , “I Codici storici della collezione Foscarini” (n. 22 above), 427–28 (nos. 478–85).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Girolamo Fracastoro (1476/78–1553) was born in Verona, befriended Giovanni Battista Ramusio and, beyond medicine, developed interests in geography, astronomy, botany, geology, psychology, spirituality, and aesthetics. See, e.g., Ongaro, Giuseppe, “La medicina nello Studio di Padua e nel Veneto,” in Storia della cultura veneta 3, part 3:112–18; and Peruzzi, Enrico, DBI, 49:543–48. For his proposals on the lagoon, see, e.g., Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. P.D. 233c (Treatises of C. Sabbadino, A. Corner, and G. Fracastoro copied by Leonardo Donà) (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:279b); ibid., cod. P.D. 399c, fasc. 10, “Trattato della Laguna de Vinetia per lo Ecc.te m. Hieronymo Fracastor in risposta ad uno altro de M. Alvise Corner” (Kristeller, , Iter, 6:282b); ibid., cod. Correr 2350; ibid. cod. Correr 2543; and Venice, BN Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VII.2296 (7383), fols. 35–40 (Kristeller, , Iter, 2:271a, 6:265b).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ See, e.g., Modoni, Gian Albino Ravalli, “Scrittori tecnici di problemi lagunari,” in Mostra storica della laguna veneta (Venice, 1970), 169–74; Mazza, Barbara, “Politica lagunare di Venezia nel Cinquecento e interventi sul territorio: Note di cartografia,” in Architettura e Utopia nella Venezia del Cinquecento, ed. Puppi, Lionello(Milan, 1980), 130–43; Ciriacono, Salvatore, “Scrittori d'idraulica e politica delle acque,” in Storia della cultura veneta 3, part 2:491–512; Tafuri, Manfredo, “Alvise Cornaro, Palladio, e Leonardo Donà: Un dibattito sul Bacino marciano,” in Palladio e Venezia, ed. Puppi, Lionello(Florence, 1982), 9–14; andBellavitis, Giorgio and Romanelli, Giandomenico, Venezia, Le città nella storia d'Italia (Bari, 1985), 91–94.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Austin, Univ. of Texas Library, cod. Phillipps 12622. SeeKristeller, , Iter, 5:209b–10a; and “Ranuzzi Family: A Preliminary Inventory of Their Manuscripts at the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center,” available online athttp://norman.hrc.utexas.edu/fasearch/findingAid.cfm?eadid=00254p1&kw=Ranuzzi, accessed 1 May 2015. For Gambarini's career at Bologna, seeLines, David, “Natural Philosophy in Renaissance Italy: The University of Bologna and the Beginnings of Specialization,” Early Science and Medicine 6, no. 4 (2001): 315. In general, seeDrake, Stillman and Rose, Paul Lawrence, “The Pseudo-Aristotelian Questions of Mechanics in Renaissance Culture,” Studies in the Renaissance 18 (1971): 65–104; Grendler, Marcella, “A Greek Collection” (n. 42 above), 402–5; andConcina, , Navis (n. 11 above), 165–79.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ BL, cod. Sloane 909, has excerpts from Achille Tarducci da Corinaldo dellad'Ancona, Marca, Discorsi delle machine, ordinanze, et quartieri antichi et moderni, 1601. See Scott, Edward J. L., Index to the Sloane Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1904), 522; andKristeller, , Iter, 4:58b. The editio princeps of Tarducci's work, whose fuller title is Delle machine, ordinanze, et quartieri antichi et moderni. Come quelli da questi possino essere imitati senza punto alterare la soldatesca dei nostri tempi. Discorsi d'Achille Tarducci da Corinaldo della Marca d'Ancona, was published at Venice by Giovanni Battista Ciotti Sanese all'Aurora in 1601. On Tarducci's career, see, e.g., Promis, Carlo, “Gli ingegneri militari della Marca d'Ancona che operarono e scrissero dall'anno MDL all'anno MDCL,” Miscellanea di storia italiana edita per cura della Regia Deputazione di Storia Patria 6 (1865): 296–308; andAnglo, Sydney, Machiavelli — The First Century: Studies in Enthusiasm, Hostility, and Irrelevance, Oxford-Warburg Studies (Oxford, 2005), 485–90. When a disease left Tarducci's hands crippled and incapable of wielding a sword, he decided to fight the Turks “in carte e libri.” Late in life, Tarducci drafted a work on mechanics entitled L'Ingegniero and sent it for illustration to Pompeo Floriani (Turin, BN, cod. N.II.4).Google Scholar

¹²⁹ SeeEltis, David, The Military Revolution in Sixteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1995), 57.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Tetti's Discorsi delle fortificazioni … are conserved as well in Valenciennes, Bibl. Municipale, cod. 368 (353). The editio princeps was published at Rome by Giulio Accolto in 1569, without Tetti's approval. A sanctioned, revised edition was published at Venice in 1575, and later editions appeared at Venice in 1588 and Vicenza in 1617. In the work, Tetti showed ill-concealed contempt for the natural and artificial defenses of Vienna by referring to the imperial city as a “border town.” See, e.g., Promis, Carlo, “Biografie di ingegneri militari italiani dal secolo XIV alla metà del XVIII,” Miscellanea di storia italiana edita per cura della Regia Deputazione di Storia Patria 14 (1874): 527–32; and de la Croix, Horst, “The Literature on Fortification in Renaissance Italy,” Technology and Culture 4, no. 1 (1963): 37–44.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Cod. 170/358 of the UCLA Young Research Library has Marco Bonino's sketchbook of engines, dated s. XVI–XVII. SeeKristeller, , Iter, 5:270a; and Ferrari, Mirella, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts at the University of California, Los Angeles, ed. Rouse, R. H., University of California Publications: Catalogs and Bibliographies 1–7 (Berkeley, 1978–91), 7:69–70.Google Scholar

¹³² Galluzzi, Paolo, Gli ingegneri del Rinascimento da Brunelleschi a Leonardo da Vinci (Florence, 1996), 11–85; and Long, , “Power, Patronage, and the Authorship of Ars” (n. 44 above), 13–16, 22, 26–30, with Taccola's self-characterization on 16. The exhibit for which Galluzzi wrote his catalog had sections on “Above and under Water,” 124–29, and “The Art of War,” 147–63.Google Scholar

¹³³ Gustina Scaglia prepared a facsimile edition of the Munich autograph supplemented by additional illustrations from the other codices; seeTaccola, Mariano, De machinis, ed. with an introduction byScaglia, Gustina, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1971). For a facsimile edition of Paris Lat. 7239, seeTaccola, , De rebus militaribus, ed. Knobloch, Eberhard, Saecula Spiritalia 11 (Baden-Baden, 1984). On Taccola manuscripts, see alsoRose, Paul Lawrence, “The Taccola Manuscripts,” Physis 10 (1968): 337–46; andKristeller, , Iter, 3:625a, 5:328b, 6:529a, 6:530a. For the earlier redaction of Taccola's work (ca. 1432–33), seePrager, Frank D. and Scaglia, Gustina, Mariano Taccola and His Book “De ingeneis” (Cambridge, MA, 1972), with discussion of the manuscripts, 25–33. On Taccola's exploring the feasibility of his ideas graphically, seeMcGee, David, “The Origins of Early Modern Machine Design,” in Picturing Machines, ed. Lefèvre, Wolfgang(n. 44 above), 73–82.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Paris, BN, cod. Ital. 353, fols. 173v–74. On the salvage effort at Venice in 1560, see also Keller, , “Archimedean Hydrostatic Theorems” (n. 61 above), 610–17.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Valturio served Pope Eugene IV and Sigismondo Malatesta, despot of Rimini. He completed his treatise around 1455 and sent copies to King Matthias Corvinus in Hungary, to Duke Francesco Sforza in Milan, and to King Louis XI of France. A manuscript copy sent by Sigismondo Malatesta to Sultan Mehmet II in 1461 was confiscated en route by vigilant Venetian agents, lest valuable military technology fall into Turkish hands. The palace library in Istanbul did acquire a copy of the printed edition of 1472, but that copy may have reached Istanbul after Süleyman the Magnificent took possession of the Bibl. Corviniana in 1526. The woodcuts to illustrate the printed text were perhaps made by Matteo de’ Pasti, the court sculptor who attempted to rebuild the church of San Francesco in Rimini according to the design of Leon Battista Alberti. See, e.g., Gábor Ágoston, , Guns for the Sultan: Military Power and the Weapons Industry in the Ottoman Empire, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilisation (Cambridge, 2005), 42–43; and Leng, Rainer, “Selektion und Missverständnise: Rezeption antiker Kriegstechnik im späten Mittelalter,” in War in Words: Transformations of War from Antiquity to Clausewitz, ed. Formisano, Marco and Böhme, Hartmut, Transformationen der Antike 19 (Berlin, 2011), 340–50. On Renaissance efforts to realize ancient ideas for novel devices, see, e.g., Hale, J. R., “Gunpowder and the Renaissance: An Essay in the History of Ideas,” in Renaissance War Studies (London, 1983), 405–6.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Whitney, , “Paradise Restored” (n. 54 above).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Norman, Diana, “Astrology, Antiquity, and Empiricism: Art and Learning,” in Siena, Florence, and Padua: Art, Society, and Religion 1280–1400, ed. eadem (New Haven, 1995), 1:201–10; and eadem, “The Art of Knowledge: Two Artistic Schemes in Florence,” in ibid., 2:218–22, 228–31, 239–41.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Bruni, Leonardo, Leonardi Aretini viri doctissimi de bello Punico libri duo … (Augsburg, 1537), 18–20; and Pitassi, Michael, The Navies of Rome (Woodbridge, 2009), 57.Janni, , Il mare degli Antichi (n. 9 above), 284–88, argued that the corvus was not a purely Roman invention.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Piacentini, Scarcia, “La battaglia di Ponza” (n. 31 above), 666–92; and Sabia, Liliana Monti, ed., Kyriaci Anconitani Naumachia Regia (n. 32 above), 51–52, 56.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Pontani, , “Paralipomeni dei Turcica” (n. 43 above), 230, 306–8; and idem, “Per la biografia” (n. 43 above), 368–69.Google Scholar

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