¹ My discussion of this story, its probable origin and its widespread influence appears in Medievalia et Humanistica 10 (1956) 32–49. It is interesting to note that the tale does not occur in the earlier commentaries of ‘Dunchad’ and John the Scot. In the present article Dick, A. 's edition of Martianus (Leipzig 1925) has been used. References to the commentaries of John the Scot, ‘Dunchad,’ and Remigius will be made by giving the page and line that designate the relevant lemmata in Dick's edition. The text of John the Scot's commentary is that of Iohannis Scotti Annotationes in Marcianum (ed. Lutz, C. E. Cambridge 1939), the text of ‘Dunchad’ is that of Dunchad: Glossae in Martianum (ed. Lutz, C. E., Lancaster 1944), the text of Remigius is that of my unpublished edition of the commentary.Google Scholar

² Cf. Cicero, , De natura deorum 3.22. In post-Classical times it was repeated by Lactantius (Divinae institutiones 1.6.2; CSEL 19.19), Arnobius (Adversus nationes 4.14; CSEL 4.151–2), and Servius (Aen. 4.577 and 1.297). It is found as late as the sixteenth century. Cf. Cartari, V., Le Imagini de gli Dei de gli Antichi (Venice 1625) 240: ‘Cicerone, scrive, che Mercurio mostrò in Egitto le lettere, e le Leggi, e che ei fu nomato da quelle genti Thoit, overo Theut, come si legge appresso di Platone. Et altri hanno detto che, oltre alle lettere, fu ritrovata anco da Mercurio la musica, la geometria, e la palestra.’Google Scholar

³ This was the common account given by the encyclopedic writers. It is found as late as the eleventh century in Conrad of Hirsau. Cf. Conrad de Hirsau: Dialogus super Auctores, ed. Huygens, R. B. C. (Collection Latomus 17; Brussels 1955) 63–64: ‘Qui disciplinarum istarum fuerint inventores, calamo prosequere, ne quid nos lateat in personis, dum minus idonei sumus artis eorum consequende … rethorica disciplina a Grecis inventa est, a Gorgia Aristotele Ermagora … arithmetice primus inventor Pitagoras et Nichomarchus aput Grecos… geometria ab Egiptiis… reperta est. musica… cuius repertor Tubal teste Moyse fuit; Greci… dicunt Pitagoram hanc artem invenisse, alii Linum Thebeum et Amphionem et Orpheum. astronomiam vero primi Egiptii invenerunt.’ discoverers that had been made popular by Isidore.⁴ It is not reasonable to think that Remigius, who in his commentary was constantly cautioning his pupils against taking Martianus’ tales literally and pointing out for them the allegorical or poetic significance of the narrative,⁵ would accept at its face value any one of the versions of the invention of the arts. Actually, in discussing the origin of the arts he gives a philosophical explanation that would at once negate any account of an inventor. ‘The liberal arts,’ he says, ‘are naturally inherent in the soul and cannot be thought of as coming from elsewhere.’⁶ Google Scholar

⁴ Cf. Isidore, , Etym. 3.16.1 and 3.25.1. Speaking of the Carolingian writers, De Bruyne, E., Études d'esthétique médiévale (Bruges 1946) I 214, says: ‘Quant à la question de fait, certains ont repris la tradition classique de l'origine grecque des arts: ainsi, parmi d'autres, l'auteur anonyme du Cambridge song n. 37 (éd. Strecker, K.)… La plupart revendiquent les premiers brevets d'inventeurs pour les Hebreux.’Google Scholar

⁵ E.g. 59.7 ‘Mistice hoc dicit’; 42.19 ‘Hoc poetice dicit.’ Google Scholar

⁶ 171.10 ‘Quaeritur autem cur praedictae liberales artes passibiles qualitates non sunt. Ad quod respondendum quia disciplinae liberales insunt in anima nec aliunde venire intelliguntur.’ This is a nearly verbatim quotation from John the Scot's commentary ad loc. Google Scholar

⁷ Cf. Soliloquia 2.20.35 (PL 32.902). Cf. Gilson, E., Introduction à l'étude de saint Augustin (Paris 1931) 94–95: ‘Les expressions très précises dont il use vers 387–389 et la manière même dont il les rétractera plus tard nous inclinent à penser qu'Augustin admet d'abord de son sens authentiquement platonicien la doctrine de Platon.’Google Scholar

⁸ Cf. Retractations 1.4.8 (CSEL 36.24f.); cf. also 1.7(8).2 (CSEL 36.35): ‘In eo libro [sc. De quantitate animae (20.34)] illud, quod dixi, omnes artes animam secum adtulisse mihi videri nec aliud quicquam esse id, quod dicitur discere, quam reminisci et recordari, non sic accipiendum est, quasi ex hoc adprobetur animam vel in alio corpore vel alibi sive in corpore sive extra corpus aliquando vixisse et ea, quae interrogata respondet, cum hic non didicerit, in alia vita ante didicisse …’ An interesting comment on these passages occurs in the anonymous commentary on Boethius (which might be the work of Remigius) published by Silk, E. T., Saeculi noni auctoris in Boetii Consolationem philosophiae commentarius (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy 9; Rome 1935) 208: ‘Philosophi dixerunt animas caelestis naturae esse et antequam veniant ad corpora peritiam omnium artium habere; postquam vero corpora susceperint, eorum societate illas gravari nec vim suam posse exercere, nisi ea quae naturaliter scierant a magistro extrinsecus audita recordarentur. Quibus primo consensit beatus Augustinus asserens omnem scientiam animae naturaliter insitam. Sed iterum ostendit in libro Retractationum nihil ex se scire naturaliter neque dicere posse nisi Dei dono fuerit ei attributum.’Google Scholar

⁹ Cf. De Doctrina Christiana 2.38.56 (ed. Vogels, H. J. Florilegium patristicum 24 [Bonn 1930] 44): ‘Iamvero numeri disciplina cuilibet tardissimo clarum est quod non sit ab hominibus instituta, sed potius indagata atque inventa… Sive ergo in seipsis considerentur, sive ad figurarum aut ad sonorum aliarumve motionum leges numeri adhibeantur, incommutabiles regulas habent, neque ullo modo ab hominibus institutas, sed ingeniosiorum sagacitate compertas.’ Alcuin restates the theory thus: ‘Philosophi non fuerunt conditores harum artium, sed inventores. Nam creator omnium rerum condidit eas in naturis, sicut voluit, illi vero, qui sapientiores erant in mundo, inventores erant harum artium in naturis rerum… Sapientissimi hominum fuerunt, qui has artes in naturis rerum invenerunt’ (Ep. 148 [83 Migne; 99 Jaffé], ed. Dümmler, E. MGH Epist. 4.239.18–21, 28f). Hrabanus Maurus, De institutione clericorum 3.17 (ed. Knöpfler, A. [Munich 1900] 222; PL 107.394), has copied the Augustine passage.Google Scholar

¹⁰ 160.1 ‘Omnis igitur naturalis ars in humana natura posita et concreata est. Inde fit ut omnes homines naturaliter habeant naturales artes, sed quia poena primi hominis in animabus hominum obscurantur et in quandam profundam ignorantiam devolvuntur, nihil aliud agimus discendo nisi easdem artes quae in profundo memoriae repositae sunt in praesentiam intelligentiae revocamus, et cum aliis occupamur curis, nihil aliud agimus artes neglegendo nisi ipsas artes iterum dimittimus ut redeant ad id unde evocatae sunt. Cum ergo apparet rhetorica in animo alicuius hominis, non aliunde venit nisi a se ipso, id est de profunditate ipsa memoriae, et ad nullum alium redit nisi ad eandem eiusdem memoriae profunditatem.’ This is taken almost verbatim from the ‘Dunchad’ commentary, Glossae in Martianum 160.1 (p. 23). This rather curious combination of Plato's doctrine of reminiscence and the Christian doctrine of original sin occurs in other passages in Remigius e.g. 8.1: ‘Quamvis enim anima mole carnea praegravata et merito originalis peccati tenebris ignorantiae circumdata sit, habet tamen quandam recognitionem nec penitus amisit naturalem libertatem suam. concesso sibi speculo id est intelligentia, qua se ipsam recognoscat et caelestem suam velit requirere originem.’Google Scholar

¹¹ 160.1. ‘Philosophi dicunt omnibus hominibus accidere disciplinas. Quod si ita est ergo omnis homo rhetor vel dialecticus. Videmus tamen complures expertes esse rhetoricae et aliarum disciplinarum. Unde ergo verum est quod omni homini rhetorica accidat? Sed aliud est quod accidit secundum naturam, aliud secundum exercitium et experientiam. Ergo secundum naturam omni homini accidit disciplina, solis vero philosophis secundum exercitium et disciplinam.’ This section does not appear in ‘Dunchad.’ John the Scot (160.2) has a similar explanation: ‘Duobus modis consideratur rethorica in homine: primum quidem, in omni rationabili anima est, aliter enim rationabilis non potest esse, si omnibus liberalibus disciplinis caruerit. Secundo vero consideratur rethorica in homine secundum exercitationem. Eo autem modo non est universaliter omni rationabili anime sed omni sapienti et disciplinis exercitato.’ Google Scholar

¹² E.g. 168.19 ‘Rhetorica accidens est et in subiecto, id est in animo inseparabiliter.’ Google Scholar

¹³ Remigius (cf. supra n.6) has taken his remarks from John the Scot's commentary (171.10) : ‘Queritur autem cur praedictae liberales disciplinae passibiles qualitates non sunt. Haec ratio est quia liberales disciplinae naturaliter insunt in anima ut aliunde venire non intelligantur, et ideo animum non corrumpunt, sed ornant.’ In another passage, John repeats this idea (170.14): ‘Ipse disciplinae sola ipsa anima percipiuntur nec aliunde assumuntur, sed naturaliter in anima intelliguntur.’ He makes this the basis of differentiation between the liberal and the practical arts, as he continues: ‘Non sic ceterae artes quae imitatione quadam vel excogitatione humana fiunt, ut architectoria et caetere.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴ 210.2. Remigius is glossing Martianus’ phrase sub Iovialibus orsis which he explains ‘id est praeceptis vel regulis.’ Unfortunately Remigius did not follow through with this natural and attractive figure of the origin of the arts in God. More than two centuries later the celebrated Herrad, abbess of Landsberg, did carry on the idea; she created a charming pictorial representation of Philosophy and the Liberal Arts with the inscription: ‘Spiritus sanctus inventor est septem liberalium artium’ (Hortus Deliciarum ed. Keller, G. [Strasbourg 1879–99] Planche XI bis).Google Scholar

¹⁵ E.g. 78.15 ‘Pythagoras de Samo insula replicabat caelestes numeros quia ipse fuit inventor arithmeticae.’ 214.5 ‘Corax fuit quidam qui primus apud Siracusas rhetoricam repperit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶ The whole question of the varying schemes which ancient and medieval scholars devised for the classification of knowledge has been presented by Mari, J. étan in his book Problème de la classification des sciences d'Aristote à saint Thomas (Paris 1901). I follow his treatment of the earlier writers; he does not consider Remigius. In his notes on the text of Hugh of St. Victor's Epitome in Philosophiam (Traditio 11 [1955] 127–148), Baron, R. gives a good deal of valuable information on the classification of the arts both in Hugh and in other writers.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. Mariétan, , op. cit. 63 68.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cf. Mariétan, , op. cit. 72–113.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Cf. Augustine, , De doctrina Christiana 2.40.60 (p. 46 Vogels).Google Scholar

²⁰ Cf. Mariétan, , op. cit. 90–105.Google Scholar

²¹ Alcuin, , De grammatica (PL 101.853), where explaining the seven columns of the House of Wisdom in Proverbs 9.1, he says: ‘Tamen sapientia liberalium litterarum septem columnis confirmetur, nec aliter ad perfectam quemlibet deducit scientiam, nisi his septem columnis, vel etiam gradibus exaltetur.’Google Scholar

²² The material on grammar, for instance, is presented in dialogue form as a conversation between a young Frank, a young Saxon, and their master. For an evaluation of Alcuin's methods cf. Bolgar, R. R., The Classical Heritage and Its Beneficiaries (Cambridge 1954) 110–17.Google Scholar

²³ De praedestinatione 1.1 (PL 122.358).Google Scholar

²⁴ De divisione naturae 3.29 (PL 122.705): ‘Et est quidem prima πϱαϰτιϰή, activa, secunda φυσική, naturalis, tertia θεολογία quae de Deo disputat, quarta λογική, rationalis, quae ostendit, quibus regulis de unaquaque trium aliarum sophiae partium disputandum.’ Cf. Mariétan, op. cit. 120.Google Scholar

²⁵ loc. cit. ‘quarta edocet, diligenterque considerat, cui praedictarum sophiae partium narrationem historicam de conditione rerum adjungere debeat.’Google Scholar

²⁶ loc. cit. ‘altera, [investigat] rationes naturarum, sive in causis, sive in effectibus.’Google Scholar

²⁷ Super ierarchiam caelestem 2. 5 (PL 122.166): ‘naturalis scilicet scientiae omnium rerum, quae post Deum sunt.’Google Scholar

²⁸ op. cit. 1.3 (ibid. 139): ‘Ipsas autem sacras disciplinas διεξοδιϰάς nominat, hoc est pervias, quoniam intelligentibus eas perviae sunt et plenae, vel quoniam quaedam viae sunt, per quas ingredimur rerum scientiam.’Google Scholar

²⁹ De div. nat. 1.75 (PL 122.521): ‘Quid dicam de artibus, quas sapientes liberales appellant disciplinas, quae, dum in semetipsis per semetipsas plenae, integrae, immutabilesque permanent, moveri tamen dicuntur, quando rationabilis animi contuitum ad se quaerendas inveniendasque permovent, et ad se considerandas attrahant.’ In fact the soul may be eternal because of them. Cf. 1.44 (486): ‘Siquidem a philosophis veraciter quaesitum repertumque est, artes esse aeternas, et semper immutabiliter animae adhaerere, ita ut non quasi accidentia quaedam ipsius esse videantur, sed naturales virtutes actionesque, nullo modo ab ea recedentes, nec recedere valentes, nec aliunde venientes, sed naturaliter ei insitas, ita ut ambiguum sit, utrum ipsae aeternitatem ei praestant, quoniam aeternae sint, eique semper adhaereant, ut aeterna sit.’Google Scholar

³⁰ His definitions of the arts indicate their universal character. Cf. De div. nat. 1.27 (475): ‘Arithmetica est numerorum contemplationibus animi succumbentium rata intemerataque disciplina.’ Google Scholar

³¹ Super ierarch. cael. 2.5 (166): ‘Septem disciplinas, quas philosophi liberales appellant, intelligibilis contemplativae plenitudinis, qua Deus et creatura purissime cognoscitur, significationes esse astruit … Ut enim multae aquae ex diversis fontibus in unius fluminis alveum confluunt atque decurrunt, ita naturales et liberales disciplinae in una eademque internae contemplationis significatione adunatur quam summus fons totius sapientiae, qui est Christus, undique per diversas theologiae speculationes insinuat.’Google Scholar

³² Cf. De div. nat. 1.27 (474–5) and 5.4 (869–870). Google Scholar

³³ Cf. Annotationes in Marcianum 160.2 (quoted supra n. 11), 170.14 and 171.10 (quoted supra n. 13). Google Scholar

³⁴ For the most part the glosses are impersonal. Where Remigius does use the editorial first person, it is to refer to a point that he has already made, e.g. 69.1: ‘Notandum quod tria diximus genera purgationum; hic tangit quartum.’ In half a dozen instances he cites John the Scot; in many more places he says: ‘Quidam dicunt’. Google Scholar

³⁵ In neither John the Scot nor ‘Dunchad’ do I find any acknowledgement of borrowings from other commentators. The real extent of their borrowings will only become clear when the earlier commentaries are published. Google Scholar

³⁶ For exemple in the Annotationes in Marcianum at 151.10, elleboron is mistaken for a person. The gloss reads: ‘parem vim id est similem sectam, id est Carneades et Elleboron dividunt.’ In Remigius the same mistake is made. The gloss reads: ‘et elleboron subaudis gerat vim illi, subaudis Crypsippo. Hi duo philosophi logica specialiter usi sunt.’ At 34.18, Remigius, using John's story about the stone called heliotropios, says: ‘Hunc si quis cum herba eiusdem nominis miscuerit et congrua carmina dixerit, aliorum se visibus aufert.’Google Scholar

³⁷ E.g. 26.13 ‘Locus iste sicut male legitur ita male exponitur. Legendum namque est: iterum et octo residui scilicet vocantur, nam XX sunt selecti dii de quibus Varro plenissime disputat, beatus quoque Augustinus in libro VII de civitate Dei’ etc. John the Scot has: (26.15) ‘item et septem residui hoc est qui in disticho sunt praetermissi corrogantur venire.’ At 72.16 Remigius has: ‘Locus este corruptus scriptorum vitio est, et ideo a nonnullis prave expositus. Iohannes Scottus ita sentit’ etc.; at 3.12: ‘sub amore hoc secundum tenorem superiorum ad coniunctionem elementorum refendum est. Si vero, ut quidam volunt, hoc ad corporales nuptias transferre volueris, ita accipiendum est.’ Quidam is not John the Scot.Google Scholar

³⁸ E.g. 389.1 ‘Notandum quod Martianus quamvis in multis cum aliis auctoribus concordiam haberet, in multis tamen aliorum auctoritatem confundere suoque proprio usus fuisse nam secundum alios’ etc. Google Scholar

³⁹ In an unpublished commentary on Martianus attributed to Alexander Nequam (MS Trinity College, Cambridge 884), the author names Remigius on numerous occasions. Other, as yet unidentified, commentaries use Remigius’ comments freely. Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Remigius 216.4; inaddition to Cassiodorus (Inst. 2 praef. 4; p.91.15 Mynors) and Isidore (Etym. 1.1.2) a number of sources are given by Baron (cit. supra n. 16) 117 on line 356 (where read ‘Servius ad Aen. 5.705’); cf. ThLL 2.656.13ff. John the Scot also has this definition in his commentary (60.3). Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cassiodorus also stresses the idea of conformity to rules in his definition of disciplina: ‘ideo tali nomine nuncupantur, quia necessariae suas regulas servant’ (op. cit. 2.3.32; p. 131.13. Mynors). Google Scholar

⁴² 216.4; also 534.1. ‘Aliter cyclicae disciplinae dicuntur quia in similitudine virtutis, quia in semet ipsas redeunt, ideoque ars et disciplina virtutis nomine appellantur.’ Google Scholar

⁴³ 216.4 ‘Quippe sum ipsa Rhetorica, quam alii artem, virtutem alii dixere, alteri disciplinam.’ Cf. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 2.15.2. Google Scholar

⁴⁴ 216.5 ‘Plato enim dicit artem et disciplinam idem esse, nullam faciens vocabulorum differentiam et re vera haec tria, virtus scilicet ars et disciplina, unum sunt.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid. ‘Idem etiam Plato dicit artem esse in his rebus quae et aliter se habere possunt quam doceantur, disciplinam quae aliter se non habet quam docetur.’ Here Remigius seems to have been somewhat careless in using his sources. The corresponding gloss in ‘Dunchad’ reads: ‘Plato dicit artem esse in his quae et aliter se habere possunt quem doceantur, disciplinam quae aliter se non habent.’ Cassiodorus (Institutiones 2.3.20; 130.4 Mynors) and Isidore (Etym. 1.1.3) give both Plato and Aristotle credit for a similar statement. Cassiodorus adds the qualification: ‘But it is taken for granted that these definitions were applied to secular letters, for divine letters are incapable of being taken other than they are, since they possess the immovable authority of truth.’Google Scholar

⁴⁶ 60.1 ‘Inter artem et disciplinam hoc distat: Disciplina est cum discitur, ars, autem cum ad perfectionem animi habitus, id est intelligentiam, pervenerit.’ This is taken from John the Scot's commentary: (60.3) ‘Inter artem et disciplinam hoc interest, quod quando discitur, disciplina vocatur, quando perfecta in habitu mentis est, ars nuncupatur.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁷ 216.8 ‘fidenter me asserunt disciplinam.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁸ 216.7. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ He even uses the expression disciplinae artium (80.8) as Isidore (Etym. 3.71.4) had done. Cf. H.-I. Marrou, ‘“Doctrina” et “Disciplina”,’ Bulletin Du Cange 9 (1934) 9: ‘A l'example des Pères, les auteurs du moyen-âge continueront à grouper sous le nom d'Artes l'ensemble des sept sciences et à appeler, d'autre part, disciplinae même les arts du trivium.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁰ E.g. at 22.22 in glossing disciplinas, he says: ‘septem liberales artes dicit.’Google Scholar

⁵¹ Cf. Boissier, G., Étude sur la vie et les ouvrages de Varron M. T. (Paris 1861) 332–6.Google Scholar

⁵² Among a great many treatments of the ἐγκύκλιος παιδεία we may here mention: Norden, E., Die antike Kunstprosa II (Leipzig 1898) 670–79; Jaeger, W. Paideia, esp. III (tr. Highet, G.; New York 1944) 3f., 13; H.-I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique (Paris 1938) 211–75; Histoire de l'éducation dans l'Antiquité (Paris 1948) 244–5; Curtius, E. R., European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (New York 1953) 36–7.Google Scholar

⁵³ 471.9–18. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ 471.24–472.1 ‘Sed quoniam his mortalium rerum cura terrenorumque sollertia est nec cum aethere quicquam habent superisque conferre, non incongrue, si fastidio respuuntur, in senatu caelico reticebunt ab ipsa deinceps virgine explorandae discussius.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁵ 153.20 ‘quales sunt architectonica, medicina et ceterae quae magis in experientia quam in ratione constant.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Cf. West, A. F., Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools (New York 1916) 21 : ‘This limitation of the arts by Martianus is therefore based on their character as liberal studies, though the limitation to seven was not due to reverence for that number. His arts in the eyes of the Christian writers were unbaptized pagans, but the fact that they were seven did much towards securing them a Christian standing.’ Parker, H., ‘The Seven Liberal Arts,’ American Historical Review 5 (1890) 458, says of Martianus: ‘The Christians whom he despised became the rulers of Europe and felt no love for him or his book, but the numerus septenarius was a talisman which the boldest of them could not ignore.’Google Scholar

⁵⁷ For a treatment of these metaphors, cf. Th d'Alverny, M., ‘La Sagesse et ses sept Filles,’ Mélanges dédiés à la mémoire de Félix Grat (Paris 1946) 245–78.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ On the medieval trivium and quadrivium, one may note as expecially significant the following: Specht, F. A., Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland (Stuttgart 1885) 86 -149; Appuhn, A. Das Trivium und Quadrivium in Theorie und Praxis: Teil, I. Das Trivium (Erlangen 1900); Rajna, P. ‘Le denominazioni Trivium e Quadrivium,’ Studi Medievali, N.S. 1 (1928) 4–36; Paré, G. A Brunet, Tremblay, P. La Renaissance du XII^e siècle (Publications de l'Institut d’Études Médiévales d'Ottowa 3; 1933) 94–108; Durkheim, E. L'érolu'ion pédagogique en France (Paris 1938) 61–5, Lesne, E., Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France V: Les écoles (Lille 1940) 577–86.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ De arithmetica 1.1 : ‘Inter omnes priscae auctoritatis viros, qui Pythagora duce puriore mentis ratione viguerunt, constare manifestum est, haud quemquam in philosophiae disciplinis ad cumulum perfectionis evadere, nisi cui talis prudentiae nobilitas quodam quasi quadrivio vestigatur, quod recte intuentis sollertiam non latebit… Hoc igitur illud quadrivium est, quo his viandum sit, quibus excellentior animus a nobiscum procreatis sensibus ad intelligentiae certiora perducitur’ (ed. Friedlein, G. [Leipzig 1867] p. 7.21–26, 9.28–10.1; PL 63.1079, 1081).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Cf. Lesne, , op. cit. 579: ‘Toutefois l'usage n'est pas né encore à cette époque [the ninth century] d'appeler la première “trivium,” la seconde “quadrivium.” Ces termes n'entrent dans le langage courant qu’à partir du xi^e siècle.’ The detail furnished ibid. n. 2 takes no account of Remigius.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Cf. Cassiodorus, , Institutiones 2.3.21 (130.19 Mynors): ‘Mathematica, quam Latine possumus dicere “doctrinalem,” scientia est quae abstractam considerat quantitatem… Divisio mathematicae: arithmetica — musica — geometria — astronomia.’ Isidore (Etym. 3 praef.) and Hrabanus Maurus (De inst. cleric. 3.21; p. 230 Knöpfler) use Cassiodorus'information.Google Scholar

⁶² 44.20. Google Scholar

⁶³ 286.5 In his commentary on Martianus, John the Scot does not use the term quadrivium. In the Commentum Boetii de Trinitate attributed to him, the passage in Boethius’ Arithmetic is referred to: ‘Mathematica, id est doctrinalis scientia. Mathematica in quattuor constat artibus: arithmetica, musica, geometria, astronomia, sine quo quadruvio dicit alibi Boetius nulli unquam recte philosophandum’ (E. Rand, K., Johannes Scottus [Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters 1.2; 1906] 35). The close resemblance between the language of the Commentum and that of Remigius quoted supra at n. 62 (‘sine quo’ etc.) suggests an influence of the Commentum upon Remigius.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Cf. Rajna, P., op. cit. 8.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ 153.20 ‘Inter tres sorores, Grammaticam videlicet, Rhetoricam et ipsam Dialecticam.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁶ 155.14 ‘Nulla enim ars diffiniri potest sine dialectica.’ According to Dialectica herself, grammar is only a branch of dialectic. Cf. 151.16: ‘Brachium fuit dialecticae.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁷ 82.10 ‘Grammatica enim antiquior est aliis artibus, utpote ante omnes inventa, et per grammaticam de aliis disputatur artibus.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Speaking of arithmetic, he says: ‘Re vera enim sine grammatica nemo potest vel de carminibus vel de arithmetica disputare’ (83.22). Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Although he does not define his terms, he speaks, for instance, of terrena scientia (59.7) which may be an obstacle to the mind in its avance toward sapientia. ‘… quamdiu humanus animus terrena scientia, quae inflat, turgescit et praegravatur, nequaquam potest esse capax verae sapientiae.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁰ In explaining the ambiguous term trigarium (474.10), Remigius apparently considers it a kind of philosophical triad, for he equates it with trigeminam feminam and says: ‘Putant eam esse physicam, ethicam, et logicam.’ In a commentary on the Disticha Catonis which has been ascribed to Remigius, there is a statement about philosophy: ‘Phylosophia autem dividitur in tres partes, in physicam id est naturalem, in loicam id est in sermocinalem, in ethicam id est in moralem.’ It goes on to name the divisions of physica as astronomy, arithmetic, and music; loica is composed of grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic (A. Mancini, ‘Un Commento ignoto di Remy d'Auxerre ai Disticha Catonis,’ Rendiconti Accad. Lincei ⁵ 11 [1902] 180). In his commentary on Sedulius, Paschale carmen praef. 11f. ‘… quidquid mare nutrit edendum, /Quidquid terra creat, quidquid ad astra volat,’ Remigius glosses the third clause with the words ‘omnia genera avium’ and then adds: ‘Allegorice loquitur. Tres sunt species philosophiae, quas hic tangit: Ethica, Physica, Logica. Per mare intelligitur Ethica id est moralis (inmortalis ed.), quae de moribus hominum disputat; per terram Physica, quae de rerum omnium natura tractat; per astra Logica id est rationabilis, quae de divinis rebus narrat’ (ed. Huemer, J., CSEL 10.321). In the commentary on Martianus, speaking of scientia phisica (46.16) he explains: ‘quae disputat de naturis lapidum arborum herbarum animalium et omnium creaturarum.’Google Scholar

⁷¹ There are numerous references to the virtues as the bulwark of the soul against the vices. Cf. 7.18: ‘Per fasceam pectoralem quadriformis virtus accipitur, prudentia videlicet temperantia fortitudo et iustitia qua pectus, id est mens ubi est sedes sapientiae, ab omni vitiorum deformitate munitur.’ Google Scholar

⁷² Cf. Seneca, , Epistulae morales 88.1: ‘Quare liberalia studia dicta sint vides: quia homine libero digna sunt.’Google Scholar

⁷³ op. cit. 2 praef. 4 (91.5 Mynors) :‘Liber autem dictus est a libro.’Google Scholar

⁷⁴ 25.14: ‘Quae idcirco liberales dicuntur quia liberaliter fruge veritatis animam pascunt vel quod liberam et expeditam mentem a tumultibus saeculi requirunt.’ I find no statement comparable to this in John the Scot. Google Scholar

⁷⁵ 153.20 ‘Architectonica et medicina et ceterae quae magis in experientia quam in ratione constant.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁶ 79.11 ‘Postquam Mercurius ostenderat septem liberales artes, tunc demum et Philologia tradiderat septem mechanicas artes.’ Remigius does not name these arts. Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Cf. 42.19: ‘Hoc poetice dicit quia cum rediret Mercurius post exercitium luctationis vidit ilium Philologia dum colligeret flores. Per flores autem initia et rudimenta artium figurantur. Dum ergo flores colligeret, praelectis iam arbusculis quibusdam, eum vidit quia dum studium rationis in meditatione artium exercetur, tunc Mercurius, id est facundia sermonis, adipiscitur.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Cf. Introduction to Book I: ‘Cum ergo in sapiente haec duo convenerint, et acumen videlicet rationis et facundia sermonis, tunc quodam modo sociantur Mercurius et Philologia, tuncque promptissimum est ad scientiam VII liberalium artium posse accedere.’ John the Scot has the same idea (Annotationes p. 3.17–22). Again (60.3) Remigius speaks of the arts as coming from the spring of reason: ‘Facultas est uniuscuiusque rei possibilitas quod ex uno fonte rationis procedit multiformiter in species artium divisum est.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁹ 56.11: ‘Hucusque solius Mercurii peritia artium fuit, modo non eius tantum sed et Philologiae quae ei iungitur et ideo beantur artes quia studium additur naturali ingenio.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁰ 534.1 ‘Sic et artes propter difficultatem cyclicae vocantur quia perfecte et consummate vix umquam capiuntur. Nullus enim ad earum perceptionem perfectam attingit quae Grece catortoma dicitur.’ Google Scholar

⁸¹ 480.19: ‘Euridice interpretatur profunda intentio. Ipsa ars musica in suis profundissimis ationibus Euridice dicitur, cuius quasi maritus Orpheus dicitur, hoc est ὤϱιος φωνή, id est pulchra vox. Qui maritus si aliqua neglegentia artis virtutem perdiderit velut in quandam infernum profundae disciplinae descendit, de qua iterum artis regulas iuxta quas musicae voces disponuntur reducit. Sed dum voces corporeas et transitorias profundae artis intentioni comparat fugit iterum in profunditatem disciplinae ipsa intentio quoniam in vocibus apparere non potest, ac per hoc tristis remanet Orpheus, vocem musicam absque ratione retinens.’ This passage occurs also in Book VI of the Annotationes of John the Scot (480.19). Nevertheless I attribute it to Remigius. Elsewhere I expect to uphold the thesis that the last four books (those dealing with the quadrivium, pp. 131–221 Lutz) as they occur in the Annotationes are not the work of John the Scot but represent a condensation of Remigius’ comentary. Google Scholar

⁸² 364.14 ‘His enim nuptiis omnes contrariae potestates quae per Furias significari possunt resistere conantur. Vitiis namque contrariae virtutes sunt. Bene autem intelligere et bene exponere virtus est, auferre autem facundiam et intelligentiam magnum vitium est.’ Google Scholar

⁸³ E.g.9.10 ‘Sermo enim facundiae quamvis ex se ornatus et clarus sit, nisi tamen virtute sapientiae moderetur, vagus et pene nullius utilitatis deprehenditur’; 8.21 ‘Et bene Cyllenio virtus adhaerere dicitur quia sermo per se vagus et nullius utilitatis nisi virtute sibi adhaerente roboretur.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Introd. to I. This quotation from Cicero's De inventione 1.1 is given in a slightly different version in a later context (6.20) in John the Scot's commentary: ‘Eloquentia sine sapientia numquam profuit, sepe nocuit; sapientia vero absque eloquentia sepe profuit, numquam nocuit.’Google Scholar

⁸⁵ 44.20. Google Scholar

⁸⁶ 287.23 ‘Philosophia significat omnes artes.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁷ 57.14 ‘Per philosophiam, id est per amorem sapientiae.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁸ 287.23 ‘Philosophia veritatis intelligentia.’ For Remigius Philosophia is almost synonymous with studium rationis. Cf. 23.15 ‘Studium enim rationis humanae et de caelestibus et de terrenis, de ipsis abyssis et de profundissimis rerum naturis instando solet disputare.’ Remigius comments in the following way upon the draught which Philology swallows to acquire immortality (61.1): ‘Per hoc ergo sorbillandum totius creaturae scientia, et veritas artium accipitur quae Philologiae iam immortali et veritatem contemplanti monstratur.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁹ 83.15. Google Scholar

⁹⁰ 25.14 ‘Sapientes debent quidem facundiae et eloquentiae studium adhibere, plus tamen inquirendae veritati operam dare’; Introd. to Book I: ‘Philosophorum autem rerum veritatem subtili ratione investigare (est).’ Google Scholar

⁹¹ 25.23 ‘Prudentia saeculi per se mortalis et caduca est nisi studiis verae sapientiae immortalitatem consequatur.’ Google Scholar

⁹² E.g. 421.16 ‘Si est aliquis ignis in nostro pectore ubi est ara sapientiae et ubi immolamus sacrificium doctrinae vel si aliquid digne adhuc dicere possumus.’ Google Scholar

⁹³ 7. 10 ‘Ipsa est enim Sapientia, quae veram habet aeternitatem, unde et sine matre introducitur quia sine initio est et sine fine.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁴ 32.7. Cf. also 369.10 ‘Ideales formae tres sunt: Deus, materia informis, et forma, id est ideales formae. Hoc est exemplar quod sive mundum aeternum sive sapientiam sive artem vitam dicas idem est, et hoc est quod Iohannes in Evangelio vitam appellat dicens [1.3–4] “Quod factum est in ipso vita erat”.’ [The end of John 1.3 is joined to the beginning of 1.4 as was frequently done by the Ante-Nicene Fathers and as St. Augustine does in Tract. in Ioh. evang. 1.16–17.] Google Scholar

⁹⁵ 285.8 ‘Per sapientiam enim mundus creatus est et per sapientiam regitur.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁶ 285.12 ‘Sapientia enim mundum excedit et ipsa eum finit.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁷ 24.14 ‘Quo figmento innuitur quia ex mente summi Dei sapientia progenita est. “Ego,” inquit “ex ore altissimi prodivi”.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁸ 24.14 ‘Ostendit aeternam sapientiam non ex aliis substantiis sed ex substantia Dei principium Imbuisse.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Cf. 59.7 ‘Mistice hoc dicit quia quamdiu humanus animus terrena scientia, quae inflat, turgescit et praegravatur, nequaquam potest esse capax verae sapientiae quae ad caelos sublevat.’ St. Augustine treats of this difference in his De Trinitate 12.14.21 (PL 42.1007): ‘Habet enim et scientia modum suum bonum; si quod in ea inflat vel inflare assolet, aeternorum charitate vincatur, quae non inflat, sed ut scimus, aedificat.’ Cf. also 12.14.25 (ibid. 1012): ‘Si ergo haec est sapientiae et scientiae recta distinctio, ut ad sapientiam pertineat aeternarum rerum cognitio intellectualis; ad scientiam vero temporalium rerum cognitio rationalis: quid cui praeponendum sive postponendum sit, non est difficile judicare.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Cf. 59.10 ‘Hoc significat quia una sapientia apud innumeras gentes multa volumina diversis linguis speciebus et materia operatur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ 7.3 ‘Secundum fabulam Pallas vocatur a Pallante gigante quem fertur interfecisse iuxta paludem Tritoniam. Quod ideo fingitur quia sapientia stultitiam interficit iacentem in luto miserabilis ignorantiae.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰² 50.17 ‘Perseus autem in figura virtutis ponitur qui Gorgonam cum adiutorio Minervae occidit quia virtus auxilio sapientiae omnes terrores vincit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰³ 6.21 ‘Sapientia enim mater et nutrix virtutum est.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ 17.8 ‘Anima enim merito primae praevaricationis prona semper fertur ad vitia nisi rationis et sapientiae studiis erudiatur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ 63.6 ‘Sapientia omnem turpitudinem expellit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ 25.2 ‘Cum enim humana ratio quae significatur per Philologiam studet summam invenire sapientiam ex tali labore, ipsa quodam modo Sapientia conlaetatur et tale studium acceptissimum habet.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ 57.14 ‘Nemo enim caelum potest conscendere nisi per philosophiam, id est per amorem sapientiae.’ This is a paraphrase of John the Scot's ‘Nemo intrat in celum nisi per philosophiam’ (Annotationes 57.15). Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ 62.13 ‘His duabus rebus, cura et vigilia, adquiritur sapientia.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Coulton, G. G., Studies in Medieval Thought (New York 1940) 68.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Among recent works that give a bibliography of the works of Remigius we may mention: Neuss, W., ‘Remigius,’ LThK 8.815; M. de Marco, ‘Remigii inedita,’ Aevum 26 (1952) 495; Fr. Stegmüller, Repertorium biblicum medii aevii V (Madrid 1950) 64–81.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ These commentaries, it seems, played an important part in furnishing material for the familiar medieval Accessus ad auctores. Cf. Huygens, R. B. C., Accessus ad auctores (Collection Latomus 15; Brussels 1954) 5 n.1: ‘Je crois bien que les origines sont à rechercher dans des sources plus anciennes, dans lesquelles ont déjà puisé les commentateurs romains: Remi d'Auxerre, le maître du moyen âge, en a été l'intermédiaire et en adaptant les données de Servius dans ses commentaires, il a montré l'example aux temps postérieurs.’Google Scholar

¹¹² We know that some of Remigius’ pupils and, in turn, their pupils distinguished themselves in scholarly pursuits. These include Odo, abbot of Cluny, Abbo, scholasticus of Fleury, Hildeboldus, Hucbald of Liège, Séulfe, and Blidulfus. No doubt through them Remigius’ ideas on education and the arts were passed on. One finds some direct quotations and many unacknowledged borrowings from Remigius’ commentary in a number of works, including Mythographus III, Notker's Old High German translation of Martianus, the De harmonice institutione of Regino of Prüm, the introduction to the first Latin translation of the Almagest, Baudri de Bourgueil's long poem on the seven liberal arts (No. 196 Abrahams), and several unidentified commentaries on Martianus. Google Scholar

¹¹³ The quotation is from an unpublished paper of Hunt, R.W., The Framework of Knowledge in the Twelfth Century . which the author has kindly allowed me to read. Not yet available to me is Baron, R., ‘L'influence de Hugues de Saint-Victor,’ Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 22 (1955) 56–71.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Hugo de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon 3.5 (ed. Buttimer, C. H., Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin 10; Washington 1939).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ 2.20 ‘Sicut aliae septem liberales appellatae sunt, vel quia liberos, id est, expeditos et exercitatos animos requirunt, quia subtiliter de rerum causis disputant, vel quia liberi tantum antiquitus, id est, nobiles, in eis studere consueverant, plebei vero et ignorabilium filii in mechanicis propter peritiam operandi.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ 1.4 ‘Philosophiam esse amorem et studium sapientiae.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ 1.2 ‘Pulchre quidem inquisitores veritatis non sapientes sed amatores sapientiae vocat.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ 1.1 ‘Omnium expetendorum prima est sapientia, in qua perfecti boni forma consistit.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ 1.1 ‘Summum igitur in vita solamen est studium sapientiae, quam qui invenit felix est, et qui possidet beatus.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁰ In the Appendix I have noted the influence of Remigius’ work upon several others of the famous twelfth-century scholars. Google Scholar

¹ Cf. Boutemy, A., ‘Une version médiévale inconnue de la légende d'Orphée,’ Hommages à Joseph Bidez et à Franz Cumont (Collection Latomus 2; Brussels 1949) 43–70.Google Scholar

² Cf.B. Peyron,⁴ Note di storia letteraria del secolo XVI,’ Atti Accad. Torino 19 (1883–4) 749. Google Scholar

³ Didascalicon 2.20.Google Scholar

⁴ Thierry was probably writing his work about 1150. It has not been published, but A. Clerval, Les écoles de Chartres au moyen âge du v^e au xvi^e siècle (Chartres 1895) 221, gives a French translation of Thierry's introduction. ‘Le manuel de Sept arts libéraux est appellé par les Grecs Eptateuchon; Marcus Varron l'a composé le premier chez les Latins, après lui Pline, ensuite Martianus Capella; ils l'ont tiré de leur fonds. Pour nous, nous avons disposé avec soin et ordre, en un seul coprs, non pas nos œuvres, mais celles des principaux docteurs sur les arts, et nous avons unis et comme mariés ensemble le Trivium et le Quadrivium, pour l'accroissement de la noble tribu des philosophes. Les poètes grecs et latins affirment en effet que la philologie s'est fiancée solennellement à Mercure, avec tout le cortège de l'hyménée, le concert d'Apollon et des Muses, et l'intervention des Sept arts, comme si rien ne pouvait se faire sans eux. Et ce n'est pas sans motif.’ Google Scholar

⁵ This passage in the original Latin appears in Clerval, A., ‘L'enseignement des arts libéraux à Chartres et à Paris dans la première moitié du xii^e siècle d'après l’ Heptateuchon de Thierry de Chartres,’ Congrès scientifique international des catholiques (Paris 1888), II 283.Google Scholar

⁶ PL 172.41–43. For the faulty attribution there given to Honorius of Autun, see, e.g., Poole, R. L., Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought and Learning (rev. ed. London 1920) 294 f. For a similar use by Remigius of the same passage in Cicero, see supra at n. 84.Google Scholar

⁷ There are many instances of John's use of Remigius’ commentary. With reference to the arts, I might note the following. On the oldest of the arts, cf. Metalogicon 1.13 (ed. Webb, C. C. J. Oxford 1929, p. 31): ‘Est enim Grammatica scientia recte loquendi scribendique et origo omnium liberalium disciplinarum. Eadum quoque est totius philosophie cunabulum.’ On the trivium and the quadrivium cf. Metalogicon 1.12 (p. 30): ‘Sed cum artium multa sint genera, ingenio philosophantis animi prime omnium liberales occurrunt. Hi quidem omnes, aut Trivii aut Quadrivii ratione clauduntur… Neque enim doctore egebant in aperiendis libris aut questionibus dissoluendis hi, quibus aut ratio Trivii omnium vim sermonum aut Quadruvii lex totius nature secreta exponebat.’ Also Policraticus 2.10 (ed. Webb, C. C. J., Oxford 1909, p.109): ‘In his quattuor speciebus mathesis, id est, doctrinalis tota consistit, et quasi quattuor philosophiae limitibus mundanae sapientiae perfectionem assequitur.’ On the explanation for the name liberales cf. Metalogicon 1.12 (p. 31): ‘Unde sicut dicte sunt, eo quod artant regulis et preceptis, vel a virtute, que Grece ares dicitur, et animos roborat ad percipiendas vias sapientie… Sic et liberales dicte sunt ad hoc quod querunt hominis libertatem, ut curis liber sapientie vacet, et sepissime liberant a curis his, quarum participium sapientia non admittit.’Google Scholar

⁸ Metalogicon 1.1 (p. 7).Google Scholar