¹ See Bekker-Nielsen, , ‘En norrøn adventsprædiken,’ Maal og Minne (1959) 48–52; ‘Caesarius af Aries som kilde til norrøne homilier,’ Opuscula 2.1, Bibliotheca Arnamagnæana 25.1 (Copenhagen 1961) 10–16; ‘Caesarius and Stjórn,’ in Saga og Språk (Hollander festschrift, Lee M.), ed. Weinstock, John M. (Austin 1972) 39–44.Google Scholar

² See Sancti Caesarii episcopi Arelatensis opera omnia ed. Morin, G. I (Maredsous 1937–42); ed. 2 (CCL 103–104; Turnhout 1953) XIV: ‘… fit, ut haud minus cxxxvii sermones ad Nostrum [Caesarium] pertineant, ex iis qui olim s. Augustini nomine temere inscripti erant.’ Cf. Borella, P., ‘Dom Germano Morin o.s.b. (1861–1946)’ Ephemerides liturgicae 61 (1947) 60ff.Google Scholar

³ ‘Caesarius and Stjórn’ 40.Google Scholar

⁴ Postola Sögur, ed. Unger, C. R. (Christiania 1874) 849/12–14.Google Scholar

⁵ Grímr's use of Comestor's Historia scholastica and Vincent's Speculum historiale has been carefully documented by Johannessen, Ole-Jörgen (‘Litt om kildene til Jóns saga baptista II,’ in Jacobsen, Bent Chr. et al., ed., Opuscula septentrionalia. Festskrift til Ole Widding, published simultaneously as Opuscula 2.2, Bibliotheca Arnamagnæana 25.2 [1977] 100–15). A promised supplementary study of Grímr's sources by the same author has not yet appeared.Google Scholar

⁶ Ed. Paoli, Sebastian (Venice 1750), repr. PL 52.183–680.Google Scholar

⁷ Chrysologus' works were regularly ascribed to a sanctus Severianus episcopus (occasionally identified as Severian of Gabala) before the compilation of Felix's collection, and many of his sermons continued to circulate under the name of Severian until the very end of the Middle Ages (see Olivar, Alejandro, Los sermónes de San Pedro Crisólogo [Montserrat 1962] 9–41; idem, ed., Petri Chrysologi collectio sermonum, CCL 24–24c [1975–78], pars I [24] ixff.). On mistaken attributions of sermons by Chrysologus to Augustine et al. , see de Bruyne, D., ‘Nouveaux Sermons de Saint Pierre Chrysologue,’ Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1928), 362–68; Koch, H., ‘Petrus Chrysologus,’ RE (Petrus' no. 122) 1364ff.; Förster, Max, ‘Altenglisches Predigtquellen II.6: Petrus Chrysologus und die 14. Blickling Homily,’ Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 122 (1909) 246ff.; Olivar, Alejandro, ‘Deux sermons restitués à saint Pierre Chrysologue,’ Revue Benedictine 59 (1949) 114–36; idem, ‘San Pedro Crisologo y la solemnidad “In medio Pentecostes” (un sermón restitúdo al Crisólogo),’ Ephemerides liturgicae 63 (1949) 389–99; idem, ‘Der heilige Petrus Chrysologus als Verfasser der pseudo-augustinischen Predigten Mai 30, 31 und 99 (§§2–3),’ in Fischer, B. and Fiala, V., edd., Colligere Fragmenta: Festschrift Alban Dold (Beuron 1952) 113–23; idem, ‘Clavis Sancti Petri Chrysologi,’ Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954) 327–42; idem, Los Sermónes de San Pedro Crisologo, passim. Google Scholar

⁸ CCL 24b.782–88; PL 52.549b–552b. See Olivar, , Los Sermones 21, 189–95; Glorieux, P., Pour révaloriser Migne (Mélanges de science religieuse 9 Cahier supp.; Lille 1952) 36; Dekkers, E. and Gaar, A., Clavis Patrum Latinorum (Sacris Erudiri 3; 1961) 930, 227; PLS 3.153, 4.650. Chrysologus 127 is included in most of the early printed editions of Chrysostom's works: Paris 1538, II 1007–9; Basel 1547, II 1178–80; Venice 1549, II 252; Basel 1558, II 1190–92; Paris 1570, II 1031; Venice 1574, fols. 399^v–400^v; Paris 1581, II 1074; Antwerp 1614, II 482–83; cf. PL 52.40c and 182 n. ad loc. Olivar notes (Los Sermónes 192) that the sermon is very often anonymous in medieval sermon collections and suggests that the attribution of the text to Chrysostom may have been prompted by a simple misinterpretation of a title like ‘Sermo de sancto Iohanne’ (ibid. 193; cf. CCL 24b.780). Chrysologus 127 was included as item 71 of the pars aestiva for the Feast of the Decollation in the original version of PD. See Wiegand, Friedrich, Das Homiliarum Karls des Grossen (Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche I.2; 1897) 52; Grégoire, Réginald, Les Homéliaires du moyen âge: Inventaire et analyse des manuscrits (Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta: Series Maior, Fontes 6; Rome 1966) 103 (Grégoire here defends the attribution of the sermon to Chrysostom, but accepts Chrysologus as the author in his more recent study, Homéliaires liturgiques médiévaux [Biblioteca degli Studi Medievali 12; Spoleto 1980] 466). In some collections, Chrysologus 127 was used for the Nativity of John the Baptist, and Olivar adopts the title ‘De Natale Sancti Iohannis Baptistae’ in his edition.Google Scholar

⁹ See Olivar, , CCL 24b.780–81.Google Scholar

¹⁰ He observes (CCL 24b.780) that the text of the sermon in J in particular has been carefully filled out with readings from PD .Google Scholar

¹¹ See CCL 24b.780, 781.Google Scholar

¹² Cf., e.g., the following: Jóns s. b. 2 902/24 helgan guospiallz 902/25–26 fyrirrennari domandans, oddamaor Kristz oc manna, vattr drottins 902/29–31 pat sem var logmals, … pat sem var sioferoanna, oc alla retta reglu raskaoi hann oc neykoi. 903/2 i sinum grimleiksdrykk 903/5 pu fremr 903/12 oc lifanda 903/14 pinan 903/20 sva sem skirlifis elskari 903/20–21 pann sem 903/22 hitnaoi af logbrondum lostasemi 903/29 horo 903/29–30 umilldum syniz opolanlig milldi Chrysologus 127 782/12 var. (PL 52.549c) euangelii [sanctio] 782/13–14 var. praecursor iudicis, Christi metator, domini testis 783/17 var. quod legis, … quod morum, … quod disciplinae perdidit et confudit 783/21–22 var. in poculo crudelitatis (Olivar adopts the lectio difficilior — ingenti — from ed.) 783/26 var. facis 784/31 var. et uiuente 784/34 var. poena 784/41 add. ut amator castitatis 784/41 add. quem 784/42 add. facibus libidinis ardens 784/46 add. dura 784/46 var. impiis pietas iniustis non ferenda 903/32–33 Siam her, fyrir hvat Johannes fekk upokka, oc fyrir hvat Herodes varo reior. 903/33–34 veror sa hataor 904/5–6 oc tilfellit dvelr framkvæmo synoarinnar enn tekr eigi i brott viliann 904/10 meinsama menn 916/19 hofuo Johannis 916/19–20 sem meo roksamligri aminning hafoi aor bannat hordoms uhęfuna 916/30–31 hiroi framarr haufuoit at fa helldr enn leikinn at fremia 917/1 til pess er pat fekk braoina (cf. 917/3 til pess er hon fekk tafnit) 917/2–3 rautan bænarinnar 917/3–4 af beit hon hofuoit, enn let eptir styfoan bolinn 917/8 hatioleg gleoi 917/14 se engi ofdrykkia 917/17 snęoingi 917/20 dyro 785/2 var. Ecce unde Iohannes [offendit, ecce unde Herodes furit.] 785/49 add. Incurrit [odium] 785/54–56 var. Hinc peccandi differt facultatem, non aufert uoluntatem 785/58 var. nocentes 786/68 var. caput [Iohannis] 786/68 add. qui salutaria monita dabat incestui 786/73 add. Quaerit caput amputare, non saltare 787/76 add. usque dum capiat praedam 787/78 var. mugitum 787/78 add. abscidit caput, corpus reliquit truncum 787/82 var. laetitia 787/86 add. Absit ebrietas. 788/89 var. conuiuio 788/92 var. gloria Google Scholar

¹³ For instance, at 903/22–25 (‘… ok oknaoiz fyrir at … eim sem iafnan eru vanir at hafa frelsit‘; cf. 784/43 var., ’… et placere … fit libertas’) Grímr appears either to have had a slightly different Latin text, or to have valiantly endeavoured to make sense of a corrupt one. Similarly, the phrase skemtanin var glæpsamlegar hervíkinga geroir at 916/29–30 may owe its existence to a text containing the variant scelerum (for saeculorum) found in J. Grímr occasionally reworks passages completely (cf. 916/20–26, ‘oc af essi ohęfunni bar hollin a ser figuru ess villidyragaros, sem men etia dyrum til skemtanar … skemtuou ser nu vio dauoa spamanzins’; 786/68–69, ‘In arenam uertitur domus … fiunt de pransoribus expectatores’; 916/32–33, ‘dreifoi faxi um svira helldr en meyligu hári um meyligan hals meo marghattuoum hvekkingum’; 786/73–787/74, 'spargit iubas per [ceruicem] non capillos'). The phrase singularis fera (787/76, cf. Ps. 79.14), which Grímr does not translate at 916/35, appears to be recalled in a tautological rendering of a similar phrase a few lines later (787/78 noua belua, cf. 917/14 nýtt dýr oc fágætt dýr). The Latin offers no parallel for the conventional locution blindr at hugskotzaugunum at 903/21–22, but this is also very likely an independent addition. The only clear case of misinterpretation of the Latin original by Grímr would appear to be his rendering of effusio at 787/87 as blóosúthelling (917/14–15).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Fritzner, Johann, Ordbog over det gamle norske Sprog 2nd ed. Christiania 1886–96; repr. 1954) I 152. No additional examples of the form blauoast are cited in Finn Hødnebø's supplementary volume of Rettelser og Tillegg (Oslo 1972), or in the files for the Arnamagnæan Dictionary.Google Scholar

¹⁵ PL 95.1510a. See Grégoire, , Les Homéliaires du Moyen Âge 103, pars aestiva 72; Dekkers–Gaar, , Clavis Patrum 931 and 935n. This text was also used by Ælfric of Eynsham as a source for his sermon on the Decollation in his First Series of Catholic Homilies. See Smetana, Cyril, ‘Ælfric and the Early Medieval Homiliary,’ Traditio 15 (1959) 193.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Smetana, , ‘Paul the Deacon's Patristic Anthology,’ in Szarmach, P. E. and Huppé, B. F., edd., The Old English Homily and its Backgrounds (Albany 1978) 82.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. 82.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Ólsen, B. M., ed., Den Tredje og Fjærde Grammatiske Afhandling i Snorres Edda (Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Literatur [henceforth STUAGNL] 12; Copenhagen 1884) vi, xlii–xliv; Jónsson, Finnur, Den Oldnorske og Oldislandske Litteraturs Historie (Copenhagen 1920-23) II 924–25; Holtsmark, Anne, ‘Grammatisk litteratur,’ Kulturhistorisk Leksikon for Nordisk Middelalder (Copenhagen 1956–78) 5, 418. Ólsen follows Sveinbjörn Egilsson in dating the treatise ca. 1340–1350; Finnur Jónsson favours the second decade of the fourteenth century.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Jónsson, Finnur, op. cit. 924–25.Google Scholar

²⁰ STUAGNL 12, IV.22, 144/24–145/8. I reproduce Finnur Jónsson's transcription of the verse in Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning (Copenhagen 1908–15; repr. 1967–73) A–II 165,13. Cf. de Villa-Dei, Alexander, Doctrinale ed. Reichling, D., Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica 12 (Berlin 1893) 177/2627ff., ‘exponens homophesis est non nota per aeque / vel magis ignota….’ Google Scholar

²¹ STUAGNL 12, 289 n. 3.Google Scholar

²² I follow the reading of the second quatrain proposed by Ólsen (ibid. 290 n. 5) and Ernst Kock (Notationes Norroenae, Lunds Universitets Årsskrift, n.f. Avd. 1, 23 [1927] Nr. 7 § 1410) rather than that of Finnur Jónsson (Skjaldedigtning B–II 183). Kock compares the use of vátta for váttuou with the use of jaroask for jaroaoisk in another verse cited by the Fourth Grammarian (STUAGNL 12, IV.27, 151/4; Skjaldedigtning A–II, 167; B–II 185 st. 23).Google Scholar

²³ STUAGNL 12, 289 n. 3. Ólsen argues, moreover, that it is more likely that the verse arose from the ideas set forth in the prose passage than vice versa (290 n. 5): ‘Hvis vi ikke havde prosateksten, vilde versets indhold være os aldeles uforståeligt. Ingen uden selve forfatteren vilde have formået at göre os den kunstlede og forskruede tanke begribelig. Derfor er sikkert også verset og prosateksten af den samme mand. Indholdets dunkelhed er öjensynlig søgt, og verset er åbenbart fremkaldt ved den indledende prosaiske bemærkning.’ Google Scholar

²⁴ STUAGNL 12, 145/9–146/9.Google Scholar

²⁵ STUAGNL 12, 145n.Google Scholar

²⁶ See Sabatier, Pierre, ed., Bibliorum sacrorum Latinae versiones antiquae, seu Vetus Italica (Paris 1751) II 966.Google Scholar

²⁷ Braun, R., ed., Opera Quodvultdeo Carthaginensi episcopo tributa, CCL 60.241–50; PL 42.1117–30. Cf. Morin, Germain, ‘Pour une future edition de S. Quodvultdeus,’ Revue Bénédictine 31 (1914) 157; Glorieux, , Pour révaloriser Migne 31; Dekkers–Gaar, , Clavis Patrum 404; PLS 3.261.Google Scholar

²⁸ Quodvultdeus also includes among his list of ‘testimonies’ the pagan prophecies of Virgil (CCL 60.247/15.4.12–15) and the Erythraean Sibyl (248/16.2.6–63; cf. Augustine, , De civitate Dei 18.23 [CCL 48.613–614/23.1ff.]).Google Scholar

²⁹ This text comprises sections 11 to 17/2 of the original sermon (inc. ‘Vos inquam conuenio o Iudaei …,’ fin. ‘… ultra quaerere debeatis’; cf. CCL 60.241–50, PL 95.1470c–1475a). See Grégoire, , Les Homéliaires du moyen âge 78; Homéliaires liturgiques médiévaux 431. In the late redaction of PD printed in PL 95, the sermon is included among the homiliae de sanctis under the title ‘In Annuntiatione beatae Mariae vel potius in adventu Domini.’ (On the differences between this much-expanded version of PD and the original homiliary, see Smetana, , ‘Paul the Deacon's Patristic Anthology’ 87–88; cf. Barré, Henri, Les Homéliaires Carolingiens de l'École d'Auxerre [Studi e Testi 225; Rome 1962] 3–4.) Google Scholar

³⁰ The popular medieval Christmas play Ordo prophetarum developed directly from the liturgical use of the sermon. See Young, Karl, Ordo prophetarum (Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters 20; 1922) 2–15; idem, The Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford 1933; repr. 1951) II 126ff.; Thomas, Lucien-Paul, ‘Quatre systèmes de rubrication dramatique,’ Scriptorium 4 (1950) 109; Donovan, R. B., The Liturgical Drama in Medieval Spain (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies: Studies and Texts 4; 1958) 17. Cross, J. E. (‘Ælfric and the Early Medieval Homiliary — Objection and Contribution,’ Scripta minora Regiae Societatis Humaniorum Litterarum Lundensis [Studier utg. av Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet in Lund] 4 [1961–62] 14ff.) has argued that Ælfric made use of a version of Contra Judaeos in PD when composing the sermon ‘Nativitas Domini (De testimoniis prophetarum)’ in his Second Series of Catholic Homilies. See also idem, ‘Blickling Homily XIV and the Old English Martyrology on John the Baptist,’ Anglia 93 (1975), 153–54.Google Scholar

³¹ CCL 60.243–44 (13.5–8/15–29); PL 42.1124c–d; PL 95.1471d–1472a. Quodvultdeus draws, in turn, on Augustine, , De civitate Dei 18.32, CCL 47.623/32,5–8. The threefold interpretation of Habakkuk's two animals eventually became a commonplace: cf., e.g., pseudo-Haymo (Remigius of Auxerre? — Glorieux, , op. cit. 57), PL 117.188d; Rupert of Deutz, PL 168.629b; Cornelius a Lapide, , Commentarii in Sacram Scripturam (Paris 1865–68) VII 553–55.Google Scholar

³² PL 24.27a–b. Cf. Glossa Ordinaria , in Bibliorum sacrorum cum glossa ordinaria … tomus quartus (Lyon 1590) 14 (PL 113.1233b).Google Scholar

³³ Moralia 1.16.23, CCL 143.37/30–38. Cf., e.g., Augustine, , Enarrationes in Psalmos 126.11, CCL 40.1865/11.19–31; pseudo-Haymo (Remigius of Auxerre? — Glorieux, , op. cit. 57), PL 116.718d–719a; Hervé of Bourgdieu, PL 181.21b-d.Google Scholar

³⁴ Chavasse, A., ed., Sancti Leonis Magni … tractatus (CCL 138a.363/7–10).Google Scholar

³⁵ PD 1.102 (see Grégoire, , Les Homéliaires du moyen âge 91; Homéliaires liturgiques médiéuaux 448). The sermon also circulated in the popular homiliary of Alan of Farfa (see Grégoire, , Les Homéliaires 41, I.73, Dominica de passione).Google Scholar

³⁶ PL 116.341b; see Glorieux, , op. cit. 57.Google Scholar

³⁷ PL 191.419d. Cf., e.g., Bruno of Würzburg († 1045), PL 142.178c-d; Bruno the Carthusian († 1101), PL 152.816b–c; Gerhoch of Reichersberg († 1169), PL 193.1514c–1515a.Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf., e.g., Gregory, , Moralia 20.2.5 (CCL 143a.1005,2.5/50ff.; PL 76.137b–c), ‘Verba quippe sanctae praedicationis sicut pluuiam sustinemus, cum uera humilitate ariditatem nostri cordis agnoscimus, ut potu sanctae praedicationis irrigemur …’; Rabanus Maurus on Deut. 32.1–2 (PL 108.969a), ‘Eloquium legis Dei comparat pluviæ attritæ ac rori, quia germina spiritalium fructuum a fidelium cordibus expetit …’; Rabanus, , De universo 11.19, ‘De rore’ (PL 111.328d), ‘Stillæ autem roris Christi sancti prædicatores sunt, qui arva pectoris nostri inter mala vitæ præsentis, quasi inter tenebras siccæ noctis arentia, gratia supernæ largitatis perfundunt’; pseudo-Haymo (Remigius of Auxerre, see Glorieux, , op. cit. 57) on Isaiah 55.10–11 (PL 116.1005A), ‘Allegorice autem per imbrem possumus intelligere Evangelicam doctrinam, quæ a nubibus, id est ab apostolis, venit super corda arida terrenorum hominum, et suo rore fecundavit, ut fructus justitiæ et virtutum proferrent’; Distinctiones monasticae , ed. Pitra, J. B., Spicilegium Solesmense (Paris 1852–58) II 90–92, s.v. Ros: ‘Verbum Dei, gratia spiritualis, doctrina’; III 473/40ff., s.v. Imber: ‘Praedicatio, sacra doctrina, gratia spiritus’; III 482/21ff., s.v. Pluvia: 'sacra doctrina, Dei misericordia, gratia Dei.' On scriptural water imagery see, e.g., Cross, J. E., ‘The Metrical Epilogue to the Old English Version of Gregory's Cura Pastoralis,’ Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 70 (1969) 381–86. For some Old West Norse examples see, for instance, , Stjórn , ed. Unger, C. R. (1862) 30/9ff., ‘Fyrir pij sagdi hann at guo hafodi pa enn eigi regna latit yfir iordina. sem hann segdi sua opinberligarr. eigi ueitti uaarr herra ritninganna skyium pa enn læringar regn til at doggua ok endrlifga saalina …’ (cf. Augustine, , De Genesi contra Manichaeos 2.4 [PL 34.198cff.], ‘Quia et nunc viride agri Deus facit, sed pluendo super terram, id est, facit animas revirescere per verbum suum; sed de nubibus eas irrigat, id est de Scripturis Prophetarum et Apostolorum …’); Wisén, T., ed., Homiliu-bók (1872) 16/26–27, 112/20–28, 180/15–19 (= Indrebø, G., ed., Gamal norsk homiliebok [1931] 48/1–6), 197/35–198/2; Matheus s. postola I , ed. Unger, , Postola Sögur 805/20–21, doggr himneskrar milldi (cf. 821/30, 833/25; Mombritius, B., Sanctuarium [1910] II 262/50–51, imber gratiae caelestis); Dionysius s. , ed. Unger, , Heilagra Manna Sögur (1877) I 317/35, doggr heilags anda (cf. PL 106.45a, ros sancti Spiritus). I discuss the background of this type of imagery and cite further examples in my thesis, ‘Studies in the Prose Style of the Old Icelandic and Old Norwegian Homily Books’ (London 1983) 408–11, 435–45. Cf. Hallberg, P., ‘Imagery in Religious Old Norse Prose Literature: An Outline,’ Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi 102 (1987), 155–58.Google Scholar

³⁹ ‘Paul the Deacon's Patristic Anthology’ 75, 89.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ ‘Ælfric and the Early Medieval Homiliary’ 165–80.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See, e.g., Vrátný, Karel, ‘Enthält das Stockholmer Homilienbuch durchweg Übersetzungen?’ Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi 32 (1916) 37; Widding, Ole, ‘De norøne homiliebøgers prædiken på Stephansdag,’ Maal og Minne (1959) 44–45; Bekker-Nielsen, Hans, ‘Caesarius af Aries som kilde til norrøne homilier,’ 15; Kirby, Ian, Biblical Quotation in Old Icelandic–Norwegian Religious Literature (Stofnun Árna Magnússonar á Íslandi 9, 10; Reykjavík 1976–80) II 52, 62, 63–66 passim, 72.Google Scholar

⁴² ‘Two Notes on the Old Icelandic Physiologus Manuscript,’ Modern Language Notes 91 (1976) 505. See also Marchand, , ‘The Old Norwegian Christmas Homily and the Question of Irish Influence,’ Arv 36 (1975) 23–34.Google Scholar

⁴³ A ‘Symposium on the Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture’ held at the Eighteenth International Congress on Medieval Studies at Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, May 5–8, 1983, provided a forum for the first discussions of proposals to set up a corpus of sources for Old English texts. These and later discussions at a series of open meetings in Cambridge, Leeds, and London eventually led to the establishment of two complementary projects: the revision of Ogilvy's, J. D. A. Books Known to the English, 597–1066 (Mediaeval Academy of America Publications 76; Cambridge 1967), to be undertaken by Szarmach, P. E., Hill, T. D., and Mackay, T. W., and the more comprehensive Fontes Anglo-Saxonici project, co-ordinated by Clemoes, P. A. M., Hill, J. M., Scragg, D. G., and Lapidge, M. On the progress of both projects see Old English Newsletter 16/1 [Fall 1982], 22–24; 16/2 [Spring 1983], 12, 58–69; 17/1 [Fall 1983], 17–22; 17/2 [Spring 1984], 5, App. 35–44; 18/1 [Fall 1984], 21–23; 19/1 [Fall 1985], 22–25; 19/2 [Spring 1986], 17–20; 20/2 [Spring 1987], 10, 22–23.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Sb. Akad. Munich (1936, Hft 2; 1937, Hft 7), repr. in Lehmann, , Erforschung des Mittelalters (1959–62) V 275–429.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ This annotated index appeared in two parts: 1: Frakkland (Reykjavik 1954), 2: Ítalia (Reykjavik 1958).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See above, n. 43. On the very serious deficiencies of this work see the reviews by Bloomfield, M. W., Speculum 43 (1968) 529–30; Wallach, L., Journal of English and Germanic Philology 68 (1969) 156–61; Gneuss, H., Anglia 89 (1971) 129–34.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ When I first made this proposal at the Helsingør Saga Conference (see n. 48, below), Christopher Sanders of the Arnamagnæan Institute in Copenhagen tentatively suggested that since the Arnamagnæan Dictionary of Old Norse Prose has its own file of sources, a ‘Fontes Islandici’ project might best be undertaken in cooperation with the Dictionary. A provisional list of sources will be included in the first fascicle of the Arnamagnæan Dictionary.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ An earlier draft of this paper was read at the Sixth International Saga Conference, held in Helsingør, Denmark, July 27 – August 8, 1985. I am grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for giving me financial assistance to attend the conference.Google Scholar